archaeomap - Regione Siciliana
Transcripción
archaeomap - Regione Siciliana
ARCHAEOMAP Edited by S. Tusa & G. Brancato Achaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies Project Coordinator Sebastiano Tusa Project Manager and relation with EC Giacoma Brancato Directorate General for Research Directorate I - Enviroment Unit I 3 «Enviromental technologies and pollution prevention» Project officer Michel Chapuis Scientific Coordinator Mustafa El tayeb - Sebastiano Tusa Scientific Director Salvatore Alessandro Giannino Administrative and documentary management area Maria Concetta Dell'Aira Comunication area, Web area and Public Relations Office Salvatore Emma Archaeological area Nicolò Bruno Philippe Tisseyre Sustainable development area Manuel Bellafiore Roberto Morinilli Translations Monica Bove Graphic and pagination Vincenzo Cucchiara Carmelo Sebbio Photos Partners archives © Novembre 2009 All Right Reverved The ARCHAEOMAP coordination project has been funded by the European Commission under the "Scientific Support to Policy" Programme of the sixth EU Framework Programme for Research and Technological Development (contract n° 044376). Archaeomap : archaeological management policies. - Palermo : Regione siciliana, Assessorato dei beni culturali e dell'identità siciliana, Dipartimento dei beni culturali e dell'identità siciliana, 2011. ISBN 978-88-6164-166-2 1. Archeologia – Paesi mediterranei. 930.09822 CDD-22 SBN Pal0235339 CIP - Biblioteca centrale della Regione siciliana “Alberto Bombace” Table of contents Introduction by Sebastiano Tusa 07 Summaries 11 Chapter I The “ARCHAEOMAP” project 1.1 Chapter II Chapter IV Bibliography Archaeological Management Policies by Giacoma Brancato and Sebastiano Tusa The pilot sites 23 2.1 The sea of Egadi by Sebastiano Tusa 25 2.2 Villefranche-sur-Mer by Dominique Tailliez 41 2.3 La fachada maritima da Ampurias by Xavier Nieto 43 2.4 Sinis by Francesco Cubeddu, Sergio Frau and Mario Tozzi 71 2.5 L’épave de la Lomellina by Max Guerout 83 2.6 The Megalithic Temple Complex of Kordin III, Malta by Jonathan Borg 95 2.7 Pharos Island of Alexandria, Egypt by Alaa El-Din Mahrous Mahmoud 2.8 Applying a Conservation Prioritization approach to Submerged and Coastal Heritage Sites by Darren Andrew Fa,Geraldine Finlayson and Clive Finlayson 2.9 Chapter III 17 Tyre - South Lebanon by Assaad Seif in collaboration with Alexandre Sursock, Sami el-Masri and Imma Plana 101 107 117 The O.N.G. contribution to the diffussion of culture 131 3.1 The Bourbon Arsenal of Palermo by Pietro Maniscalco 133 3.2 Importanza della conservazione del patrimonio culturale e la diffusione delle informazioni by Rita Cedrini Guidelines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites 137 143 4.1 Sustainable development by Salvatore Giannino 145 4.2 Environmental Initial Analysis for underwater and coastal sites by Giacoma Brancato and Manuel Bellafiore 152 4.3 Indicators for Integrated coastal management (ICOM) by Salvatore Giannino 165 171 Introduction 10 Introduction Experience and teaching from Archeomap Underwater and submarine archaeology is widely discussed and big scientific, economic, recreative and cultural interests are born around this discipline that can be considered one of the latest arisen from the historical-archaeological sciences. Research on deep sea, besides giving life to dreams and driving consistent economic interests, over its implicit attractiveness reserving original as well as unusual surprises and potentialities, it remains above all a discipline of historical character strictly linked to human history and to its relations with the sea. Sailing or warring sea ships were a little and closed universe gathering a highly representative sample of the society of their age and of the history of that times. It's with underwater archaeological research that there is the possibility to contribute, sometimes decisively, in the analysis of trade, of transports and of the ancient port system management. Underwater archaeology has started to take significant steps forward when, in the post war period, it invented the air aqualung. As from that time, a lot of initiatives, tours de reconnaissance and researches carried out in different parts of the world can be counted. The results are encouraging and the present wide interest over this sector of the historical research demonstrates it. Nevertheless, a lot has still to be done. Archaeomap is part of a process of innovation in methodologies and techniques applied in the sector of underwater and naval archaeological research. Under the UNESCO aegis, it aims at homogenizing the national levels of efficiency and efficacy reached in research, safeguard and in turning the underwater cultural heritage into better account. It aims at putting into practice and at diffusing the best practices of 2001 UNESCO Convention for safeguarding the underwater cultural heritage. It aims at reaffirming the professional role of the experts establishing a clear separation between underwater free time practice and voluntary service from one side and professionalism on the other one. At the same time it aims at recovering the fundamental role of the volunteers giving emphasis to the moral contents of their contribution. Moreover, Archaeomap wants to stigmatize as extremely negative every tentative to make profit from underwater cultural heritage stimulating and intensifying the struggle against the seekers of treasures and the “grave robbers of the sea”. The big possibilities that the technology developed in the field of researches and of the oceanographic activities offers are drawn in the archaeological research with unquestionable successes. Nevertheless it is necessary both greater attention and more investments within the framework of a greater coordination among different scientific sectors still far off and private areas of intervention that have developed a wide experience at national and international level. Archaeomap contributes with seriousness and competence, as well as with incisiveness and determination, at increasing the research scientific level, at optimizing the safeguard and at making more efficacious the improvement of the underwater cultural heritage taking into consideration that it is not an inexhaustible or a renewable source. What is important is to assure the moral rigour and the professional ethic that must stand below every single operation linked to the management of the underwater cultural heritage: this through some principles that Archaeomap has worked out and compared sharing them with the different national experiences. The boundless underwater museum needs attention and professional rigour that have to be built thanks to comparison and international cooperation sustained by theexciting experience gained with Archaeomap. 009 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies PARTNERS Soprintendenza del Mare Via Lungarini,9 - 90133 Palermo - Italy Phone: +39 091 6172615 Sebastiano Tusa e-mail: [email protected] www.regione.sicilia.it/beniculturali/sopmare UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization 7, Place de Fontenoy - 75732 - Paris Phone: +33 (0) 145684163 Mustafa El Tayeb e-mail: [email protected] www.unesco.org Comitato Pro Arsenale Borbonico Via C. Colombo 134 - 90142 - Palermo - Italy Phone: +39 3356102379 Pietro Maniscalco e-mail: [email protected] www.arsenaledipalermo.it UNISOM Consorzio Universitario per l'Ateneo della Sicilia Occidentale e il Bacino del Mediterraneo Via Niso, 15 - 91100 - Trapani - Italy Phone: +39 0923 437749 Roberto Bertini e-mail:[email protected] www.unisom.it International Institute for the Study of Man Piazza Verdi, 6 - 90100 - Palermo - Italy Phone: +39 3483361414 Rita Cedrini e-mail: [email protected] Liaisons Mediterranée 4, rue El Moez - 1004 - Tunis Phone: + 21 671570937 Ridha Tlili e-mail: [email protected] Departement of Underwater Archeology Egypt Supreme Council of Antiquities Fakhry Abdel - Nour Street, 4 D Abbassia - Cairo - Egypt Phone: +203 522 6242 Alaa El - Din Mahrous e-mail: [email protected] www.grm.gov.eg Fondazzjoni Wirt Artna Notre Dame Gate, St. Edward's Road CSP 08 - Vittoriosa - Malta Phone: +356 21 800992 Mario Farrugia e-mail: [email protected] www.wirtartna.org Association pour la Sauvegarde du Patrimoine Maritime de Villefranche-sur-Mer Pavillon Baudouin les Voutes de la Darse 06230 - Villefranche-Sur-Mer - France Phone: +33 (0) 493763720 e-mail: [email protected] www.darse.org Uninettuno - Università Telematica Internazionale Corso Vittorio Emanuele II, 39 - 00186 - Roma - Italy Phone +39 06 6920761 Maria Amata Garito e-mail:[email protected] www.uninettuno.it Gibraltar Museum 18-20 Bomb House Lane - Gibraltar Phone: +(350)20074289 Clive Fimlayson e-mail: [email protected] www.gibmuseum.gi Associazione Archeo-Antropologica Approfondimenti Interdisciplinari Operativi Via Vincenzo Sulis, 43 - 09124 Cagliari - Italy Phone: +39 06 55301809 Sergio Frau e-mail: [email protected] CNRS Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique 3, rue Michel-Ange - 75794 Paris - France Phone: +33 (0)4 9376 3745 Jean Mascle e-mail: [email protected] www.dr20.cnrs.fr CNRS of Lebanon Sports City Boulevard, Bir Hassan - Beirut - Lebanon Phone: +9614-981885 Alexandre Sursock e-mail: [email protected] www.cnrs.edu.lb Fondazione Athena Sviluppo Corso Venezia 18 - 20121 Milano - Italy Phone: +39 011 5694451 Giampaolo Natoli e-mail: [email protected] Museu d'Arqueologia de Catalunya Passeig de Santa Madrona 3908038 - Barcelona - Spain Phone: +34972204637 Xavier Nieto e-mail: [email protected] www.mac.cat/cat/Seus/CASC GRAN - Groupe de Recherche en Archeologie Navale Passage de la Corderie - 83100 - Toulon - France Phone: +33 (0)4 6735 9201 Max Guerout e-mail: [email protected] www.archeonavale.org 010 Summaries Summaries CHAP. 1 The “ARCHAEOMAP” project CHAP. 2 The pilot sites 1.1 Archaeological Management Policies by Giacoma Brancato and Sebastiano Tusa 2.1 The sea of Egadi by Sebastiano Tusa ARCHAEOMAP was a coordination action supported by the European Commission under the Sixth Framework Programme, contributing to the implementation of the specific Priority Scientific Support to Policies within the thematic area Sustainable development, global change and ecosystems, Key Action The protection of cultural heritage and associated conservation strategies. ARCHAEOMAP project aimed at developing balanced, interrelated policies with an integrated coastal zone management focus. Through the analysis of ten Mediterranean archaeological pilot sites it proposed an interdisciplinary research aiming at improving a sustainable development methodology for coastal and underwater archaeological sites management. The project aimed at enabling managers and end-users of archaeological costal and underwater sites at improving the relationship with the marine environment. ARCHAEOMAP centred its interest in sustainable development, stressing importance of conservation and rational utilisation of coastal zone resources, also under the socio-economic aspect. The realized network of pilot sites will be a vehicle for knowledgesharing, research and monitoring, education, training and participatory decision-making aiming at protecting environmental resources and cultural diversity. The pilot sites also served as learning and demonstration sites in the framework of the United Nations Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (2005-2014/DESD). Piloted by an International Committee, ARCHAEOMAP provided contextspecific opportunities to combine scientific knowledge and forms of governance using an inter-disciplinary methodology. The International Forum that has took place in Paris in the spring 2009, has been the most important media window of the project to diffuse and disseminated the new methodology developed by the ARCHAEOMAP project. Cala Minnola early roman wreck was selected as pilot study to show the management model that was assumed by Soprintendenza del Mare for entire sicilian under water cultural heritage. Cala Minnola wreck is situated in Levanzo and was dug during the past few years. All the recovered cargo was left on the bottom of the sea. They were around 100 amphorae still laying in the sea to be visited by scuba divers. Moreover on the site a video control system was settled in order to control the area, but also to let people watch to the amphorae from a museum. The same system was settled in Gadir wreck in Pantelleria, but this last can be seen also on the web. In the same area of Levanzo it is possible to visit also the site in which the famous battle between the Romans and the th Carthaginians was fought the 10 of march of 241 b.C. Severl a lead anchors are still visible on the place where the Roman fleet was mooring before the attack to the Carthaginian fleet not far from Capo Grosso in Levanzo. The battle was fought north of Capo Grosso on the way between Marettimo and Bonagia where the Carthaginian fleet was directed in order to help the army of Amilcare sieged on Erice. 2.2 Villefrance-sur-Mer by Dominique Tailliez Villefranche-sur-Mer, port militaire et commercial de la ville de Turin jusqu'en 1815 a la chance de voir concentré sur un espace unique les principales lignes directrices du projet ARCHAEOMAP. Tout d'abord le port royal de Savoie est le seul à posséder encore intact un bassin de construction de galères du XVIII siècle. Ensuite le site accueille aujourd'hui un Observatoire Océanologique de renommée internationale du CNRS et de l'Université Paris VI, Pierre et Marie Curie, mais aussi des ateliers de charpente maritime de grande qualité. Enfin, la rade de Villefranche-sur-Mer présente un grand intérêt écologique, scientifique et archéologique, comme en témoignent le grand nombre d'épaves et la biodiversité des espèces marines étudiées. Ce n'est donc pas sans raison que Villefranche-sur-Mer a été choisie comme site pilote du réseau ARCHAEOMAP en Méditerranée. Et que le programme Méditerranée de l'UNESCO a disposé, jusqu'en 2006, d'une antenne régionale mise à disposition par la Municipalité au cœur de sa Citadelle pour le développement des projets de coopération internationale qui allie patrimoine maritime, diversité culturelle et biodiversité. 013 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 2.3 La fachada maritima da Ampurias by Xavier Nieto 2.5 L’épave de la Lomellina by Max Guerout The localisation of the ancient harbor of Ampurias was already known since XIX century. At that period there was the idea that the space between the Palaiàpolis and the Neàpolis was the ancient harbor. The discovery of a second harbor in the area of Riells-La Clota and of many underwater structures East of the Neàpolis made clear that the situation could have been much more complex and that a general topographical study was necessary. The study was devoted to the knowledge of the relationship between the Greek and Roman town and the sea. A particular attention was for the quality of masonry in relation with its function in a marine structure. The quality and the shape of the ancient harbor was based on its function as a structure that played an important role in the city life. The knowledge of this important structure was based not only on the historical date and sources, but also on the land and underwater archaeological data recovered thank to a systematic survey of the area that was done either traditionally and by the use of electronic equipment. This was also useful to understand which was the shape of the Ampurias territory in ancient times. The wreck of a Renaissance vessel, sunk in the middle of the bay of Villefranche Sur Mer (France) has been the object of ten excavation campaigns from 1982 to 1991. Many manuscripts found in the archives allowed to identify without any hesitation the “Nave” (ship) Lomellina, sunk during a hurricane on September, th 15 , 1516. Being the Genoese origin sure, the collected information allows us to give an important contribution to the knowledge of a certain type of construction, which represents the backbone of the Genoa Republic's fleet, which was able to guarantee the transport of the heavy 3 merchandise (more than 1t/m ) in seagoing trips without any load breaking. The framework's state and the analysis of structure and general characteristics of the vessel allowed to single out a kind of vessel which seems to be typical of the Mediterranean area and differs so much from the contemporary boats, built according to Atlantic traditions. Besides many equipment pieces, armament represents one of the richest properties. Particularly, the discovery of a gun still mounted on its carriage allows us to make a comparison with the very rare contemporary models found in Great Britain or in Denmark. 2.4 Sinis by Francesco Cubeddu, Sergio Frau and Mario Tozzi 2.6 The Megalithic Temple Complex of Kordin III, Malta by Jonathan Borg The double typology of the 20 thousand Sardinian Nuraghes dated back to the second millennium BC - almost still intact those ones standing on the rise, often buried in the mud those ones in the plains – invites to study with rigour and with suitable equipments the reasons standing below such evident diversity. In concrete it is a question of putting the basis to verify if such a situation – the most emblematic: the Nuraghi Palace of Barumini, discovered by Giovanni Lilliu 30 metres under the mud – has been caused by a sea invasion. Is the Sinis a Pompei of the Sea? Was the Isle of Atlantide the Isle of Sardinia? Strong, real and unhappy as it is Caucaso, the Rock of Prometeo, his brother trapped in Orient, tells the Beginning of Greeks? Through the geology and ad hoc air surveys it will be possible to outline with increasing precision the passing phase between first and second millennium that, still today, gives rise to a lot of questions among the archaeologists. The prehistoric megalithic temples of Malta (mid 4 to 3rd millennium BCE) always foster a sense of intrigue by those who visit them. They are a vivid testimony to the ingenuity of the people who created them. However archaeologists still fail to fully understand these prehistoric people especially when it comes to comprehend the relationship these people had with the sea. Kordin III is one of these megalithic complexes that received very little attention since its discovery and excavation about 90 years ago. However recent scholarship, mostly adopting a phenomenological approach, has shed more light on this little known archaeological site. These studies together with an assessment of other known archaeological sites in the vicinity as well as a closer look to some of the artefacts from this site indicate that the sea was never far away from the minds and eyes of the people that built Kordin III. th 014 Summaries 2.7 Pharos Island of Alexandria, Egypt by Alaa El-Din Mahrous rapid site evaluation and illustrate its application using Gibraltar's submerged and coastal sites as a case study. Alexander the Great with a narrow causeway linked the island of Pharos to the main land. This causeway divided the coast of Alexandria into two ports, the Eastern Great Harbor and the Western Harbor or Eunostos. The naval and commercial vessels were guided into port by the celebrated Alexandria light House which stood on what is now the site of Quit Bey Fort. After the pioneer work of Gaston Jondet, the chief Engineer of the Department of ports and light houses from 1911 to 1915 and Kamel Abul-Saadat (1961) the Egyptian pioneer in Alexandria underwater archaeology and a UNESCO mission in 1968, following which Honor Frost published a preliminary report with some drawings which revealed the importance of the site, the centre d' Etudes Alexandrines (CEAlex) in co-operation with the Department of underwater archaeology/Supreme Council of Antiquities (DUA/SCA) rediscovered the submerged site to the east of Qaitbay fort. At depth from 6 to 8 meters, in an area of 2.25 hectares more than 5000 pieces were located including statutes, sphinxes and columns of different shapes, capitals and bases of columns and parts of obelisks. They are dated to Grecoroman period but there are artifacts from the pharaonic period. The cultural heritage faced lot of risk due to the development of coastal areas and there is need to respond appropriately to the possible negative impact on underwater cultural heritage. Moreover there is a need to present it for the education and the enjoyment of the public. The idea is to make the site of pharos as a cultural heritage park. The idea is to develop a plan for the conservation and in situ management of the site. 2.9 Tyre - South Lebanon by Assaad Seif with Alexandre Sursock, Sami el-Masri and Imma Plana The present document is prepared within the framework of the EU project ARCHAEOMAP: ARCHAEOLOGICAL MANAGEMENT POLICIES. The project falls within the jurisdiction of the sixth framework program scientific support to policies Area 3.6 “The protection of cultural heritage and associated conservation strategies”. The objective of ARCHAEOMAP is to develop balanced, interrelated policies with an integrated coastal zone management focus. […] It aims to protect environmental resources and bio-cultural diversity, to support socio-economic development through cultural tourism. ARCHAEOMAP proposes an interdisciplinary research agenda and capacity-building aiming at improving the relationship of Mediterranean people with their marine environment. Its targets are to assess the ecological, social and economic dimensions of maritime culture loss and the reduction of this loss. The project uses its network of pilot sites as vehicles for knowledge-sharing, research and monitoring, education and training, and participatory decision-making. […] Some ARCHAEOMAP's pilot sites are inscribed in the UNESCO World Heritage List. The study of these pilot sites introduces innovation through its modern approaches aimed at conservation and sustainable development. Tyre has been inscribed upon the World Heritage List in 1984 on the basis of criteria III and VI of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention. Criterion III: Tyre is one of the earliest metropolises. Criterion IV: The name of Tyre is associated with the production of purple die, with the Phoenician expansion and the founding of trade posts in the Mediterranean basin.The inscription on the UNESCO World Heritage List gave this site a universal value therefore it belongs to all humanity and to future generations. Our role is to protect it and preserve it without compromising its authenticity and integrity. For that reason all actions we undertake that meets our needs of the present must not conflict with the spirit of the convention and compromise the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. 2.8 Applying a Conservation Prioritization approach to Submerged and Coastal Heritage Sites by Darren Andrew Fa, Geraldine and Clive Finlayson In order to have an objective management plan there exists a need for well-structured databases and inventories that will inform management decisions. The development of these has been one of the main aims of the ARCHAEOMAP Project. However, often information-heavy databases can become cumbersome when the need arises for a rapid and flexible evaluation of sites. Here we present a complementary model of a quantitative technique for 015 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies CHAP. 3 The O.N.G. contribution to the CHAP. 4 sustainable Guidelines for diffusion of culture development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites 3.1 The Bourbon Arsenal of Palermo by Pietro Maniscalco 4.1 Sustainable development by Salvatore Giannino The Arsenal is located towards the end of Via dell'Arsenale and it borders with the Fincantieri Shipyard and the fabulous villa of Marquis De Gregorio. The vessels of the Royal Navy and private shipbuilders were built in the area behind the building. Today this part of the city is a true open-air museum which needs to be revalued. In the area around the Arsenal stand Villa De Gregorio, the Florio shipyards, the English Cemetery, Montalbo Palace and many more buildings of great interest. The Arsenal was built between 1621 an 1630 on the project of the architect Mariano Smiriglio, a great figure in Italian Mannerism. The two-storey building has a regular form; in the upper part of the façade there is the Bourbon coat of arms with an eagle head and the inscription: Philippi IV Hispan, utriusque siciliae regis III, auspiciis augustis, navale armamentarium inchoatum, perfectum MDCXXX. The Arsenal of Palermo was the place where the xebecs and galleys that helped on the fight against the Barbary pirates in the Mediterranean Sea where built. In fact, Sicilian ships played a leading role in many sea battles. The ARCHAEOMAP extrabudgetary project rd was established by a resolution of 33 UNESCO's General Conference in 2005 (DR/37) inviting the Organization to support a regional action plan for the sustainable development of the Mediterranean's marine heritage, as a follow-up to the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development. UNESCO was asked to set up an international committee to study the contribution of science and culture to sustainable development in the Mediterranean Region. This was done by providing guidelines and methodologies, technical advice and guidance on formulation, implementation, monitoring, and a review of policies and plans concerning national, regional and global Mediterranean activities.The Mediterranean is a nexus of cultural, environmental, political and social divergences, making it an ideal proving ground for exploring options for the future and constructing pilot projects whose goal is to develop regional and global operational initiatives. Sustainable development is not merely a scientific, technological or economic question—it is a response to a planetary social and ecological crisis. 3.2 The International institute for the study of man by Rita Cedrini 4.2 Environmental Initial Analysis for underwater and coastal sites by Giacoma Brancato and Manuel Bellafiore International Institute for the study of man takes part into the project: “ARCHAEOMAP” focusing on the double importance represented whether from the preservation of cultural heritage or from dissemination of information. Cultural heritage is all created from man in the course of its history, not only the objects which reflect cultural answers to its requirements but also the Weltanschauung, the view of world and life of community which is the very structure of any society. In other words “heritage” as an identity which doesn't born tout court, but it's built over time through cultural segments, the features, preserved after the dominations have gone away or the occasion/collision with other populations are ended; segments maintained because functional to own organization and able to build the specificity which can be found within a region. In this light, it has been favored the use of space in everyday living, originating buildings which are related to customs and way of life and which determine styles and artistic designs The Initial Environmental Analysis is performed both to identify significant environmental aspects that affect the site and to determine the indicators. The analysis includes a description of the site, its location, description of all activities within it, the analysis of environmental issues, their quantification and determination of the significance of them. The Initial Environmental Analysis is a crucial activity for the determination of indicators and the resulting definition of the objectives of sustainable development of the site. The Archaeomap project concerns both coastal and underwater archaeological sites, so this template of analysis was meant to be applied to these two type of sites. The template are linked together, the order of application is the following: 1) EIA phase 1 for both coastal and underwater archaeological sites; 2) EIA phase 2 for underwater sites; 3) EIA phase 2 for coastal sites. 016 cap. I The Archaeomap project The “ARCHAEOMAP” project CHAP. Archaeological1.1 Management Policies Archaeological Management Policies has been a coordination action that was st st carried out between the 1 of November 2007 and the 31 of October 2009. It has involved the following 15 partners belonging to 6 European and non European countries and the UNESCO: § Regione Siciliana - Dipartimento Beni Culturali e Ambientali - Soprintendenza Del Mare, Italy (SOPMARE) § UNESCO - Secteur des Sciences Division de La Politique Scientifique et du Développement, International Organisation (UNESCO) § Comitato Pro Arsenale Borbonico di Palermo, Italy (ARSENALE) § Consorzio Universitario per l'Ateneo della Sicilia Occidentale e il Bacino del Mediterraneo, Italy (UNISOM) § International Institute for the Study of Man, Italy (INTERINSTITUTE) § Association Pour La Sauvegarde Du Patrimoine Maritime De Villefranche Sur Mer, France (ASPVM) § Liaisons Mediterraneennes, Tunisia § Universita Telematica Internazionale Non Statale UNINETTUNO, Italy (UNINETTUNO) § Archaeological Museum of Florina, Greece § Centro d'Arqueologia Subacquatica, Museu d'Arqueologia de Catalunya, Spain (MAC) § Fondazione Athena per lo Sviluppo, Italy (ATHENA) § Associazione Archeo-Antropologica Approfondimenti Interdisciplinari Operativi, Italy (AAAAIO') § Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Geosciences Azur (UMR 6526), France (CNRS) § Groupe de Recherche en Archeologie Navale, France (GRAN) § Fondazzjoni Wirt Artna, Malta (WIRTARTNA) And with the fundamental contribution of: § Supreme Council of Antiquities - Departement of Underwater Archeology (DUA) - Maritime Museum of Alexandria – Egypt § Graeco Roman Museum, Egypt § CNR of Lebanon, Lebanon § Gibraltar Museum, Gibraltar The activities of the project were dedicated to the review of information on current practices related to the management of archaeological underwater and coastal sites in the Mediterranean basin, and to the definition of sustainable development guidelines based on the suggestions of the UNESCO and on the UNESCO “Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage”, adopted by the UNESCO General Conference on 2 November 2001. The project publication do not represent the official position of the Commission on the respective topics, and they have not to be considered as official recommendations or as best available techniques, but as a source of information and references in the implementation of the management of archaeological underwater and coastal sites. The responsibility to choose the actual specific procedures for implementation is just up to the authorities of the Member States. The first work package was dedicated to the state of the art in characterisation of 019 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies archaeological coastal and underwater sites management in the Mediterranean area and to the discussion of good practices and sustainable development strategies elaborated by the International Committee. During the kick off meeting the different institutions and organizations partner showed their working methods, highlighting the characteristics potentially available to the project as best practices, and the available standards for each method. The result of this first meeting has shown that in most of the countries participating to the project environmental and sustainable management of coastal and underwater archaeological sites was not compulsory by law therefore it was not systematically carried out. Only the European partners follow European standards for environmental protection, which have not been particularly designed for coastal and underwater archaeological sites management and are not always appropriate. In detail, only the Soprintendenza del Mare respect the European law for environmental protection, the UNESCO Convention on the protection of the underwater cultural heritage and, now, the 2009 "Carta di Siracusa on Biodiversity". The second part of this WP, the final meeting, was dedicated to the elaboration of some standards applicable to the sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites, to the presentation of the ARCHAEOMAP final report (illustrating pilot sites network, study cases and their relative research programs to manage natural, cultural and socio-economical resources for an integrated coastal zone protection in the Mediterranean basin) and to the presentation of UNINETTUNO distance-teaching module. The second work package was dedicated to “The contribution of Culture to sustainable development around the Mediterranean basin” and to “The contribution of Science to sustainable development in the Mediterranean area”. This review has shown that Mediterranean coastal and underwater cultural heritage is strictly linked to its own natural environment and for this reason the ecosystems and biodiversity protection is as important as the same cultural heritage. In addition, this property represents an economic resource for local people and a source of economic and social development. However, coastal zones are for this reason under permanent pressure for the needs of tourism. This situation leads to constant degradation of natural and cultural resources linked with social conflicts and environmental degradation. On the other hand, as scientific contributions have shown, both cultural and natural heritage need to be protected from human intervention (linked to climate exchange and chemical and technological risks) and from natural risks (linked to volcanic eruption, earthquake, tidal wave, hurricane/cyclone, flood, slides) . The contribution to sustainable development of coastal and under water archaeological sites started with the considerations of complexity and mutual interaction of these factors. This WP has provided a concrete support to the UNESCO “Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage” held in Paris and connected to the ARCHAEOMAP Forum. During this Forum the pilot project sites and the management systems of underwater sites included in it have been presented, as example of practical application of the 2001 “Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage”. UNESCO has organized the International Forum in springtime 2009 in order to disseminate experiences of the Archaeomap project by means of a symposium and a training workshop. International and national experts in natural, cultural and underwater heritage of the Mediterranean participated in the forum, during which UNESCO 020 The “ARCHAEOMAP” project presented the World Heritage Convention (1972) and the Convention on Underwater Cultural Heritage (2001). The symposium presentations and discussions have been very interesting as they represented a dialogue opportunity between scientists and representatives of other public organizations. The third work package was dedicated to the results elaboration and to the preparation of editorial publication and long distance teaching module. Many topics have been discussed related to different disciplines, from the management of coastal and underwater archaeological sites to the scientific aspects related to seismic hazards and tsunami events in Mediterranean Basin, from the disaster prevention to the conservation of biodiversity, from the Instruments for Education and public awareness of the Mediterranean people to the advanced sensing systems for permanent monitoring, so the review to prepare the final publication had to be very selective. At the Paris Forum were also treated some aspects linked to the Education, the expertise and the Global Environmental transition for the Master Courses. Regarding the distance teaching module, video lessons of the partner's representatives have dealt with issues of pilot sites management, with aspects of involvement of NGOs in the management of cultural sites and the diffusion of cultural aspects related to them, and with aspects of sustainable development. The fourth work package was dedicated to dissemination activities and included the preparation and updating of a project web site, a project brochure, CDs, DVDs, TV documentary and a final publication. The brochure and CDs were printed in 1.000 copies, the DVDs in 5.000 copies, the final publication in 11.000 copies. The targeted recipients for the project information package are Member States Culture Ministries, universities and research institutes as well as national and international conferences and meetings. The project website has been updated as soon as a deliverable was approved, and the approved reports are already available in the website: www.archaeomap.eu. In addition to this, the members of the team have presented the project through brochures in various international events related to archaeological sites and cultural promotion, for the whole duration of the project. This final publication gives in our opinion a good overview of the state of the art of the practices related to the management of coastal and underwater archaeological sites in the Mediterranean area, and can be a very useful instrument for cultural authorities to implement sustainable development polices, as well as a good information source for operators, consultants, scientists and other stakeholders. The fifth work package was dedicated to UNESCO technical and scientific coordination. During the two years of the project UNESCO has coordinated, together with the Region of Sicily, the International Committee of the Archaeomap project, has developed the scientific contents of the project in cooperation with all partners, has developed and established recommendations and guidelines related to preservation, valorisation and management of natural, cultural and submarine maritime heritage and has assisted project partners in all scientific and cultural matters, has undertaken missions to advise partners in the preservation, valorisation and management of their natural, cultural and submarine maritime heritage, and participating in meetings and 021 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies working groups thereof, supported the Region of Sicily to develop international multimedia communication about Archaeomap pilot sites: multimedia portal, editorial publishing and module. It created a long term development network among Archaeomap partners in order to increase the resources of local organizations for managing and developing the rich natural, cultural and underwater heritage, and to have a visible and tangible impact on their role in the social and economic development of the Mediterranean area. Furthermore UNESCO has provided an ideal framework for mutual comprehension, a common protocol for transmitting knowledge and some input to look for further funds for the development of new European Projects to support research and training activities. The last technical work package of the project aimed at structuring and reporting the information which has been collected and presented in the previous work packages, in order to make easy for users to identify the required information thus supporting the decision making process. The result was a final publication introducing the pilot sites and the main topics, with links to the recommendations and guidelines of the UNESCO. The first two work packages have included the organisation of project meetings and an International Forum at the UNESCO House. They took place as follows: - Kick-off meeting, 7 December 2007, Palermo - Second project meeting, 6-7 March 2008, Gerona - Third project meeting (MTA meeting), 15-17 December 2008, Rome - International Forum, 24-27 March 2009, UNESCO House, Paris - Final meeting, 28-29 October 2009, Palermo. 022 chap. II The pilot sites The pilot sites CHAP. 2.1 The sea of Egadi Underwater cultural heritage management of wrecks and battle site. Foreword The ARCHAEOMAP project area selected for the archaeological sites sustainable development guidelines drawing up is the Egadi Islands one and in particular Cala Minnola roman republican wreck site (fig.1). This area, according to different factors, represents a wide and well defined microcosm representing entire coastal and insular Sicilian territory with its typical features, influences and logistics. Egadi Islands are situated at the westernmost part of Sicily. The archipelago is made by three major islands: Favignana, Levanzo end Marettimo and of some minor ones. Far away from Sicily, Marettimo is placed as an imaginary cusp of a sea triangle that, between Capo Boeo (Marsala) and Trapani promontory, it tapers in the middle with Levanzo and Favignana up to the highlands ramification, the ever present central Mediterranean keeper. According to the analysis of few archaeological data collected before 2000-2001 research campaigns in the sea between the Archipelago of Egadi and the Sicilian coast, it was already possible to infer the great scientific interest and remarkable evocative significance of the area. Historical data from classical sources have already put in evidence the important role played by these places in the ancient history of the Mediterranean, during the well known episode of the Egadi battle between Romans and Carthaginians in 241 b.C. Nevertheless, that outline was vague and scarcely detailed and lacking in adequate documentation. Surveys carried out by G.I.A.S.S. (now Soprintendenza del Mare) together with CEOM and the Guardia di Finanza, followed by recent researches carried on in cooperation with the RPM Nautical Foundation, give the run down of the underwater archaeological situation. Moreover they have also contributed to sketch out areas to include in a didactic-touristic route and to select sites for scientific studies to carry on with archaeological excavations and more detailed research activities. The so far collected results show that the whole area situated between the promontory of Cofano and Marsala is really attractive and important under the scientific point of view in consideration of the intrinsic features of the underwater archaeological emergencies. This area is also complementary with the archaeological contest of the opposite islands coast and shows high environmental and landscape value. By the way this territory has become the place for the first experience of underwater archaeological site management for tourist destination. The experience has been successful both in the heritage safeguarding and in meeting tourists favor. We suggest to give a look to the monograph titled “Il mare delle Egadi”, published by the Soprintendenza del Mare (2005) in order to go into the subject of marine culture resources management in the Egadi islands. The historical/archaeological contest Before summarizing the historical/archaeological peculiarities of the underwater cultural features that have been identified during research it is worth to speak about 025 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 1 historical and archaeological profile of the coastal areas starting from the archipelago. Here, differently from the rest of Sicily, the most important painstaking archaeological attraction is not represented by the classical ancient ruins but by the high number of caves excavated by sea erosion in the limestone cliffs of Favignana and Levanzo during Pleistocene. Marettimo (fig.2), due to its different geo-lithological conformation, does not offer the same kind of evidence. The far most island offers a rich and spectacular sample of caves as well but, being at the sea level and so still under formation, they have no archaeological interest. On the other side, the caves of the other two islands, reveal a past of human settlements: numerous and diffused, they date back to the Final Pleistocene or to the Upper Paleolithic (starting from around 12.000 years b.C.), following the presence of Middle Pleistocene fauna with elephants and other species now extinct. Caves are mainly concentrated near the Faraglione of Favignana or along the north-west coast of Levanzo. Their high value under paleontological and archaeological point of view places the two islands of the archipelago among the most significant prehistoric provinces in Europe, as the French areas of Périgord and of Ariège are. The importance of these caves is not exclusively due to the presence of the well known expressions of rocky art, as in the Grotta di Cala dei Genovesi, but to their stratified sediments as well. The rare excavations carried on have put in evidence the presence of hunter communities since the Upper Paleolithic: very skilful in creating flint tools, these communities developed primary farming and herding activities. These socio-economic changes occurred in connection with a big geographical change. It is sure that up to the latest glaciations (Würm) Levanzo and Favignana belonged to the coast of Trapani. On the archaeological ground, this situation, verifiable also through the study of the local bathymetry, is reflected in the images carved on the walls of the Grotta del Genovese of Levanzo (fig.3) where animals like the wild horse and ox, typical of grassland, are represented. With the end of Pleistocene, around 10.000 years b.C., a cut off of the link with Sicily occurred and the present insularity has become a constant factor. By the way during this second phase we find schematic painting representing anthropomorphic figures and fishes dating back to Neolithic and Copper age (fig.4). It is interesting to remember that in Grotta d'Oriente, at Favignana, a Mesolithic tomb with a buried body with the head covered with something like a parure of shells has been discovered. Rare comparisons could be done with the famous Grotte dei Balzi Rossi near the border between Italy and France. 026 2 1. Egadi islands and Sicily 2. Areal view of Marettimo The pilot sites 3. Grotta del Genovese (Levanzo) This discovery informs on the relevant role played by the sea both as resource and as element linked to the magicreligious imaginary since primordial times. Beside some isolated archaeological findings and some profaned tombs dating back to the middle and old bronze age, traces of human life in the archipelago during the most recent prehistoric ages are rare. Nevertheless the settlements of Torretta and of Calamonaci at Favignana prelude interesting developments. The period of the first Phoenician-Punic colonization is equally obscure. Archaeological evidence do not know anything similar to the neighboring Mozia (fig.5). Also for this period archaeological research backwardness has to be paid. Archaic materials found give evidence of a human presence dating back to VIII-VII b.C: then those coastal settlements or “emporia” that typically characterized the first Phoenician-Punic trade activities are expected to be found. As far as following periods are concerned, considerations on the archaic period count. Nevertheless meaty evidences prove the presence of wide Hellenistic–Roman settlements in all the three islands of the archipelago. In particular, a wide rural settlement provided with a big catchment basin has been indicated, together with other ones, in the southern tableland of Levanzo. The above mentioned settlement seems to have great significance with its rooms floored with mosaics. Probably it is a “villa”, a seat for agro-industrial activities of control and management, probably diffused all over the island. Linked to this latest one, in good repair, there is the very interesting plant for fish processing ("garum" production) that finds its place on Punta Altarella. At Favignana the wide area of San Nicola-Torretta is surely noteworthy: here a long diachronic evidence that goes from prehistory (middle bronze age) till '600 of modern era can be registered. Over the context allocation, the interest for the area is due to the strong rocky character of the structures in its inside. In fact there are ruins that refer of stoneworking and of intaglio, one of the main activities carried on by insular till present time. The understanding Favignana without a contact with human stones creations is impossible. The magnificent quarries structures can be understood having a look to past time. Starting from Prehistory till modern era, passing through the different seasons of Phoenician-Punic, early Christian and Renaissance hypogeism, San Nicola – Torretta area gives the idea of the millenary tradition of stone intaglio. Nowadays deterioration conceals the relevance of hypogeums excavated in the rock and the skilful architectural articulations carved in Grotta del Pozzo, Grotta degli Archi and Grotta della Stele. It is a relevant example of hypogeic architecture that links Sicily to other Mediterranean areas (from Tunisia to Cappadocia). In the same area, traces of a plant for fish processing and of a nymphaeum carved in the rock, both of them dating back to roman period, can be found. But very interesting archaeological evidence for their historical and cultural implications, can be found in the above mentioned Grotta del Pozzo, Grotta degli Archi and Grotta della Stele. In the first 027 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies one, the Punic inscriptions indicate that, between IV and I century b.C., the artificial cave was used for oriental cults practice. In the second one, traces of an “arcosolio” type tomb of the first Cristian era times have stood up well over the centuries (fig.6). In the third, an inscription in vernacular neo-Latin reveals Cristian cults practice up to XIII century. Some other cavities, at present still used as sheepfolds, have been used as meeting places during post-medieval era: evidence of this is given by the Grotta dello Stemma where a depiction of an heraldic elements is visible in a bas-relief (fig.7). From archaeological information is possible to infer the presence of settlements that since late Hellenistic period has increased during Roman period when also the most distant of the Egadi – Marettimo - offers remarkable evidence. Ruins of the so called “Case Romane di Marettimo”, placed near a real gem of Byzantine religious architecture that is the outlying little church (fig.8), reveal the presence of a military settlement also used as rural productive structure. Setting the sea archaeological evidence in this contest does not means simply putting it in a network together with what in the Archipelago of Egadi we have described. It also means to keep in mind that we find ourselves not so far from the most western cusp of Sicily where some of the most important and well known ancient cities, such as Erice, Drepanum, Mozia and Lilibeo, that played a leading role in Mediterranean history, are placed. Sea archaeology and the Egadi battle Underwater archaeological sites of Egadi have brought to light finds from Hellenistic and Roman period, particularly those ones belonging to the late Hellenism and to the Early Empire (III century b.C. – II century a.d.). The features of a lot of sites reveal the same ones as areas of frequent anchorage; from evidence supplied, other sites can be classified as wreck sites. Sometimes remains are partially visible, other times remains can be perceived through isolated ancient traces dispersed in the sand or among the rocks; in any case the evidence is of unmistakable wreck, the most ones dating back to the period before Egadi 028 4. Neolithic and copper age paintings in the Grotta del Genovese (Levanzo) The pilot sites 6 5 5. Areal view of Phoenician town of Motya with the submerged road leading to the Sicilian shore 6. Grotta delle stele (Favignana) 7. Grotta degli stemmi (Favignana) 7 battle and the era of Roman presence in the Mediterranean area. It is this one the period during which these seas are frequently ploughed as it coincides with the Carthaginian trade and military power at its height glory, when it incorporates, in a sole dominion, North Africa and West Sicily. Between IV and III century b.C. the Carthaginian eparchy created a system and a network among North Africa, Sicily and Sardinia giving rise to a marine force controlling the Mediterranean: a power based on the strict link between Cartagine and Sicily with flourishing Punic cities as Mozia, Lilibeo, Selinunte, captured after 409 b.C., Erice, Panormo, Solunto. The North African territory and West Sicily became a whole, closely connected through a dense network of political, military and trade links. This geographical mainstay had its vital core in the sea connection linking Sicily channel, Pantelleria and the Egadi Islands: this is the reason for which a lot of PunicHellenistic traces can be found in the seas of Egadi, Pantelleria and Sicily Channel. In that period in that sea an intensive trade and military traffic took place, creating a backbone of a power trapping the whole Mediterranean in an apparently impregnable vice like grip. In the same way, Romans understood that their destiny of dominant power over Mediterranean could be carried out only breaking up this axis between North-Africa and West Sicily. For this reason the battle, crucial for the whole Mediterranean destiny, took place in one of the focal points of this system of links: the Egadi Islands. The demonstration of vulnerability of that link would have put Romans in the 029 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies condition to achieve a twofold result. On one side it would have weakened the opponent side in its power core; on the other one it would have mined the enemy under the psychological point of view, showing the vulnerability in one of the points of its maximum strength. As it seems to be simple explaining the underwater archaeological presences in the Egadi and the location of a battle that in strict time, on 10 march 241 b.C. decided the destiny of the world of those times, it is equally simple to explain, on the ground of these historical considerations, the presence of archaeological traces of the republican and imperial period too. Also Rome with its well established economic and cultural system, made its fortune thanks to a dense north-south network, from and for Africa. In consideration of this, it is also given a justification to the archaeological traces found on Egadi Island and on Pantelleria, as well as to the power and to the vivacity of roman Lilibeo, a real link between Italy and Africa for the whole roman period till the barbarian invasions. Deductions coming from our underwater archaeological research campaigns confirm what is emerging from the intensification of archaeological activities in Egadi and above all in Pantelleria and Lilibeo/Marsala. Recent researches trace a very rich picture made of prosperous trade, of a strong building industry and of a valuable handicraft activity that characterize the centuries under the Roman Empire rule in the Mediterranean. Within the framework of that historical period reconstruction, sea and land are strictly linked in an indissoluble way as terrestrial archaeology data help to understand those ones of underwater archaeology and vice versa. These archaeological-historical deductions have to be addressed towards the popular translation of what scientific research has dug up and brought into light from land and sea. In other terms the didactic/touristic offer outlined with the present study cannot leave out of consideration the interest over the period in which sea frequentation in this area was at its culmination: an evocation of a period during which the Egadi were the hub of that time world, first as core of the Carthaginian power, then as fulcrum in the Carthaginian and Roman conflict and subsequently, again, as the core of the power of Rome in the Mediterranean. It is clear that under this point of view the Egadi Battle plays an important central role both for the event strong evocative power and for the historical centrality within the logical sequence of this Mediterranean area. From the historical analysis and from the reconstruction of the battle kinesics, we have assumed that over the various periodic daydreams of improvised “treasure diggers” and amateurs archaeologists, it could not exist a real cemetery for the ships lost during that fateful 10 march 241 b.C. when both battle arrays counted their losses, both for the limited losses and for the battle dynamics that parceled out in many “hand-to-hand struggles” among single ships. The research carried out and of which is given here an account, gives a wide evidence of this. The same, from the historical sources throughout analysis carried on by 030 8. Byzantine church (Marettimo) The pilot sites Maria Ida Gulletta. In order to go into the study of the battle thoroughly, we have taken into consideration three determinant factors that have lead to the conclusion here proposed and that represents also the basis to transfer during a visit what has been deducted during the research activity. The three factors are respectively the news on the past archaeological findings, the reconnaissance carried out during this study and the exegetical study in depth of the historical sources on the battle. Going to Egadi and talking with local fishermen and scuba divers, once wariness has been overcome, the story to listen to has become a legend. It is possible to listen to the narration about the discovery of a lot of lead anchors near the eastern border of Levanzo, in the sea from Punta Altarella and Capo Grosso (fig.9) which, unfortunately, at that time, were taken for their melting in order to obtain sounding lead. From tales it is possible to infer a supposed regularity in their positioning in the sea: this, both in terms of distance from the coast and in terms of deepness. This has lead to think that the above mentioned anchors have been abandoned rapidly, cutting ropes at moment of the mortal combat that Lutazio Catulo, the victorious roman admiral, launched to the navy of Annone, the admiral of the Carthaginian convoy arriving from Marettimo and directed towards Drepanum where the Carthaginian garrison's rescue was falling under siege. This hypothesis was in contrast with some other considerations based on the underwater archaeological point of view and with the interpretation of historical sources made by eminent ancient historians. In itself, the presence of numerous anchors can be the consequence of repetitive anchorages due to the particular places conformation. If we think that the loss of anchors was and is frequent, it is possible to understand that, with a one year loss (standing on underestimated statistical level), only few hundred years were sufficient for creating a cemetery of anchors in the deep sea. Moreover, having a look to available sources, historians remarks put in evidence a never mentioned Phorbantia (Levanzo), on the contrary well known to ancients. All the sources referred to Aigussa (Favignana) and Hiera (Marettimo) instead; the first one as place of departure for the Roman ambuscade and the second as leg of navigation for the Carthaginian ship before the unlucky journey towards the Sicilian coast. Then, it was difficult to link up the anchor stocks findings with the battle. Moreover, the difficulty in locating the place of anchorage as that one where the battle took place came from other considerations. As the Carthaginians sailed, it was logical the presumption that the large Carthaginian fleet got lost in the wide sea and that the defeat came from the disturbing surprise of the roman attack, unexpected also because launched with boldness in adverse conditions as direction faced the blowing wind one (coming from West). The limited dimension of the battle can be inferred from the estimation of the total losses suffered by opposing parts (only 62 boats on a total of 1200 involved during the whole first Punic-Roman battle). Finally, analyzing the possible wreck scattering, it was inferable that the area of hypothetical of archaeological finding became indistinct because of the wind direction changing during the post meridian hours (from East) that surely led the wood towards west as to the area of the ambuscade. 031 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies The possible scene of the battle was difficult to identify as from the studies and their sources, the destination of Carthaginians, generally indicated in Drepanum, was indefinite, while it was sure that the site fortified by them was Monte Erice. It was not clear if the selected landing place were in the current Trapani harbor or in an unspecified place of the northern coast spreading from Trapani to North (up to Monte Cofano). In confirmation of the impossibility in sketching out this framework only with the textual analysis and the topographical considerations there is also the prudence that influential historians (from Holm to De Sanctis, from Pareti to Rizzo) have used in dealing with this subject. Reading Polibio and other ancient historians without the support of the terrestrial and the underwater archaeological sources, it was not possible to give full details on the battle dynamics, preventing from going over a general identification of this area in the sea of Egadi as the real scene where the battle took place. For the same reason, it was not possible to give a definitive place to the political-military moment that both parties were living. The study in depth of both topographic-archaeological and historical issues has led to different conclusions creating, above all, that essential critical and dynamical link between written and archaeological sources. From the essay of Gulletta, it is possible to infer that the indication given by Polibio on the ambush place before the attack with “Aigussa in front of Lilibeo” can be well identified with Levanzo and not with Favignana. (Maria Ida Gulletta, "Navi romane fra gli Specola Lilybitana e le Aegades Geminae. Note per una ricostruzione della battaglia delle Egadi, in “Il mare delle Egadi” - S. Tusa, Palermo 2005). This, by virtue of a rereading of Polibio's passage made in the light of the subsequent Livio's text for which a specification of the intended “Aigussa” arose from the need to differentiate it from the largest one (Favignana). Acting with cleverness, Gulletta explains that if the “Aigussa in front of Lilibeo” were the “Aigussa that can be found in front of Lilibeo” the need of such a topographic clarification from Polibio could be explained only with the need of indicating not the bigger and the most well-known one that gives the name to the archipelago (Favignana), but its twin, the little Aigussa, the Phorbantia di Tolomeo, the Levanzo linked to the ancient memory of stormy seas all along the Rodies and Phoenicians routes directed towards the Tirreno. Bearing in mind what above specified, now we focus the attention on the definition of the long Carthaginian navigation destination. It is well known that Annone's fleet, supplied with food, left Cartage with the principal aim of breaking the siege that was forcing the compatriots on the peak of San Giuliano (Erice), providing the same ones with victuals and other supplies of goods: they were exhausted because forced in a long isolation caused by Romans camped at the slopes of the same mountain. In order to understand better the siege on San Giuliano and above all its topographic dynamics for a better definition of the possible place of attack decided by Annone's fleet, it was necessary to know the topographic-archaeological conditions of this mountain, till now not known in detail. In consideration of this, we have availed ourselves of the collaboration of Antonio Filippi that knows the places into deep and that has reconsidered writings as well as results produced on the matter till present time in the light of a reconnaissance of the mountain, identifying the archaeological emergencies that have allowed us to suppose, with more accuracy, the siege dynamics and, in consequence of this, the landing to which 032 The pilot sites 9. Capo Grosso (Levanzo) Annone was aiming at. During the first Punic war Erice was a well known city in the religious ecumene as seat of the important shrine dedicated to Astarte/Venere. Due to the war it became the Carthaginian military fortress. Starting from 260 b.C. Asdrubale had moved his habitants towards the coast of Drepanum with the intention of reinforcing the coastal defenses but the peak, tightly kept in Cartaginian hands, induced Romans, in 249 b.C., to besiege the western and southern side breaking the link between the military fortress on the peak and Drepanum port of call. There, nearby Pizzo Argenteria and Rocce del Calderaro, Romans created a fortified system, barring the link above. Therefore, Carthaginians, in the intention of keeping the link with the sea, fortified the northern side of San Giuliano mountain raising a fortress near San Matteo plain (where an archaeological research carried out on surface brought into light Punic pieces of pottery dated back to III century b.C.) with the aim of protecting the coastal landing place located in Crocifissello in Bonagia bay. Thank to this landing place rising above San Matteo, besieged Cartaginians were supplied with provisions. This was the landing place towards which the Annone's fleet was directed to during on 10 March 241 b.C. Romans, conscious of the impossibility of turning the battle to their own advantage through an exhausting, unproductive and, by that time, long trench warfare, took the decisive and winning decision to lead the war on the sea. By this way the first Punic war ended in their favor. Deductions from the archaeological topography of San Giuliano mountain lead to exclude that landing place of Drepanum was the destination of Annone as, even if possible both landing and discharge, it would have been impossible to reach, from west side, the Cartaginian fortress besieged at Erice, as mountain climbing was barred by the strong Roman garrisons stationing on Pizzo Argenteria and on Rocce del Calderaro. Having understood that the route followed by Annone was between Marettimo and Bonagia lead to some reconsiderations both on the sources rereading (possibility that Levanzo and not Favignana were the island cited by Polibio as the area where Romans fleet was close to) and on the reminiscences of the anchors discoveries in Levanzo. The three elements, reconsidered in the light of a joint interpretive perspective, acquire an incontrovertible logic that allows a more detailed battle reconstruction and, above all, more in compliance with those few data made available by underwater archaeological research, recently carried on for the present study. In consideration of what above detailed, we have favored the reconnaissance of the eastern coastal area of Levanzo (Cala Minnola, Punta Altarella, Secca Scaletta) and the sea area in front of Capo Grosso (the northern end of Levanzo). The archaeological findings circumstances, together with recoveries made during fifties, sixties and seventies, leads to classify, with a high degree of certainty, this site as one of the possible anchorage places of Roman fleet before the attack launched to Carthaginians on 10 march 241 b.C. So many anchors found in the site (fig.10) cannot be justified with practical reasons due to landing, recovery to escape a storm, loading-unloading, etc. As a matter of fact, the place of discovery is situated in one of the stormiest trails of sea of the whole archipelago of Egadi. It is near 033 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 10. Lead roman anchor near Capo Grosso (Levanzo) 11. Dynamics of Egadi battle 10 11 034 The pilot sites an high and inaccessible coast and above all in a trail of sea crossed by strong streams and lashed by sudden winds from which arose out rough and dangerous seas. Consequently no other reasons, different from the strategic/military ones, can be found to justify the presence of so many anchors in this area. The day of 10 march 241 b.C. crosses the mind with the image of the Roman fleet hidden to lay an ambush to the Carthaginians coming from Marettimo and directed towards the coast of Erice (fig.11). From this position it is possible to exercise a control over the trail of sea between Marettimo and the other two Egadi Islands: protected by Levanzo dimensions and for this hidden for those who comes from West and in a very good position for launching an attach to the Carthaginian fleet both if on the way running at the north of Levanzo (the most probable one) and if on the southern one, crossing the channel between Levanzo and Favignana. Further researches carried out by the Soprintendenza del Mare in cooperation with RPM Nautical Foundation (fig.12) where is supposed the battle has taken place (north-west of Levanzo) have lead to the spotting of findings that have represented the incontrovertible evidence of what supposed. Among the archaeological findings discovered, we remember the bronze ram recovered on June 2008 (fig.13), most likely pertaining to a Roman ship, that follows that one sequestered by Carabinieri in Trapani and found in the same zone (fig.14). In the same battle framework there is also a bronze helmet (Motefortino type) probably belonging to a Roman soldier fallen during that battle (fig.15), and a third ram recently discovered. Research with side scan sonar and a remotely operated vehicle equipped with a video camer have given a contribution to make clear the role of this sea space in the inside of imperial routes thanks to the discovery of other wreckages. From the analysis of data collected it is possible to reinforce the hypothesis that the route followed by Carthaginians ships were that one running at north of Levanzo and not that one of the channel between Favignana and Levanzo. Moreover, the aim of the fleet was to give support to the Punic garrison blocked at Erice that, as demonstrated above, could not be reached from Drepanum (now Trapani) but from the side of Valderice – Bonagia (Crocifissello and fortress of San Matteo kept by Cartaginians). Therefore, it is more logical that the Carthaginian fleet were directed towards Bonagia doubling, on north, Capo Grosso, 12. RPM research vessel (Hercules) 035 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies where Romans ships were hidden and to which the anchors at present days identified, refer to. The deductions on the Roman fleet place of anchorage and the consequent area in the inside of which the battle took place, if on one side answer to some historical questions on the battle itself, on the other one, do no reply to the questions over the location, in the sea bed, where the ships sunk. This question has already obtained a reply when we pointed out the impossibility of discovering a cemetery of sunk ships. On one side, the number of ships fallen lost during the battle is small: only 62. On the other side, in consideration of the battlefield conformation and of wind direction changes during the conflict, as well as in consideration of the strong streams that cross this sea, it is sure that, after driftage, the destroyed ships sank going far from the battlefield north of Levanzo. Moreover the well known Punic ship recovered during sixties and seventies by Honor Frost and today exhibited in Marsala at the Museum of Baglio Anselmi, almost surely sunk in that decisive day, has been found on south, some miles far from the battlefield (fig.16). Also the so called “sister ship”, the boat identified nearby had to belong to the battle period. Consequently, this would confirm the wide dispersion of wrecks. As it is known, the two above mentioned hulls were found not so far from the seashore of Isola Longa near Punta Scario. This would demonstrate that from Levanzo (at north) but probably further on, up to the channel between Favignana and Sicily (on south) wrecks probably occurred. Neverthless, the result obtained has a double value. On one side it puts forward solid arguments in favor of the battle and identifies, in the eastern coast of Levanzo, the area reached by the Roman ships that delivered the mortal attack to the Carthaginian fleet and in the area in the North of Capo Grosso of Levanzo, the battlefield. On the other side we have been able to trace a system of archaeological underwater routes concerning the eastern coast of Levanzo (from Cala Minnola to Capo Grosso): here careful explanations can put the visitor in contact with all significant evidences partially linked to that event. 13 The battle of Egadi On 10th march 241 b.C., a strong libeccio lashes the western peak of western Sicily. That wind herald an epochal political change in the Island that will definitively place the same one in the “western” field where stands out the austere Roman profile. 13. Bronze Egadi ram found few miles north-west of Levanzo 14. Bronze Egadi ram seized by Carabinieri in Trapani 14 15. Roman bronze helmet of Montefortino type 15 036 The pilot sites 16. Remains of Punic warship wreck (Museo del Baglio Anselmi, Marsala - TP) The battle of Egadi is one of those historical and historiographical events that from Polibio onwards have nourished the debate over the Punic wars, the causes, and the consequent geo-political turning point. The anomalous situation that the Carthaginians, besiegers and besieged in Erice, gets worse with the Roman fleet arrival and the consequent occupation of the waters in front of Drepana and of the roadsteads of Lilibeo. The whole island western coast is cut off from every communication with Carthage; Lilibeo, fundamental sea and land junction of Punic Sicily, is a blind alley in the twofold Roman block. The Punic reaction aims at setting free Amilcare's troops immobile in Erice, in order to find a solution to war carried out on two fronts, with an action aimed at blocking the ports and at demolishing the land sieges. A vast force prepares itself to plough through the waters of the Sicily Channel. Big and nevertheless loser still before setting sail, because of a clash that Poblio already evidences as unequal: the image of Lutazio Catulo that trains seamen for the battle without a break is the expression of the Roman state of fervor, of a power grown in the obstinacy, with clear goals, in the tenacity, in the capacity to absorb techniques, men and strategies and that by copying the secrets of naval mechanisms it seems to have acquired the inheritance of the most famous navy of all times. The ships of Annone, warships exceptionally working as cargo boats for facing the needs of the troops besieged in Erice, sail from Carthage directed towards Hiera (Marettimo), necessary stopping place for continuing the navigation towards the three landing places of the island western coast, that a cabotage, normally difficult for the sandy roadsteads, would have put into risks for the presence of the enemy in the waters of Drepana and Lilibeo. Lutazio Catulo, sensed the Punic ships route that, from Hierà, escaping the coast patrolled between Drepana and Lilibeo, would have pointed to Erice, widening the ray of navigation towards the north-eastern access of the present Torre di Bonagia: it was necessary to cut the route for turning into Romans favor that strong libeccio that even if favorable to enemies sails it would not have lightened the heavy load made of provisions, in case of attack launched by surprise. 037 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies For the first time, Egadi enter into the history of Sicily: islands, scattered as “goats” among the channel waves, fragments of a seaside from time to time Sicilian or African, islands of the wind and of the untrustworthy billows that ancient etymologies related to the stormy Egeo, making a circle round the places of a goodness and on stories of survivors. The identification of Aigoussa polibiana with the current Favignana, as ambush place for the Roman fleet and place of the disaster for the enemies ships is today lesser expected than it was in the historical literature on Punic wars; complicated rebuilding of a double navigation through the channel Levanzo-Favignana and the orientation of the battle between Favignana and the “Stagnone” of which refers the well known wreckage of Marsala, clash with the need of two routes that can be perfectly rebuilt: the Punic one, Hierà-Erice, directed towards the open sea for reaching a particular landing place, with difficulty could have been chosen for the complicated direction – due to enemies patrolling and to the sandy roadsteads – determined by the penetration of the channel between the two islands and then the changing in route towards Drepana and then Erice. Romans of Lutazio Catulo, on the other side, had the need of a surprise attack that intuited the enemy route, should have been made fruitless because of the delay that, the descent towards Favignana and the penetration of the channel in the direction of Marettimo, should have implied; moreover a strong wind from South-West could be, with difficulty, defined pròs antion “opposite” with regard to Roman ships in the channel, in a direction perpendicular as well as with the protection of the islands. The Aegades geminae (Sil., 6, 685) Levanzo e Favignana, that prehistory wants linked with an end of land and those Specola lilybitana that allow the leaking out of the Punic name of the Erice, in the latest act of Sicily philo-Carthaginian, are the key for an alternative hypothesis on the battle places: it is the tradition converged in Livio, this time, shedding into light on a polibian topographic detail always read in a univocal manner. The Roman post that Polibio places at “Aigussa di fronte a Lilibeo” can be generically intended as placed at Favignana, even if the island is in front of the northern tip of the port, the present day Torre San Teodoro, exactly in opposition to Capo Lilibeo. The livian text - Aegates insulas Erycemque ante oculos proponite, quae terra marique per quattuor et viginti annos passis sitis - with a toponymy too much far from facts for being significant, but probably for this chronologic distance not accidental in the associations, invites to a rereading of the most available complete version on the battle of 241 b.C.: if the the “Aigussa di fronte a Lilibeo” were the Aigussa that is in front of Lilibeo such a topographical clarification from Polibio can be explained with the need to indicate that is not the biggest and the more well-known island, that one that gives the name to the archipelago (Favignana) but the Aigussa, the twin island, the smallest one, the Phorbantia of Tolomeo, Levanzo linked to the ancient memory of stormy seas along the Phoenician and Rodi an routes towards the Tirreno. The line covering the route Carthage-Erice ideally joins three points: Hierà, then the Aigussa of the hero Forbante and the Specola Lilybitana from which Romans probably sighted the enemies ships. It is probably at the north of Levanzo, where the archaeological findings dating back to fifties reveal the wide and regular presence of anchors, trace of a broken mooring cut simultaneously, on the back of Capo Grosso cliffs, that Lutazio Catulo 038 17. The amphora cargo of Hellenistic wreck of Cala Minnola (Levanzo) The pilot sites hided his fleet, changing battle array strategy with respect to the traditional hollow wedge and turning stems directly against the Punic fleet and the wind. By that time, the route Hierà-Erice was blocked-up and the disaster unavoidable, Aphrodite had already turned the eyes towards the Urbe and the new temple. For the sons of the twin Astarte, only unexpectedly wind blowing from North-East cleared away the latest most ancient and ancestral trace of their presence in Sicily: Venus Ericina had already appeared. The management of the underwater archaeological sites in the Egadi Islands The archaeological study that has been carried out, supported by the frequent underwater reconnaissance has been coupled with an analysis conducted by the team of economists of the University of Catania managed by Ilde Rizzo. Research was aimed at defining the relation between costs and benefits in case of an investment for the creation, in some of the identified sites, of parks or of archaeological underwater itineraries to visit. The analysis and its results are encouraging: in fact it comes out the cheapness of this operation for the booming underwater tourism that it generates. A first itinerary has already been created in the area of the wreckage of Cala Minnola (fig.17) and a second one in the area of the anchors of Capo Grosso. 18. Schematic view of TV control system of Hellenistic wreck of Cala Minnola (Levanzo) 039 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies In the area of Cala Minnola the first remote control TV switch system has been created: by using four cameras live images from the deep sea floor and from the water above are sent back directly to Favignana, at the entrance of the city hall (fig.18). It is worthwhile for us to cite a passage of the long and articulated economical analysis on the feasibility of the project for the creation of parks and archaeological underwater itineraries. Projects benefits are based on fruition, improvement and conservation demand of the archaeological finds as well as on the related research and education demand. For benefits calculation, three different categories have been singled out: · people availability to pay for archaeological underwater itineraries fruition, i.e consumers surplus; · benefits for services producers (diver centers) coming from the archaeological itinerary, i.e. the producers surplus; · touristic expenditure for the benefits of the economy on the whole. To the above mentioned benefits it is necessary to add those ones coming from preservation. As far as benefits coming from research and personal cultural enriching are concerned, the same one are difficult to value: this because of the difficulties in the definition of the beneficiaries and of their related availability to pay for the same ones. For this reason these benefits have not been included in the calculation. A sensitivity analysis has been carried out too: situations of uncertainty on both the graduality with which benefits will be produced in full within the estimated measure and on the demand weight have been taken into consideration. Even in case of significant changing in the most relevant parameters, the project continues to present positive net benefits. The study defines a management model for the proposed intervention. An original integration between public and private has been pointed out: in this case, some activities management, for their nature and for the fact that produce collective benefits, has been committed to the public institutions, while other activities have been assigned to privates. 040 The pilot sites CHAP. 2.2 Villefranche-sur-Mer Villefranche-sur-Mer, 2500 ans d'histoire! Depuis la nuit des temps, la rade Villefranche-sur-Mer est une étape incontournable pour toutes les civilisations de la mer. Dès l'Antiquité, Etrusques, Grecs et Romains sont venus mouiller les ancres de leurs puissantes galères dans cette rade immense située au pied des Alpes. Protégé des vents d'Est exclusivement, ce qui n'est pas rien, ce lieu de mouillage fut, au fil des siècles, une escale fort prisée par les navires en provenance des grandes puissantes maritimes de la Méditerranée. Toutefois, le Mistral fait de temps en temps une apparition lourde de conséquence en bloquant au mouillage tous les navires sans qu'ils puissent s'échapper à la voile ou à la rame de cette nasse géographique formée par le cap Ferrat et le cap de Nice. Bien que rare, le vent le plus redouté reste le vent du Sud, le terrible Libeccio qui a causé, au fil des siècles, de terribles dégâts aux installations portuaires du port de la Darse et de la Santé. Environ 12 grandes épaves antiques et modernes gisent en rade de Villefranchesur-Mer. L'apogée de ce lieu se situe vers les XVI et XVIIe siècles. C'est à cette période de l'Histoire que la puissante forteresse villefranchoise et de ses multiples pièces d'artillerie dominent l'ensemble des lieux. Car la rade de Villefranche-sur-Mer est le seul débouché à la mer du Duché de Savoie. Villefranche étant le port de guerre du Comté de Nice comme en témoignent encore de nos jours les diverses constructions architecturales toujours en place. Pourquoi tant de vestiges sous les eaux ? Une fois les ancres mouillées et les voiles affalées, les marins s'affairaient dans les cales afin de dresser le bilan de la casse occasionné par le mauvais temps sur les riches cargaisons embarquées. Bien souvent sous forme de vaisselles diverses et précieuses, les cargaisons malheureusement brisées, étaient alors balancées par dessus bord. Quelques siècles plus tard, ces vestiges des temps passés resurgissent lentement du sable ou de la vase à la plus grande joie d'une bande de passionnés au service de l'Histoire. Les plongeurs-archéologues d'Anao, l'aventure sous-marine (Fédération monégasque des activités subaquatiques, membres de l'Association pour la sauvegarde du patrimoine de Villefranche-sur-Mer) poursuivent depuis 1991 l'étude des lieux. D'importantes fouilles sous-marines sont régulièrement entreprises afin de tenter de décrypter des milliers de données scientifiques collectées au fond des eaux de la rade. Des fouilles officielles patronnées par le Ministère de la Culture et son Département des recherches archéologiques subaquatiques et sous-marines. Vaisselle de toute la Ligurie sans oublier les villes de Rome, de Pise et les fragiles verreries de Venise... Mais également de toute la Provence, de Grèce, d'Espagne et même d'Afrique du Nord viennent ainsi témoigner de la richesse de ces échanges commerciaux entre les peuples. 041 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 1 2 Un brassage culturel à travers les siècles qui s'explique par une concurrence commerciale acharnée de l'ensemble des capitales tournées vers la Méditerranée. Assiettes multicolores et finement décorées, bols, écuelles, vases, jarres, mais également lampes à huile vernissées, boulets de canon en pierre, silex pour les armes à feu, objets en bronze, dés à jouer, balles en plomb, ardoises finement taillées, pipes en terre de formes diverses... font partie de ces milliers de vestiges sauvés des eaux et restaurés minutieusement afin de dresser un bilan archéologique détaillé des lieux. Ce patrimoine archéologique est consultable sur internet: www.clubanao.org Un espace dédié à l'archéologie sous-marine sera inauguré en mai 2011, à l'entrée de la citadelle de Villefranche-sur-Mer. Cette exposition de matériel archéologique retracera par l'objet l'histoire des lieux. Un musée de la mer est également en cours de réalisation, à Menton. Là, les visiteurs pourront découvrir la richesse archéologique de cette rade à travers des milliers d'objets présentés au grand public. L'aventure sousmarine continue! Eric DULIERE Président d'Anao, l'aventure sous-marine, Vice-Président de l'A.S.P.M.V. Chef de mission, instructeur en archéologie sous-marine. Président de la commission d'archéologie de la F.M.A.S. En hommage à Dominique Tailliez, président-fondateur del'Association pour la sauvegarde du patrimoine maritime de Villefranche-sur-Mer, aujourd'huidisparu. "Il a su transmettre sa passion afin de sauvegarder ce site historique unique en Méditerranée". Merci à lui. 1. Le Port Royal de la Darse (Association pour la sauvegarde du patrimoine maritime de Villefranche-sur-Mer) 2. Le Port Royal de la Darse (Association pour la sauvegarde du patrimoine maritime de Villefranche-sur-Mer) 042 The pilot sites CHAP. La fachada 2.3 marítima de Ampurias Estudios geofísicos y datos arqueológicos1 Introducción 1 - Durante los años 2003 y 2004 los trabajos se han beneficiado de su inclusión en el proyecto ANSER (Anciennes Routes Maritimes Méditerranéennes). FEDER, programa INTERREG IIIB MEDOCC. Ya en 1823, en el primer plano general que se publicó de las ruinas ampuritanas (De Passa 1823) y que se publicaría nuevamente, con pequeñas modificaciones, en 1879 (Botet y Sisó 1879) se indicaba la ubicación del puerto y del “malecón” designándolo como muro del puerto, y desde entonces quedó fosilizada la idea de que el espacio, actualmente colmatado de tierra, que se extiende entre la Palaiápolis y la Neápolis era el espacio portuario que había hecho posible las actividades náuticas de la ciudad. El descubrimiento de un segundo puerto ampuritano en la zona de Riells – La Clota (Nieto/Nolla 1985) y el hallazgo submarino de varios centenares de bloques de piedra trabajados en la zona de las Muscleres Grosses a levante de la Neápolis (Nieto/Raurich 1998), hizo evidente que la realidad portuaria de la ciudad de Ampurias y el aspecto de su fachada marítima habían sido más complejo de lo que se pensaba y que para su estudio era imprescindible un conocimiento más preciso de los cambios topográficos acaecidos. Este proyecto de estudio de la fachada marítima de Ampurias (fig. 1), al que todavía quedan varios años para su finalización, presenta dos características específicas: una es la inclusión del territorio submarino y la otra es tener como objetivo final el conocimiento de los condicionantes que actuaron sobre las actividades náuticas de las ciudades griega y romana de Ampurias. Desde el punto de vista estructural existe una cierta tendencia a evaluar la calidad de la obra utilizando parámetros de resistencia que en ocasiones incluso se extrapolan desde concepciones de ingeniería actual, cuando probablemente sería más correcto hacer el análisis desde la idoneidad de la obra para la función que ha de desarrollar en el momento concreto en que fue realizada. Un embarcadero de troncos y planchas de madera puede ser la mejor y más idónea solución, en función de las necesidades existentes en ese momento y en ese lugar, pero esa solución técnica puede quedar obsoleta y ser inadecuada unos pocos años más tarde en función de decisiones geoestratégicas, comerciales o técnicas que hagan variar la cantidad o las características de las embarcaciones que utilicen ese embarcadero. El análisis arqueológico de la obra no puede realizarse únicamente a partir del conocimiento histórico del yacimiento arqueológico terrestre adyacente. El mar es la mejor y más utilizada vía de comunicación y el barco es una máquina en movimiento que presenta unos condicionantes (dimensiones, estiba, rutas, reparaciones etc.) que hacen necesarias unas infraestructuras que pueden superar las necesidades concretas del núcleo de población vecino, por lo que parecería más acertado afrontar el estudio de la franja litoral desde la óptica de un espacio geográfico marítimo amplio que desde una visión geográfica terrestre reducida. Una obra relacionada con la navegación, ubicada en esta franja litoral, suele ser compleja, cara, en muchas ocasiones de uso público y frágil ante la fuerza del mar, por lo que se impone una alianza con el medio natural, originándose una adecuación de la obra a las posibilidades topográficas y climatológicas de la zona, por lo que una obra poco explicable desde una óptica actual, puede ser la más idónea teniendo en cuenta las posibilidades técnicas y económicas y en especial la orografía de la zona, en el momento de la construcción. 043 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 1 2 4 3 5 11 6 7 10 8 9 1a 1b Metodología de Trabajo El método de trabajo que se viene empleando en este proyecto incluye un estudio de la antigua documentación planimétrica y fotográfica, una detallada prospección visual del terreno tanto terrestre como subacuático, la prospección geofísica de detalle y la excavación arqueológica subacuática a la que esperamos que se añadan en el futuro las excavaciones puntuales en tierra. Para el desarrollo de los trabajos el MAC-CASC ha contado especialmente con la colaboración del MAC-Empúries, del CEREGE – UMR 6635 que se ha encargado de las prospecciones geofísicas terrestres, del Dr. Aureli Álvarez del laboratorio de Cristalografía y Mineralogía de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, para el estudio de los bloques de piedra y de Lluís Sants y Narcís Garcia del equipo de topografía de la Direcció General del Patrimoni Cultural. Para las prospecciones geofísicas en tierra se ha utilizado el ABEM-SAS-4000 (fig. 2) con el que se han realizado 17 perfiles de resistividad eléctrica, utilizando un juego de 64 electrodos de acero inoxidable. El dispositivo de adquisición, en términos de localización de los electrodos de inyección de corriente y de los electrodos de medida de potencial, sigue las configuraciones Wenner (fig. 3). La configuración Wenner ha sido escogida por ofrecer la mejor relación de señal por resonancia. Los electrodos de medidas de potencial están situados entre los electrodos de inyección de corriente (Dahlin/Zhou 2004). Utilizando seguidamente la ley de Ohm, con un factor de corrección que tiene en cuenta la distancia respectiva de los electrodos, es posible calcular una resistividad aparente del subsuelo por cada medida. La distancia entre los electrodos de inyección de corriente eléctrica aumenta la profundidad de investigación. Este procedimiento se repite sobre un conjunto de permutaciones que comprenden los 64 electrodos del dispositivo de medición. La duración de adquisición de un perfil compuesto por 64 electrodos es de alrededor de una hora y media (sin contar el tiempo de instalación del dispositivo que es más o menos equivalente). Una vez concluída la adquisición, los datos son transferidos a un ordenador para su tratamiento con el programa informático RES2DINV (imagen teniendo en cuanta los efectos de la topografía) (Loke/Barker 1996). Se obtiene entonces una imagen del subsuelo en términos de “resistividad verdadera”, la cual es interpretable en términos de estructuras (restos arqueológicos, superficies de utilización, cavidades, naturaleza del substrato por ejemplo). El valor de la resistividad eléctrica de una roca depende del contenido en agua, de la carga iónica del agua (de su mineralización), y de la plasticidad del material. Solo los perfiles de resistividad verdadera (y no los perfiles de resistividad aparente) han sido interpretados y presentados en este trabajo. 044 1 a/b. Vista aérea y plano de Empúries. 1- Palaiápolis (Sant Martí d'Empúries) 2 - Puerto natural 3 - Neápolis 4 - Museu d'Empúries 5 - Ágora 6 - Mirador formado con las tierras procedentes de la excavación de la Neápolis 7- Muscleres Petites 8 - Muscleres Grosses 9 - Roca champiñón, único resto visible de la prolongación hacia el norte de las Muscleres Grosses 10 - Piscina 11 - Malecón The pilot sites (a) (b) 2 3 Algunos de los fenómenos que han influido en el cambio de la topografía de la fachada marítima de Ampurias y sus consecuencias arqueológicas 2. Sistema de adquisición de información (ABEM – Terrameter SAS – 4000) empleado en las prospecciones geofísicas. El dispositivo se conecta a 64 electrodos de acero inoxidable que se clavan en el suelo y se unen con dos cables blindados para evitar los efectos de inducción. 3. Configuración de los electrodos para una adquisición de tipo Wenner (a) y dipolodipolo (b). A y B son los electrodos de inyección de corriente y C y D son los dos electrodos de medida de potencial eléctrico. La configuración Wenner ofrece la mejor relación, señal por resonancia, entre los diferentes tipos de configuraciones de adquisición, pero es especialmente sensible a las estructuras tubulares. La configuración dipolo-dipolo ofrece una menor relación, señal por resonancia, pero se muestra sensible a las estructuras verticales como por ejemplo los planos de fallas verticales. Establecer la línea de costa para cada momento histórico es un problema complejo, tanto porque son muchos los factores que influyen en los cambios de la línea, como porque estos pueden ser diferentes en zonas contiguas, muy pequeñas geográficamente y además pueden ser de escasa relevancia geológica, pero de alto interés arqueológico. Por ello los cambios pueden pasar desapercibidos en estudios geológicos efectuados sobre zonas geográficas amplias, lo cual hace necesarios estudios de microgeografía. Arqueológicamente es necesario conocer la distancia que separa un resto arqueológico del mar en el momento de su construcción, lo cual permitirá entender su función. De entre todos los factores que pueden hacer variar esta distancia, nos interesa resaltar dos: el avance o retroceso de la línea de costa debido a fenómenos de erosión o sedimentación u otros y la variación de la línea de costa debido a la subida o a la bajada del nivel del mar. A continuación repasaremos algunos fenómenos que han influido en el cambio de la topografía de la línea costera ampuritana y que creemos que han tenido repercusiones arqueológicas: Las variaciones del nivel del mar en Ampurias Para algunos el nivel del mar en el Ampurdán en época antigua se encontraba más alto que en época actual (Marqués/Julià 1983a, 162). Al contrario, más recientemente se ha propuesto que hacia el 2000 BP el mar se encontraba 2 m. más bajo que hoy en día (Marzoli 2005, 67). Esta autora sigue los resultados de trabajos anteriores (Roqué/Pallí 1996, 31) que concluyen que el mar, que se encontraba a 2 m. por debajo del nivel actual, comenzó a subir antes del 2000 BP para bajar, hacia el 1900 BP, hasta situarse a unos decímetros por debajo del nivel actual. Otros autores consideran que estos cambios en el nivel del mar no han sido tan importantes ni en el Maresme (Serra/Sorribas 1993), ni en Narbona (Gayraud 1983, 57), ni en general en todo el Mediterráneo noroccidental (Laborel et alii 1994 y 1998). Afortunadamente la excavación arqueológica de la plaza Jules Verne en Marsella, que ha puesto al descubierto parte de la infraestructura portuaria griega y romana de la ciudad, ha proporcionado datos geológicos, biológicos y arqueológicos suficientes para poder establecer con precisión las variaciones del nivel 045 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies del mar en época histórica (Morange/Laborel/Hesnard 2001). Para el puerto de Marsella se propone que desde época griega el nivel del mar ha estado más bajo que en época actual y en concreto se situaba, hacia el año 575 a.C. a unos -65 cm. con respecto al nivel actual (NGF), mientras que en época romana se situaba hacia -50 cm. (+/- 10 cm.) con respecto al nivel actual (NGF). Para establecer el nivel del mar en Ampurias nos inclinamos a aceptar los datos derivados de la excavación de Marsella, tanto porque la cantidad y la variedad de fuentes de información en las que se basan nos ofrecen garantías, como porque los datos disponibles parecen apuntar hacia una estabilidad tectónica en la zona ampuritana durante el Holoceno. Descartamos que el nivel del mar se encontrara a 2 m. por encima del nivel actual debido a que de haber sido así diversos restos arqueológicos habrían sido de construcción submarina, por ejemplo una tumba excavada en la zona de la Clota Grossa, datada entre el 90 y el 70 a.C. (Casas 1982) y que se encuentra a sólo 169 cm. por encima del nivel actual del mar (Nieto/Nolla 1985, 281). También se encontrarían sumergidos los pavimentos de las importantes construcciones ubicadas al suroeste del “malecón” de Ampurias y que se encuentran a menos de un metro por encima del nivel actual del mar (Sanmartí 1995). Como otros autores (Sanmartí 1995, 168) consideramos que desde el asentamiento griego en Ampurias hasta hoy se ha producido, en términos generales, una escasa elevación del nivel del mar, que hoy podemos situar grosso modo entre los 60/70 cm. como máximo. Más adelante, al hablar del fenómeno de las “rocas champiñón” aportaremos nuevos datos que corroboran la escasa variación del nivel del mar durante el periodo histórico que tratamos. No podemos olvidar que el nivel del Mediterráneo experimenta a lo largo del año una variación estacional que se puede situar, en esta zona, en torno a los 15 cm. 4 a/b. A lo largo del siglo XX se ha producido una importante transformación del paisaje emporitano como consecuencia de la creación y fijación de dunas mediante vegetación. La Neápolis, que en la segunda década del siglo XX todavía presentaba un contacto con el mar ha quedado separada física, administrativa y en ocasiones científicamente del mar y del “malecón”. La aportación natural de arena Aunque la aportación eólica de arenas ha sido permanente y detectable tanto en el puerto natural entre la Palaiápolis y la Neápolis como en el resto de la zona, la modificación topográfica más visible debida a esta causa, se inició en los años treinta del siglo XIX cuando los ingenieros forestales decidieron fijar la arena de la zona mediante la creación de dunas (Ferrer 1895). Como consecuencia la Neápolis se separó de su fachada marítima mediante una barrera de vegetación y arena que cubre parte del 4a 046 4b The pilot sites yacimiento arqueológico (fig. 4). Al mismo tiempo se consolidó una carretera entre el mar y la fachada este de la Neápolis que, además de destruir algunos vestigios arqueológicos (Sanmartí et alii 1996, 245) enterró otros bajo el pavimento, al tiempo que fijó un talud artificial que separa la ciudad griega del mar. La aportación artificial de arena Diversos sondeos arqueológicos subacuáticos efectuados en la zona, tanto en el lado sur de las Muscleres Grosses como en el norte (Nieto/Raurich 1998, fig.10) han puesto de manifiesto otro proceso de variación del paisaje, en este caso submarino. La estratigrafía submarina en la zona norte de las Muscleres se puede resumir diciendo que se ha acumulado un estrato de entre 2 y 3 m. de espesor formado en las últimas décadas por la arena aportada artificialmente para regenerar las playas adyacentes, arena que, como consecuencia de los diversos temporales que arrastran mar adentro la arena depositada en la playa, ha acabado en el fondo del mar, cubriendo el yacimiento arqueológico. Bajo este estrato de arena de aportación moderna existe otro también de arena, de unos 40 cm. de espesor, formado por las arenas naturales de la zona. Es en estos estratos, y especialmente en el superior, donde pueden encontrarse algunos, aunque escasos, materiales arqueológicos procedentes de la excavación de la Neápolis. La aportación fluvial de sedimentos 5. Estrato de arcillas enormemente compactas, con un espesor que puede llegar a 1 m., depositado sobre lo que fue el fondo del mar en época romana. En el medio subacuático, por debajo de los dos estratos de arena que acabamos de comentar, el yacimiento se encuentra perfectamente sellado por un estrato sorprendentemente compacto y uniforme formado por arcillas y limos, con abundantes carbones. Este estrato que normalmente tiene un espesor de 1 m., en la zona entre el “malecón” y las Muscleres (fig. 5), pierde potencia hasta ser de unos pocos centímetros de espesor en las zonas perimetrales de esta área. Un estrato con estos materiales arcillosos, aunque de menor potencia, se encuentra también en el puerto natural entre la Palaiapolis y la Neápolis (Marqués/Julià 1983b; Marzoli 2005). Estos estratos son típicos de los espacios cerrados en donde se sedimentan los materiales de granulometría extremadamente fina aportados en suspensión por el agua de los ríos. Una cuestión enormemente interesante es establecer cuándo y por qué se produjo esta enorme aportación de limos y arcilla con carbones. Creemos que esta colmatación es posterior a época romana, ya que bajo el estrato de limos aparece un estrato de arena y Posidonia oceanica que corresponde al nivel del fondo del mar en época romana, a tenor de los materiales arqueológicos romano republicanos que aparecen en este estrato, que en el sondeo 2 (Nieto/Raurich 1998, 68) se encuentra a una profundidad de -6,40 m. con respecto al nivel actual del mar. Durante la campaña de 1997 se extrajeron tres muestras de la Posidonia oceanica localizada debajo del potente estrato de arcilla y situada en el nivel que consideramos que fue el fondo del mar en época romana. Estas tres muestras fueron analizadas para su datación por C14 por Beta Analytic INC, University Branch (Miami, Florida). Ya desde el propio laboratorio de estudio se avisó que las muestras presentaban una importante 047 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies amplitud cronológica, lo cual es normal en las muestras de posidonia. Por otra parte 14 conocemos los problemas que plantea la datación de la Posidonia oceanica por C por lo que esta datación debe ser aceptada como orientativa y con precaución. La muestra 121917 dio un resultado de 1580 +/- 80 BP (Conventional radiocarbon age). El resultado calibrado ha dado una fecha de calendario para este material orgánico comprendida entre el 330 al 645 DC cal. (2 sigma, 95% de probabilidad). Los años de intercepción entre la curva de calibración y el año radiocarbónico han sido el 465 DC cal., 475 DC cal., y 515 DC cal. El resultado calibrado a partir de 1 sigma, y con un 68% de probabilidad comprende un arco cronológico entre el 410 DC al 590 DC cal. La muestra 121918 dio un resultado de 1730 +/- 70 BP (Conventional radiocarbon age). El resultado calibrado ha dado una fecha de calendario para este material orgánico comprendida entre el 135 al 450 DC cal. (2 sigma, 95% de probabilidad). El año de intercepción entre el año radiocarbónico y la curva de calibración ha sido el 340 DC cal. El resultado calibrado a partir de 1 sigma, y con un 68% de probabilidad comprende un arco cronológico entre el 240 DC al 410 DC cal. La muestra 121919 dio un resultado de 1530 +/- 60 BP (Conventional radiocarbon age). El resultado calibrado ha dado una fecha de calendario para este material orgánico comprendida entre el 415 al 650 DC cal. (2 sigma, 95% de probabilidad). El año de intercepción entre el año radiocarbónico y la curva de calibración ha sido el 555 DC cal. El resultado calibrado a partir de 1 sigma, y con un 68% de probabilidad comprende un arco cronológico entre el 450 DC al 615 DC cal. A partir de la realización de estos tres análisis se han podido cotejar los resultados comparándolos entre ellos y conseguir así reducir la amplia horquilla cronológica que ofrecen las muestras por separado. Así pues, si ponemos los tres resultados en común, se obtiene una fecha calibrada comprendida entre el 415 al 450 DC cal., siendo la muestra 121919 la que da el TAQ y la muestra 121918 el TPQ. La tercera muestra también se encaja perfectamente dentro de esta datación. Con referencia a esta datación conviene resaltar: 1. No se excavó la pradera de Posidonia oceanica, pero los materiales arqueológicos visibles bajo y entre la capa superficial de la pradera muerta eran todos de época romano republicana. 2. El sondeo que se efectuó en el estrato de arcillas formado, quizás, con posterioridad a inicios del siglo V d.C., medía 2 m. por 1 y afectó a una potencia de 1 m. En los dos metros cúbicos de arcillas extraídas no apareció ni un pequeño resto arqueológico, por lo que no parece que, durante el periodo de formación de este estrato, hubiera una actividad náutica en el puerto capaz de depositar material arqueológico en el fondo del mar, al menos en este lugar. 3. Sobre esta capa de arcillas y limos no se detectan cantidades importantes de material arqueológico en posición primaria. 4. Esta enorme cantidad de sedimentos debió extenderse por toda la fachada marítima de Ampurias depositándose en espacios cerrados, pero con espesores diferentes en función de la dinámica del mar, por lo que no es extraño que los encontremos tanto en el puerto natural entre la Palaiápolis y la Neápolis como en la zona al noroeste de las Muscleres Grosses. El porqué de este enorme depósito de arcillas procedente de la erosión del paisaje terrestre, escapa de nuestro ámbito de estudio, pero es sugerente remitirnos a trabajos realizados en el Penedès, Garraf y al norte del “Pla de Barcelona”, en donde se detectan 048 The pilot sites estratos con una fuerte reducción de los valores polínicos de los taxones arbóreos, paralelamente a un aumento de cenizas que indican claramente una intensificación de los incendios (Esteban et alii 1993, 650). En los estudios polínicos se detecta la desaparición de la olivera, la viña y casi totalmente los cereales. Los autores sitúan el proceso de deforestación y consiguiente erosión del terreno y arrastre de sedimentos por la lluvia y los ríos a lo largo de los siglos VII/VIII d.C. Se ha propuesto que este proceso vendría motivado por un auge de la actividad ganadera extensiva, que utilizaría como pastos tanto los sectores interiores como las propias llanuras litorales. Este proceso de deforestación creó una actividad erosiva causante de la extensión de las planicies deltaicas de los ríos Besòs i Llobregat así como la colmatación de diversas zonas lagunares cercanas a la costa (Riera/Palet 1993, Esteban et alii 1993). Un problema especialmente complejo es el de los cambios paisajísticos al norte de Sant Martí d'Empúries, motivados por los meandros que forma el Fluviá al final de su curso y que han ido cambiando de posición a lo largo de la historia. Durante el tiempo que el río desembocaba junto a la cara norte del promontorio de la Palaiapolis, junto al curso final del río se extendía una zona pantanosa (Marzoli 2005). El proyecto que estamos desarrollando todavía no ha actuado en esa zona, por lo que no podemos añadir ningún dato a los que aporta la bibliografía existente. Los trabajos arqueológicos La fachada marítima padeció un nuevo cambio importante como consecuencia de la metodología arqueológica aplicada durante el siglo XIX y principios del XX, ya que durante esa época las tierras procedentes de la excavación eran transportadas en carros o vagonetas y arrojadas al mar, generalmente frente al ágora (fig. 1, 5), originándose en aquel lugar una plataforma, actualmente utilizada como mirador y de más de 50 m. de longitud. La conexión urbanística del ágora y la stoa con el mar quedó bajo toneladas de tierra (fig. 1, 6). Junto a la tierra fueron arrojados pequeños objetos arqueológicos, que los embates del mar han dispersado por la zona, pero sin llegar a constituir un problema importante de contaminación arqueológica, ya que el estrato que los contiene es fácilmente detectable durante las excavaciones arqueológicas subacuáticas. Otro cambio antrópico importante en la topografía de la fachada marítima ampuritana se debe a la construcción, a partir de 1915, del museo e instalaciones complementarias, que aprovecharon, primero el convento y después la iglesia de los monjes servitas. Obras que culminaron en 1947 y que comportaron la realización de un importante muro de contención para construir la terraza sobre la que se asienta el museo (fig. 1, 4). Esta terraza y el muro, del que actualmente emerge perpendicularmente una parte de la antigua muralla de la Neápolis, cubren la zona de contacto de la Neápolis con el puerto natural, en donde suponemos que debió existir un pequeño acantilado. La explotación de las rocas litorales como cantera Las necesidades edilicias planteadas por la evolución urbanística de Ampurias supusieron la explotación de varias canteras (Sanmartí 1994 y 1995) y por una lógica cuestión de economía se explotaron aquellas afloraciones rocosas que estaban más próximas al lugar de construcción (Álvarez/De Bru 1983), algunas de ellas en la fachada marítima de la ciudad y de entre las que nos interesa resaltar las ubicadas en la roca sobre la que se alza el “malecón” (fig. 1, 11) y en las Muscleres Grosses (fig. 1, 8). 049 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies Se ha realizado el estudio petrográfico de treinta y cinco muestras extraídas de los bloques encontrados bajo el agua y procedentes de las diversas construcciones que conformaron el puerto artificial, lo cual ha permitido constatar el origen local de la piedra utilizada, en concreto de las canteras ubicadas junto al mar. Sabemos2 que para la construcción del muro que existió sobre la parte actualmente sumergida de las Muscleres Gosses (fig. 15, 12), se utilizaron piedras procedentes de las Muscleres Petites (fig. 1, 7), de les Muscleres Gosses, del “malecón” (fig. 1, 11) y de Sant Martí d'Empúries (fig. 1, 1). Para la construcción de la torre ubicada en la fachada sur del puerto (fig. 15, 9) se utilizaron piedras de las canteras de las Muscleres Petites, del “malecón”, de las Muscleres Grosses, de Sant Martí d'Empúries y de la cantera identificada en el municipio de l'Escala y conocida por Mar d'en Manassa (Sanmartí 1994). Los bloques trabajados localizados en la llamada “piscina” (fig. 1, 10), proceden del “malecón” y de Sant Martí d'Empúries. A tenor del resultado de los análisis y de la cantidad de bloques localizados bajo el agua, hemos de concluir que la variación del paisaje rocoso en la fachada marítima de la Neápolis debió ser importante. En otro orden de cosas y con las precauciones debidas, la constatación de que muchos de los bloques utilizados proceden de la roca del “malecón” sugiere la posibilidad de que la construcción de estas obras del puerto artificial, sea anterior a la construcción del “malecón”. 6. Se observa el plano de fractura originado al desgajarse un trozo de roca. Esta rotura fue posible debido a la oquedad que se originó a nivel de mar y que confirió a la roca una forma de visera. Cuando la visera fue los suficientemente grande y pesada cayó al mar. Como testimonio del tamaño original de la roca y de este proceso de erosión ha quedado ante la roca una plataforma plana apreciable en la superficie del mar. Las “rocas champiñón” Es un fenómeno muy particular y de localización geográfica concreta en la Costa Brava, hasta el punto que Yvette Barbaza en su obra sobre la costa rocosa de Girona titula como: “Les rochers-champignons de l'Escala”, uno de los subcapítulos de su obra (Barbaza 1971, 82). El substrato rocoso que forma la fachada marítima de Ampurias forma una orografía irregular, que da lugar a los promontorios sobre los que se asentaron la Palaiápolis y la Neápolis y a los acantilados que se extienden entre los dos núcleos de ocupación humana. Estas rocas, con el mismo perfil irregular, forman el substrato submarino de la fachada de Ampurias, dando lugar, como en tierra, a depresiones y crestas rocosas que en ocasiones afloran a la superficie marina formando escollos que, de manera aislada o como barreras paralelas a la costa, configuran la topografía de la zona. A lo largo de los siglos se ha producido un proceso que dividimos en tres fases, durante las cuales factores mecánicos, biológicos y químicos han actuado sobre estas rocas erosionándolas en la línea de contacto con el mar, produciendo oquedades, cada vez mayores, generándose una visera que al ir aumentando de longitud y peso acaba por desgajarse de la roca a la que pertenece y cae. En la primera fase, cuando la roca es de gran tamaño, los desprendimientos de la visera, son parciales y de este modo la roca va disminuyendo su superficie y creando, una plataforma lisa (trottoir à Lithophyllum tortuosum, según Barbaza), (fig. 6) al tiempo que en el fondo del mar se depositan las rocas procedentes del medio aéreo. El proceso se repite y continúa y en una segunda fase cuando la superficie de la roca aérea ya es de escaso tamaño, la erosión se produce todo alrededor y se genera una roca en forma de champiñón (fig. 7). 050 2 - Trabajo de final del Curso de Postgrado en Arqueología Náutica Mediterránea, realizado por Xavier Aguelo bajo el título: Els blocs del port romà d'Empúries. The pilot sites 7. La erosión, a nivel del mar ha generado una oquedad todo alrededor de la roca , confiriéndole la forma de “roca champiñón”. Cuando la erosión en la base continúe aumentando el tamaño y peso de la visera, se desgajara la visera, adquiriendo el conjunto un aspecto como el de la roca de la figura 6. Posteriormente al continuar la erosión en a base llegará un momento en que aquello que se fracturará será la columna que sujeta la roca, por lo que esta caerá al fondo del mar como se aprecia en la figura 8. Creemos que la roca que se aprecia en esta figura es la única parte aérea que queda de la prolongación hacia el norte de las Muscleres Grosses (ver figura 1, 9). La última fase del proceso llega cuando el pedículo de la roca con forma de champiñón sigue experimentando una progresiva disminución de su diámetro y al no poder soportar el peso de la umbrela, se rompe y la “roca champiñón” cae al fondo del mar (fig. 8), con lo que desaparece todo vestigio aéreo de la afloración rocosa que existió y queda una superficie plana junto a la superficie del mar. Este fenómeno lento, pero constante, es muy frecuente en la fachada marítima ampuritana y se detecta hoy día, en superficie, en todas las rocas en contacto con el agua, ya que presentan oquedades a nivel de mar y también se detecta bajo el agua al localizar numerosas rocas en forma de champiñón con el pedículo roto y que nos indican que una vez estuvieron al aire libre. Este fenómeno nos aporta información para conocer la evolución del nivel del mar en los últimos siglos, ya que para producirse el resultado que acabamos de comentar se requiere una estabilidad del nivel durante siglos. Observando la profundidad a la que se encuentran las plataformas submarinas que se forman en la parte inferior de la oquedad de las rocas, comprobamos como en aquellas “rocas champiñón” que están todavía en proceso de formación y en aquellas de donde proceden las ya rotas y caídas al fondo del mar y que aparecen en contacto con restos arqueológicos de época romana, la diferencia de altitud es escasa, lo cual nos hace pensar que las cifras propuestas para Marsella son correctas y que en el caso de Ampurias el nivel del mar en los últimos dos mil años no ha debido subir más de 60/70 cm. Este fenómeno, estudiado por Barbaza (1971), aparte de cambiar de forma muy sensible el paleopaisaje costero ampuritano, ha producido la desaparición de cualquier vestigio de ocupación humana que hubiera sobre esas rocas. Por su trascendencia para los estudios arqueológicos centraremos el estudio del efecto de las “rocas champiñón” en dos zonas concretas: 1. La afloración rocosa sobre la que se construyó el “malecón”. Esta afloración rocosa presenta en su cara este, hacia mar abierto, importantes oquedades que indican que el proceso continua, encontrándose en la fase 1 que hemos descrito. Delante de las rocas visibles, hacia mar abierto, se observan en el fondo del mar tanto rocas sumergidas, en posición primaria, como rocas caídas, por lo que la base rocosa cuando se construyó el “malecón” debía ser bastante más ancha que en la actualidad. Esta circunstancia hace imposible que ese lugar fuera utilizado para la aproximación de embarcaciones. Además el “malecón” se encuentra abierto a los vientos de norte y levante que todavía harían más difícil el amarre de embarcaciones (fig. 9). En el extremo norte, el que mira a Sant Martí, existen algunas rocas aisladas, dispersas y sumergidas a una profundidad que hace imposible que hayan sido aéreas en los dos últimos milenios. En la cara oeste, la que mira a la Neápolis, siempre son visibles las rocas que sobresalen de la arena y que adquieren una gran extensión después de un temporal de levante, que al arrastrar la arena, permite ver una amplia superficie de rocas que hacen también imposible que por ese lado pudiera acercarse una embarcación hasta el “malecón” (fig. 10). 2. La zona de las Muscleres Grosses. Sabemos que de los dos grupos de rocas que forman las Muscleres Grosses uno 051 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 8 ha reducido su parte aérea en una longitud, hacia el norte, de unos 90 m., y el otro, el más exterior, ha perdido unos 25 m. de su parte aérea (Nieto/Raurich 1998, 63). Gran parte de las Muscleres Grosses se encuentra actualmente bajo el agua, formando una cresta rocosa al pie de la cual, en su cara oeste, se han localizado los restos de varias “rocas champiñón” y centenares de bloques trabajados de piedra (fig. 8), algunos con marca de cantero, que proceden de una construcción que existió sobre la parte aérea de las Muscleres Grosses ahora sumergida, (Nieto/Raurich 1998). Recientes estudios de muestras extraídas de estos bloques nos han permitido identificar las canteras de las que proceden los bloques. El 65% de las muestras analizadas demuestran que los bloques fueron extraídos de las Muscleres Grosses y el resto proceden mayoritariamente de Sant Martí d'Empúries, de les Muscleres Petites y de la 3 roca sobre la que se construyó el “malecón” . La ubicación de los bloques trabajados de piedra puestos al descubierto por la excavación arqueológica subacuática nos permite saber que ese muro tuvo una longitud de al menos 150 m. 9 3 - Agradecemos al doctor Aureli Álvarez del Departamento de Cristalografía y Mineralogía de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona el que haya llevado a cabo este estudio que forma parte del trabajo de licenciatura que está desarrollando el Sr. Xavier Aguelo. La adecuación del paleopaisaje de la fachada marítima ampuritana a las necesidades humanas Es bien conocida la capacidad del hombre, dependiendo de sus posibilidades técnicas y económicas, para modificar el paisaje con el fin de adaptarlo a sus necesidades. En esta adaptación rige un principio lógico de economía de esfuerzos y de gasto económico. De esta manera el entorno físico influirá sobre las decisiones a tomar. En Ampurias el ejemplo más claro es el del “malecón”, cuyas dimensiones, sus límites, el ángulo con respecto al viento y las olas, incluso su forma y volumen vinieron condicionados, en gran medida, por las posibilidades que ofrecía el afloramiento rocoso sobre el que se construyó. Esto es aplicable a las obras en toda la fachada marítima y especialmente a las realizadas dentro del agua, ya que no adaptarse a las ventajas topográficas hubiera supuesto realizar obras extremadamente costosas. Es por lo tanto necesario, en el momento de estudiar las obras llevadas a cabo en la fachada marítima ampuritana, discernir entre aquello que hubiera sido deseable y aquello que era posible con los condicionantes topográficos y los medios disponibles. A la luz de lo dicho hasta ahora intentaremos aproximarnos a los procesos tendentes a adaptar el paleopaisaje de la fachada marítima de Ampurias a las necesidades humanas en cada momento y para ello trataremos individualizadamente diversas unidades geográficas, que creemos que forman parte de un mismo proceso 052 8. Roca champiñón ya desgajada de su parte aérea y caída al fondo del mar, en donde se situó, en posición invertida, sobre los bloques de piedra trabajada que formaban el muro construido sobre la roca. Esta roca que perteneció a la parte aérea de las Muscleres Grosses se localiza junto a la de la figura 7 (ver figura 1, 9). 9. Cara este del “malecón”. Esta construcción, por estar totalmente abierta a los vientos dominantes y por las rocas existentes, no pudo ser un lugar destinado al atraque de embarcaciones. The pilot sites histórico. En este trabajo cuando nos referimos a la profundidad de un elemento con respecto al nivel actual del mar tomamos como referencia el nivel oficialmente aceptado que es el de Alicante y por otra parte para una correcta interpretación arqueológica hay que tener en cuenta que, tal como se ha comentado, el nivel del mar estuvo más bajo que actualmente, por lo que para interpretar correctamente los datos que ofrecemos, hay que restar de la profundidad actual y dependiendo del momento histórico unos 60 ó 70 cm. El puerto natural 10. Cara oeste del “malecón”. Las afloraciones rocosas a sotavento de los vientos dominantes impiden que este espacio fuera utilizado como refugio para las embarcaciones. Proponemos esta denominación para designar al espacio portuario tradicionalmente reconocido en Ampurias entre la Palaiápolis y la Neápolis (fig. 1, 2). Podríamos haberle denominado el puerto griego, pero sería enormemente inexacto tanto como adscripción cultural como cronológica ya que nada hace pensar que no fuera utilizado con anterioridad a la llegada de los masaliotas y posteriormente en época romana. Nos parece más apropiada esta denominación ya que además nos permite contraponerla a la de puerto artificial que utilizaremos para denominar a la zona portuaria que se construyó a levante de la Neápolis, tal como veremos más adelante. Actualmente es una depresión dedicada a tierras de cultivo en donde existió una ensenada limitada al norte por el promontorio de Sant Martí de Empúries, al oeste por un importante acantilado y al sur por la elevación de terreno sobre la que se construyó la Neápolis, mientras que todo su lado este estuvo abierto y expuesto a los vientos de levante y tramontana que son los más peligrosos de la zona, lo cual en principio le convierte en un lugar poco idóneo para el fondeo de las naves (Nieto/Raurich 1998, 5960). A tenor de los vestigios arqueológicos localizados en Sant Martí d'Empúries, que puede adscribirse al Bronce final II –IIIa o la primera etapa de transición de la Edad del Bronce a la del Hierro en el Ampurdán, la ocupación humana se detecta desde un momento anterior al 850-800 a.C. para hacerse claramente estable a partir de la primera Edad del Hierro (Esteba/Pons 1999, 87-88), dentro de la segunda mitad del siglo VII a.C., momento en el cual ya se localizan en la zona algunos productos de importación del ámbito fenicio y etrusco (Castanyer et alii 1999, 125 y ss.) que indican la existencia de contactos marítimos, directos o indirectos, pero que sin duda debieron realizarse aprovechando el puerto natural adyacente. Estos primeros contactos comerciales se consolidaron paulatinamente gracias al comercio foceo, intensificándose y diversificándose y marcan un punto de inflexión a finales del siglo VI a.C. con la plena presencia masaliota en la zona, momento a partir del cual y especialmente a partir de la ocupación de la Neápolis, que cierra por el sur el espacio de la ensenada, la actividad en el puerto no dejó de intensificarse. El siglo IV a.C. debió suponer un momento álgido para la economía ampuritana teniendo en cuenta que es en ese periodo, algo antes de mediados de la centuria, se construye la muralla que protegió la ciudad por el sur (Sanmartí et alii 1988, 195; 1992) y lo más probable es que esta capacidad económica haya que ponerla en relación con la actividad comercial en su puerto. El desembarco romano en el 218 a.C. y el papel jugado por la ciudad en la estrategia romana generó una nueva dinámica y una capacidad económica, que arqueológicamente es detectable por los profundos cambios edilicios que se producen 053 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies en el siglo II a.C., pujanza que tiene su momento de inflexión hacia el cambio de Era. No se ha realizado ninguna excavación arqueológica en este puerto, si exceptuamos los trabajos llevados a cabo en 1983, consistentes en una gran zanja que atravesando perpendicularmente el paseo actualmente existente entre la Neápolis y la Palaiápolis tenía como objetivo descubrir un posible muelle o una barrera rocosa que, actuando de barrera de los sedimentos, habría posibilitado la colmatación del puerto y la formación de la actual elevación del terreno bajo el paseo. En aquel momento no se tuvo la fortuna de encontrar ningún vestigio. Sin embargo las prospecciones geofísicas realizadas por el CEREGE en 2003 (fig. 11) ponen de manifiesto (ver perfil 28, fig. 12) la existencia en esta zona de rocas aisladas que tienen su cima a una profundidad de 5 m. por debajo del nivel actual del mar. De estas rocas conocemos, gracias al perfil 28, su ubicación y su longitud norte-sur, pero no la esteoeste, por lo que esta medida que hemos representado en la figura 15, 1, es hipotética. Estas rocas, por sí mismas, dada la profundidad a la que aparecen, no supondrían un obstáculo importante a la navegación, ya que para las grandes embarcaciones romanas, con capacidad superior a las 6.000 ánforas, como son las de la Madrague de Giens y Albenga, se calcula un puntal alrededor de los 4,5 m. (Pomey/Tchernia 1978) lo que comportaría un calado de unos 3 m.. Sin embargo, en caso de mala mar, estas rocas si que podrían ser un inconveniente, incluso para embarcaciones menores, ya que producirían el rompimiento de la ola y una zona de mar anormalmente alterada. A la ya comentada mala orientación del puerto con respecto a los vientos dominantes, y a los inconvenientes originados por la presencia de estas rocas hemos de añadir el escaso calado que presentaba esta ensenada en una buena parte de su extensión. Los perfiles 11, 18 (fig. 13) y 19, 20 y 23 (fig. 14) nos aportan dos informaciones esenciales: la ubicación de la paleocosta y la profundidad de la ensenada, con respecto al nivel actual del mar, por lo tanto el máximo calado de esta ensenada, pero no podemos olvidar que el nivel del mar durante la antigüedad estaba más bajo, conforme a las cifras que ya hemos propuesto. Para hacer más evidentes los datos, hemos unido con una línea (fig. 15, 2) las informaciones disponibles sobre la ubicación de la paleocosta y con otra (fig. 15, 3) la actual línea batimétrica de -3m., que correspondería aproximadamente a 2,30-2,40 m. en la antigüedad. Hemos elegido la batimétrica de -3 m. considerando que calados menores no serían aptos para embarcaciones de gran porte y porque creemos que en profundidades menores se produciría el efecto de rotura de ola que estamos acostumbrados a ver en las playas, lo cual haría realmente complicado el fondeo de embarcaciones. Se dibujan así unas amplias zonas de calado inferior a los 3 m., siendo la más extensa la que recorrería todo el fondo de la ensenada, en el oeste, al pie del acantilado y que adquiriría su anchura máxima al sudoeste (fig. 15, 4), al pie de la terraza del actual museo. Hacia el este (fig. 15, 5) aparece una zona altamente interesante debido a que en ese lugar el promontorio rocoso sobre el que se construyó la Neápolis forma un pequeño acantilado (fig. 16), que ya fue excavado por Gandía en el año 1921 (Mar/Ruiz de Arbulo 1993, 75-76, fig. b de la pág.71) y situado curiosamente al final de la calle que partiendo del ángulo noroeste del ágora, se dirige hasta el puerto, pareciendo indicar esta distribución urbana la necesidad de de conectar la plaza pública con esa zona concreta del puerto. Es precisamente ese lugar el único de la fachada septentrional de la Neápolis en donde la profundidad del mar debió superar, aunque escasamente, los 3 m. 054 The pilot sites 11 12 14 15 13 11. Ubicación de los perfiles geofísicos realizados en el año 2003 en la fachada marítima de Empúries por el CEREGE-UMR 6635 y presentados en este trabajo. con respecto al nivel actual. Esta zona de buen calado es pequeña, en realidad un fondo de saco, ya que hacia el 30 24 este, ens en donde se encuentra el malecón, no existía 29 mar, como se desprende de los datos aportados por el 18 25 perfil 16 (fig. 21). Creemos que la zona del pequeño 28 acantilado que estamos comentando, por existir calado 19 suficiente, por estar comunicada con el ágora y por ser el 23 20 lugar mas protegido del puerto en caso de flojos vientos de levante, pudo ser el embarcadero más idóneo de la Neápolis, aunque totalmente inadecuado con vientos de 6 1 tramontana. Al norte del puerto, ocupando toda la fachada sur de la Palaiápolis (fig. 15, 6) y prácticamente todo el istmo hasta el promontorio rocoso sobre el que se construyó la ciudad romana, se extiende otra amplia zona de profundidad inferior a los 3 m. En este lugar, como hacen evidente los perfiles 25 y 29 (fig. 17) existía una amplia plataforma terrestre y todavía hoy son visibles importantes afloramientos de la roca natural (fig. 18) que ponen en entredicho la insularidad de la Palaiápolis. En este lugar al sureste de la Palaiápolis se conoce desde el plano publicado por Passa en 1823 la existencia de estructuras arquitectónicas a nivel de playa y personalmente onocemos la existencia de un posible y pequeño muro submarino que corre en dirección este-oeste (Nieto/Raurich 1998, 57). Desde el texto de Estrabón, se vino considerando a la Palaiápolis como una isla, lo cual ha dado lugar a pensar que en algún momento de la historia el río Fluvià desembocó entre el asentamiento griego y tierra firme. Estudios geológicos recientes descartan la insularidad de la Palaiápolis (Marzoli 2005, 82, figs. 27, 28 y 29) considerándola una península. Hemos realizado los perfiles 24 y 30 (fig. 19) con el fin de estudiar la supuesta insularidad de la Palaiápolis y tal como pone de manifiesto el perfil 24, la Palaiápolis corresponde mucho más a una península que a una isla. Sin embargo el perfil 30 que realizamos más al oeste de los efectuados por Marzoli (2005, fig. 28) muestra la existencia de de un paso (fig. 15, 7), justo al pie del promontorio y con una profundidad superior a la del nivel del mar en época antigua. Se trata de una abertura enormemente pequeña, alrededor de 15 m. de amplitud, que podría haber permitido el paso de embarcaciones entre el puerto natural y el Fluviá, pero la angostura de este paso, unido a la escasa profundidad del puerto natural en las zonas adyacentes, (ver perfil 29 en la fig. 17) junto a las aportaciones sedimentarias del Fluviá pudieron hacer impracticable el paso de embarcaciones o permitirlo de manera intermitente. Resumiendo, podemos decir que en un contexto tectónico estable en el Holoceno final y considerando para ese momento un nivel del mar de alrededor de 60/70 cm. por debajo del actual, según los datos aportados por la excavación en la plaza Jules Verne de Marsella (Morhange et alii 2001), buena parte del puerto natural de Ampurias, en sus lados oeste y sur y en prácticamente toda la fachada de la Palaiápolis y su istmo presentaba una profundidad muy escasa, lo cual, en una ensenada totalmente abierta a los vientos de levante y tramontana produciría, como ocurre en cualquier playa, el rompimiento de la ola convirtiendo el lugar en muy poco apto para el fondeo de las naves. Sólo una parte de la ensenada, la situada en el centro, ligeramente hacia la Palaiápolis, presenta una profundidad superior a los 6 m., tal como se aprecia en el extremo norte del perfil 18 (fig. 13) y el extremo este del perfil 19 (fig. 14). Sin embargo en esta zona, en 055 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies momentos de mala mar se notaría el efecto de rotura de ola originado por la barrera de escollos submarinos que se localizan bajo el actual paseo que une la Neápolis con la Palaiápolis. Sólo dos lugares parecen ser algo adecuados para el fondeo de las naves en este puerto natural, uno al sur del promontorio de la Palaiápolis, pero alejado de la protección de la elevación rocosa por la playa, que ofrecería cierta protección en momentos de floja tramontana y otro, pero sólo en caso de buen tiempo, en el pequeño y estrecho acantilado al final de la calle proveniente del ágora de la Neápolis. Probablemente la existencia de unas playas ubicadas en la fachada sur de la Palaiápolis y especialmente en el ángulo sur occidental del puerto junto a la terraza del actual museo, permitiría varar las embarcaciones pequeñas y medianas y ofrecería un espacio adecuado de trabajo y de comercio. Hace más de veinte años que Marqués y Julià (1983a) efectuaron una serie de columnas geológicas que pusieron de manifiesto una estratigrafía marina regresiva, caracterizada por sedimentos lagunares orgánicos encima de un estrato de arena. 12. Perfil geofísico 28 (ver figura 11). A unos cinco metros por debajo del nivel actual del mar existen unas formaciones rocosas que forman una barrera intermitente entre la Neápolis y la Palaiápolis, por debajo de la actual carretera. Limos orgánicos Arenas marinas Substrato calcáreo C4 C5 13. Perfiles geofísico 18 y 11 (ver figura 11). Perfil 18.- Efectuado en la dársena del puerto natural en dirección norte-sur, con una separación de tres metros entre electrodos. Muestra la línea de costa en la Neápolis, junto a la terraza del Museo y una amplia zona hacia el norte, de muy escasa profundidad, unos dos metros. El substrato calcáreo hace pendiente hacia el centro del puerto, en donde se alcanzan profundidades de entre 6 y 8 metros. Las informaciones proporcionadas por las dos columnas sedimentológicas, C4 y C5, proceden de Blech et alii 1998. Perfil 11.- Muestra la ubicación de la línea de costa y la presencia de una amplia anomalía junto a los muros del extremo norte de la Neápolis y que podría corresponder a un importante muro que correría en dirección este-oeste. 056 The pilot sites Creemos que esta capa sedimentaria debe ser la misma excavada en el puerto artificial ante la Neápolis y por lo tanto su formación es posterior a las primeras décadas del siglo V d.C. Finalmente el puerto se colmató con arenas de aportación eólica. Otro equipo, en esta ocasión del Instituto Arqueológico Alemán, extrajo una columna sedimentaria (C5 perfil 18) de alrededor de 7 m. de longitud (Blech et alii 1998) que nos permite saber que el puerto natural presenta una capa de sedimentos marinos transgresivos datados entre 3.500 y 2.000 BP, recubierta por limos orgánicos lagunares 13. Perfiles geofísicos 19,20 y 23 (ver figura 11). Efectuados en la dársena del puerto natural, en dirección este-oeste y con una distancia de 2 m. entre electrodos. Se observa como el substrato calcáreo aparece inclinado hacia el norte y hacia el este, de tal modo que partiendo de profundidades inferiores a tres metros, junto a la Neápolis y el acantilado que cierra el puerto por el oeste, se va ganando lentamente profundidad hacia la Palaiápolis y el mar abierto. 057 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 7 2 3 6 3 1 1 4 1 5 2 8 9 10 13 12 11 14 que evidencian un espacio cerrado. Recientemente Marzoli (2005), ha establecido que existen cinco estratos importantes en el puerto natural de Ampurias: el primer estrato con una potencia de 1,50 m., formado por arcillas de grano fino y arcillas arenosas. Un segundo estrato, de 50 cm. de potencia, llegaría hasta -2 m. y estaría formado por arena con granulado medio con una composición mineralógica de cuarzo, feldespato, magnesio y minerales ferruginosos y crisolitos. El tercer estrato de 3 m. de potencia (de los -2 m. a los -5 m.) estaría compuesto por arenas de granulado grande, con una composición mineralógica similar a la del estrato superior. Entre los -3,55 m. y los -3,60 m. aparece una capa de arcillas de un color mas claro. El cuarto estrato que va de -5 m. a los -5,20 m. estaría formado por un conglomerado de diferentes calcáreas junto con fauna marina y tres fragmentos de cerámica ibérica. Este estrato tiene una cronología de 2020 +/- 70 BP cal. Finalmente existe un estrato desde -5,20 m. a -6,60 m., formado por sedimentaciones y sustratos del mesoceno. (Marzoli 2005, 82) Creemos posible que la capa de arcillas, en este caso de escaso espesor, que aparece sobre un estrato de arena que a su vez reposa sobre otro con presencia de material arqueológico pueda tener su correspondencia con la localizada entre el “malecón” y las Muscleres Grosses en donde también existen zonas en las cuales el espeso de esta capa de arcillas es de escasos centímetros. Por otra parte la total abertura del puerto natural hacia levante y tramontana debió generar unos fenómenos de sedimentación diferentes a los del puerto artificial. Sería erróneo preguntarse simplemente si este era un buen puerto natural o no, ya que su idoneidad dependerá de la función que se le quiera dar. Esta es una ensenada, fácilmente defendible y controlable, rodeada de acantilados y zonas elevadas, con un núcleo de población en cada extremo y provista de dos amplias playas, una al norte junto a la Palaiápolis y otra al oeste y sudoeste junto a la Neápolis, que permitían sacar las embarcaciones del agua en caso de temporal, disponer de espacio para atarazanas y para el comercio. Este parece, en principio, un lugar enormemente idóneo para una 058 15. Algunas de las unidades topográficas y arqueológicas que se mencionan en el texto. 1. Barrera de rocas que aparecen a unos 5 m. por debajo del nivel actual del mar. 2. Ubicación de la línea de costa en la antigüedad. 3. Línea batimétrica de menos 3 m. con respecto al nivel actual del mar y que correspondería a una profundidad de agua de unos 2,30 m. en época antigua. 4. Paleocosta existente el la antigüedad y que permitiría el varado de las embarcaciones. 5. Acantilado puesto al descubierto en 1921 por Gandia y que correspondería a un posible punto de atraque de embarcaciones. 6. Paleocosta existente el la antigüedad y que permitiría el varado de las embarcaciones. 7. Posible paso, de escasamente 15 m. de anchura, existente entre el puerto natural y el río. 8. Muro este-oeste, perpendicular al extremo sur del “malecón” y que separa, al norte y sur, dos espacios con problemáticas náuticas diferentes. 9. Ubicación bajo el agua de la torre más oriental de la muralla del siglo IV a.C. y que cerraba la ciudad por el sur. 10. Línea que marca la máxima presencia hacia el sur de las piedras que formaban una construcción sobre la cresta rocosa natural que se extiende, en ese mismo lugar, entre extremo sudeste de la Neápolis y las Muscleres Grosses. 11. Rocas submarinas que actualmente aparecen a una profundidad de alrededor de 1,8 m. y que suponen un serio peligro para la navegación en esa zona. 12. Extensión submarina de las Muscleres Grosses. 13. Línea que marca la máxima extensión hacia el oeste de los bloques de piedra trabajada procedentes del dique que existió sobre las Muscleres Gosses. 14. La llamada “piscina” en la que se han encontrado numerosos bloque de piedra trabajada procedentes de un edificio que debió existir en su lado suroeste. The pilot sites actividad comercial de tipo empórico. Este mismo lugar no permitiría la protección de grandes embarcaciones y la llegada, descarga, almacenamiento y redistribución de grandes cantidades de mercancías, por lo que un cambio en la intensidad, la organización del comercio y en las características técnicas de las embarcaciones, hicieron inadecuado este espacio portuario. La fachada norte de la neápolis Es la zona que marca el límite sur del puerto natural, la zona de contacto con la parte de la ciudad en donde se han encontrado los materiales arqueológicos más antiguos. Esta zona, que se extiende desde la terraza y muro de contención del museo, en el oeste, hasta el límite administrativo del conjunto arqueológico, con la valla, la carretera y la duna que llega hasta el “malecón”, ha experimentado importantes cambios en su topografía original. Consideramos que es necesario prescindir de estos inconvenientes físicos y administrativos modernos y estudiar las diversas unidades topográficas que existieron en este espacio. El extremo occidental Se trata del ángulo sudoeste del puerto, en donde la costa forma un mínimo rincón entre los acantilados del oeste y un pequeño promontorio al este sobre el que se alza la Neápolis. Grosso modo correspondería al espacio adjunto al muro de contención de la terraza del museo. En este lugar la costa forma un rincón (fig. 15,4) en donde, del muro de contención de la terraza del museo emerge hacia el norte, a la altura del puerto natural, la muralla que cerraba la ciudad por el oeste. En esa zona el extremo sur del perfil 18 (fig. 13) y el oeste del perfil 20 (fig. 14) nos muestran la existencia de una paleocosta y ante ella el más amplio espacio del puerto donde la profundidad era inferior a 3 m. Se trata del espacio más inadecuado del puerto para el fondeo de grandes naves, tanto por el poco calado como por el movimiento de la lámina de agua como consecuencia de la rotura de la ola, hecho especialmente importante en esta área que es, desprovista de la protección de la Palaiápolis, en donde el viento de tramontana actuaría con más virulencia. Es también una zona sin ninguna protección contra los vientos de levante. Sin embargo, por la paleocosta, por ser anexa a la ciudad y por su lejanía a mar abierto, es la zona más adecuada del puerto para el varado de las embarcaciones y para la realización de trabajos relacionados con las actividades náuticas. En esta zona desconocemos cómo y dónde acababa la muralla oeste de la ciudad, que a tenor del resto conservado sabemos que se introducía en esta área portuaria casi a ras de la lámina de agua. El acceso a la ciudad se efectuaría por la calle, con una importante cloaca, que corre paralela a la fachada del museo y que actualmente permite el acceso al bar situado en los terrenos del puerto. 16. Foto realizada hacia 1945 y que muestra, ya enterrado en parte, el acantilado que localizó Gandia en la excavación de 1921. (Archivo MAC-Empúries). El espacio intermedio Correspondería al espacio comprendido entre la zona que acabamos de comentar y el acantilado situado al este y que excavó Gandía en el 1921, en este lugar el perfil 11 059 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies (fig. 13) ha puesto de manifiesto una importante anomalía que se encuentra cubierta por escasos centímetros de tierra y que podría tratarse de un importante muro que discurriría en dirección este-oeste junto a los muros de las habitaciones existentes en ese lugar. A falta de una excavación arqueológica nada podemos decir de este muro, que por su aparente importancia, por la dirección que sigue, por su ubicación en un extremo de la Neápolis, sobre el puerto y por su sensible alineación con el muro que existe en la playa, junto al malecón y perpendicular a él, cabe la posibilidad que forme parte de un sistema de protección de la ciudad por su lado norte. Desde el punto de vista náutico no parece que esta zona desempeñara una función importante. El acantilado Hacia el este y adyacente a la zona que acabamos de comentar y formando el extremo más septentrional de la Neápolis el terreno el algo mas abrupto acabando la ciudad en un pequeño acantilado sobre el puerto. En este lugar (fig. 15, 5) Gandía realizó una excavación en 1921, llegando hasta el nivel de agua, que no ofreció más evidencias antrópicas que unos recortes en la roca natural. La excavación permite comprobar que la paleocosta cae a pico (fig. 16) y el extremo este del perfil 20 (fig. 14) nos muestra que el mar debió tener una profundidad ligeramente superior a los 3 m. Estas dos circunstancias juntas permitirían, en momentos de buena mar, la aproximación a tierra de embarcaciones de mediano porte, por lo que este lugar podría haber sido utilizado como embarcadero con una alta frecuentación humana hecho que vendría corroborado, por existir una calle que pone en contacto este posible embarcadero con una parte tan esencial de la ciudad como es el ágora. 060 17. Perfiles geofísicos 25 y 29 (ver figura 11). Perfil 25.- Realizado al pie del montículo de la Palaiápolis, paralelo a su fachada sur. Muestra que el substrato duro aflora, por lo que esta zona no estuvo cubierta por las aguas en la antigüedad. Perfil 29.- Efectuado perpendicular al istmo de la Palaiápolis en su cara sur. El substrato calcáreo aparece en el nivel actual del mar o claramente por encima,en su parte norte (ver figura 18). Ambos perfiles muestran que en la cara sur de la Palaiápolis y de su importante istmo, existió una amplia paleocosta, junto a la que se extendía una zona de muy escasa profundidad. Era un espacio que permitía poner las naves a seco, pero impedía la aproximación de las naves para situarse a resguardo de la tramontana. The pilot sites La zona de las dunas Hacia el este de la zona anterior, el terreno actual inicia un ligero declive hacia el mar, al tiempo que los restos arqueológicos van quedando enterrados por la carretera, la duna y la vegetación que en este momento separa la Neápolis del “malecón”. Esta circunstancia nos impide conocer la topografía y la arqueología, por lo que sólo podremos elaborar hipótesis a partir de los restos arqueológicos y los datos que conocemos a un lado y otro de estos obstáculos. La zona del “malecón” 18. Importante afloramiento rocoso que aparece en el istmo de la Palaiápolis y que pone en cuestión la insularidad del asentamiento. Aquí la paleocosta avanza sensiblemente hacia el este adentrándose en el mar formando un importante saliente hasta el afloramiento rocoso sobre el que se construyó el “malecón” (fig. 1, 11). En esta zona, al estar fuera del recinto vallado del yacimiento arqueológico, separada de él por barreras físicas y visuales, se produce el efecto psicológico de considerarla como algo lejano e independiente de la Neápolis, cuando en realidad bajo las dunas continúan los restos arquitectónicos y cuando la distancia desde el “malecón” a los restos actualmente visibles de la Neápolis es de unos escasos 100 m. (fig. 4). En este lugar el resto arquitectónico más impresionante es el “malecón” un enorme muro de 79,40 m. de largo por 4,80 m. de altura y 5,30 m. de ancho (Sanmartí 1995), formado por un cuerpo de argamasa y pequeñas piedras y forrado con grandes bloques de piedra. De su extremo sur, que acababa prácticamente donde lo hace ahora (Sanmartí 1995, 168), partía, perpendicularmente hacia el oeste, un muro (fig. 15, 8), ahora muy arrasado, de menor tamaño pero muy similar en cuanto a la técnica constructiva, un cuerpo de opus caementicium, forrado, al menos por su cara norte por bloques de opus siliceum. Este muro era ya conocido en 1883 y desde entonces se ha visto en mayor o en menor extensión en función de los movimientos de la arena que actualmente lo cubre. Conviene recordar que en el plano de las ruinas publicado por Pella y Forgas (1883) aparece este muro al sur del malecón y que alineado con él, hacia el oeste, el autor marca otro fragmento de muro. Este mismo muro aparece, con más detalle y extensión, en el plano realizado por J.Busquets (Mar/Ruiz de Arbulo 1993, 60-61) que, si es observado con atención, permite ver hacia el oeste y alineado con el muro que estamos comentando, otro fragmento de muro que probablemente sea el que Pella y Forgas pudo ver y dibujar con mayor amplitud y no descartamos que pueda, aún en el caso de que no sea el mismo, tener la misma función que el que ha puesto de manifiesto el perfil 11 (fig. 13) y que hemos comentado anteriormente. Este muro ha perdido casi todos los grandes bloques que lo forraban, pero esporádicamente, cuando lo destapan los temporales de mar, puede apreciarse todavía un bloque in situ en su cara norte (fig. 20), confiriendo al conjunto un aspecto similar, aunque en pequeña escala, al del “malecón”. Se trata de una importante construcción, adosada a la cual, en su cara sur, aparece una serie de muros paralelos al descrito (fig. 23) y que como aquel se pierden actualmente bajo la duna. En esta zona hemos efectuado los perfiles 15 y 16 (fig. 21). El 15 al lado sur del muro que estamos comentando y el 16 al lado norte, al oeste del “malecón”. Es 061 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies interesante comprobar que este importante muro, que corre en dirección este oeste y que creemos que estructuralmente unía con el “malecón”, delimita dos espacios con problemáticas náuticas distintas. Al norte, el perfil 16 muestra que el substrato calcáreo prácticamente aflora en la actualidad por lo que considerando que el nivel del mar era más bajo en época romana, debemos concluir que toda esa zona era tierra en aquel momento, como lo es ahora. Al contrario, el perfil 15 muestra cómo el substrato rocoso aparece mucho más profundo, con una fuerte pendiente hacia el ágora ampuritana y que permite alcanzar profundidades de hasta 3-4 m. antes de llegar a la fachada de la plaza de la ciudad griega. El ágora, la stoa y una zona con calado suficiente para la aproximación de las naves crean un espacio especialmente adecuado para los intercambios comerciales, especialmente tras los cambios urbanísticos operados en esta parte de la ciudad en el siglo II a.C. (Nieto/Raurich 1998, 69) De esta zona se han presentado en numerosas ocasiones, dibujos reconstructivos repitiendo dos errores importantes: uno es el considerar que el llamado “malecón” continuaba unos cuantos metros más hacia Sant Martí d'Empúries cerrando en parte y protegiendo el puerto ubicado entre la Neápolis y la Palaiápolis. Esto es imposible por dos razones: una que la base rocosa sobre la que se asienta la obra no continúa hacia el norte, lo cual hubiera obligado a construir sobre una base inestable o ir a buscar la roca levantando la arena bajo las aguas, lo cual es posible, pero costoso, pero la prueba más clara de que el “malecón” no continuaba hacia el norte es que esta obra, realizada con argamasa y cascajo y forrada con grandes bloques, está perfectamente rematada en su extremo norte (fig. 22), conservando los bloques de forro, que se convierten en la prueba de que el límite norte actual es el que siempre tuvo (Sanmartí 1995, 167). 062 19. Perfiles geofísicos 24 y 30 (ver figura 11) Realizados siguiendo el istmo de la Palaiápolis, el 24 al este y el 30 al oeste. Se observa la afloración de los materiales duros por encima del nivel del mar lo cual confiere a la Palaiápolis la característica de una península. A pesar de ello, al pie del acantilado de tierra firme, los materiales duros caen casi a pico, hasta una profundidad de más de cuatro metros por debajo del nivel actual del mar, originándose un paso muy estrecho, de unos 15 m. de anchura, en donde debió existiragua. The pilot sites 20. Del extremo sur del “malecón” sale perpendicularmente hacia el oeste, un importante muro (ver figura 15,8), actualmente muy destruido al haber desaparecido los grandes bloques de piedra que lo recubrían, al menos por su cara norte. En la fotografía puede apreciarse, en la izquierda, el único bloque de piedra que permanece in situ. Otro error habitual es el de representar embarcaciones amarradas al “malecón” por su cara oeste y defender para esta obra una función de dique de protección del espacio marítimo situado hacia tierra. Ya hemos indicado que junto a la cara oeste del “malecón” no existió nunca profundidad suficiente para el fondeo de las naves, bien al contrario, por todas partes afloran las rocas contra las que se hubiera destruido cualquier embarcación que intentara aproximarse. La situación hacia el sur es diferente, tal como la muestra el perfil 15, allí en la antigüedad deberíamos ganar nivel de agua conforme nos alejáramos del muro este-oeste. En esta zona existen una serie de muros paralelos, perpendiculares al mar y que aparecen actualmente enormemente desfigurados tanto por la destrucción originada por los temporales marítimos como por las sucesivas y desafortunadas restauraciones que han padecido (fig. 23). Por otra parte, la duna existente nos impide saber cuantos de estos muros existieron. Lo que sabemos es que desde el muro este-oeste del extremo sur del “malecón” hasta el último vestigio de muro que se pierde en la duna hay una distancia de 58 m. Estas paredes delimitan habitaciones rectangulares para las que, con las precauciones derivadas de la mala conservación de los restos, deducimos una anchura, para las dos mejor conservadas, de 8,77 m. y 8 m., por una longitud desconocida. Estas estancias presentan en medio unos potentes pilares de algo más de un metro de anchura. Suponiendo que estos muros se distribuyan regularmente y sabiendo que la distancia del primero al último de los visibles en este momento es de 58 m., en este espacio podrían adosarse seis de estas estancias. Volviendo a la función del “malecón” y una vez establecido que no es un muelle y que tampoco sirve para proteger a sotavento unas naves, ya que no existía mar, podría aducirse que esta obra podría servir para proteger el embarcadero que hemos propuesto, ya dentro del puerto natural, en el pequeño acantilado que excavó Gandia en 1921. Sólo decir que, por la distancia existente, 100 m., por la alineación de los puntos con referencia a los vientos dominantes y por el tamaño del “malecón”, esta obra no podía proteger ni del levante ni de la tramontana a las embarcaciones allí atracadas. Descartamos por lo tanto que el llamado “malecón” tenga una función náutica y creemos que debe ser puesto en relación con el gran muro este-oeste que parte de su extremo sur hacia la Neápolis, con el que presenta la misma técnica constructiva, (caementicium y siliceum) y con las estancias que acabamos de describir. La ubicación, la topografía de la zona circundante y la sorprendente longitud exigua del malecón, 80 m., convierten a la obra en inapropiada para una función náutica y creemos que está más bien relacionada con actividades desarrolladas en tierra firme y que su función podría ser doble. Creemos como más probable que el malecón y el muro este-oeste forman parte del sistema defensivo general de la ciudad y su puerto y en primer término de las estancias ubicadas en la playa que acabamos de comentar y cuya función se nos escapa, pero que debió ser importante en la actividad del puerto artificial, teniendo en cuenta su calidad constructiva y sus dimensiones. Cabe también la posibilidad, a modo de mera sugerencia, que el malecón pudiera además realizar una función defensiva del acceso marítimo al puerto artificial.Teniendo 063 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies en cuenta la paleotopografía, no disponer de este muro hubiera dejado desprotegidas, ante cualquier desembarco hostil, toda la zona situada al oeste de la fortificación, hasta la Neápolis y toda la fachada este de la ciudad y probablemente la bocana del puerto artificial. La necesidad de una construcción defensiva en esta zona y la necesidad de edificarla en el único sitio posible, aprovechando la afloración rocosa, un lugar fuertemente batido por los temporales, justificaría la robustez de la obra. Cabe citar dos detalles constructivos del “malecón” poco conocidos. Uno es la diferencia de altitud entre el extremo norte y sur. Caminando sobre el malecón la superficie presenta pendiente hacia el extremo norte que se encuentra un metro más alto que el extremo sur. Otro detalle es que la roca natural sobre la que se asienta la obra presenta, junto al extremo sudeste del “malecón”, hasta cuatro agujeros cuadrados correspondientes al alojamiento de los andamios necesarios para efectuar obras en el monumento. La datación de esta fortificación ya la intentó Almagro (1962) a partir de fragmentos cerámicos encontrados incrustados en la obra, que le permitieron fechar la construcción entre el 195 y el 150 a.C. Años más tarde Enric Sanmartí, siguiendo la misma metodología, localizó otros fragmentos cerámicos a partir de los que sólo pudo constatar la falta de evidencias de época imperial y por lo tanto datar la construcción en época romano-republicana, y dada la envergadura de la obra y la evolución histórica de la ciudad, sugirió que esta construcción debió realizarse en un momento de pujanza económica, hacia mediados del siglo II a.C., momento en que la ciudad experimentó importantes cambios urbanísticos (Sanmartí 1995, 171). La fachada sur de la neápolis: el extremo oriental de la muralla del siglo IV a.c. La pujanza económica en el siglo II a.C. hizo posible que la ciudad se ampliara hacia el sur, obra que supuso la eliminación en esa zona de la anterior muralla datada en los inicios del segundo cuarto del siglo IV a.C. y la construcción de una nueva (Sanmartí 064 21. Perfiles geofísicos 15 y 16 (ver figura 11). Realizados paralelos al mar. El perfil 15 al sur del muro de la figura 20 y el 16 al norte. Los perfiles 15 y 16 nos muestran como el muro divide dos espacios con problemáticas náuticas distintas. Hacia el norte, a sotavento del “malecón” (perfil 16) no existió profundidad suficiente para aproximarse, ni tan sólo pequeñas embarcaciones para poder atracar o resgurdarse. Al sur del muro (perfil 15) la costa presenta un declive continuado que permite alcanzar profundidades de agua de hasta de cuatro metros al final del perfil, profundidad que debió ser mayor en la fachada del ágora emporitana. The pilot sites 22 22. En contra de algunas hipótesis que pretender que el “malecón” continuaba hacia el norte, la presencia de numerosos bloques de piedra, todavía in situ, de los que forran el monumento, nos permiten asegurar que el “malecón” siempre acabó donde lo hace ahora.. En la parte inferior de la obra puede apreciarse perfectamente la restauración efectuada siguiendo un proyecto de 1958 y que eliminó la gran oquedad que se observa en la foto de la figura 4. 23. Estancias situadas al sur del muro de la figura 20 (ver figura 15,8) y que por su ubicación y características arquitectónicas debían ser un elemento importante de la infraestructura portuaria emporitana. 23 et alii 1988, 1992). La muralla del siglo IV a.C., provista de torres cuadradas y con un paramento de grandes bloques apenas desbastados pero lo suficiente para darles una forma de paralelepípedo, se prolongaba hacia el mar quedando desde inicios del siglo XX más allá de lo que actualmente es el recinto vallado del yacimiento arqueológico, lo cual permitió que ya en 1911 fuera desmontada e incluso dinamitada para poder construir el camino forestal al servicio de la fijación de las dunas. Es por esta razón que una torre de esta muralla del s.IV a.C. quedó bajo el pavimento de la actual carretera perimetral del yacimiento, pero pudo ser parcialmente excavada y vuelta a tapar en 1992 (Sanmartí et alii 1996). Es de destacar que durante la excavación del 1992 no se pudo excavar la parte oriental de la torre ya que allí habían crecido unos pinos que la normativa forestal impidió quitar, por lo que, aparte de conocer sólo parcialmente el ya deteriorado monumento, no se pudo saber si la muralla continuaba en alguna dirección. En 2003 y dentro del programa de estudio submarino de la fachada sur del puerto artificial de Ampurias se excavó un conjunto de bloques de piedra (fig. 15, 9) que se extendían desde escasos centímetros por debajo del nivel actual del mar hasta 119 cm. de profundidad en donde los bloques se asentaban perfectamente sobre la roca natural. Se documentaron 135 bloques de piedra que mayoritariamente están toscamente desbastados para darle forma de paralelepípedo, aunque uno, el mayor, el número 100 (fig. 24), presenta todas sus caras muy bien trabajadas, midiendo 237 cm. de largo por 108 cms. de ancho y 91 cm. de alto. Este es un caso excepcional, situándose las medidas habituales entorno a 100x80x60 cm. aunque las medidas son extremadamente variadas. Estos 135 bloques documentados, más algunos cuya documentación fue imposible por estar situados debajo de los anteriores, se extienden en una superficie aproximadamente rectangular que mide unos 17 m. de este a oeste y 15 m. de norte a sur. La concentración de bloques es más intensa en la zona perimetral y menos en el centro dando la impresión de que cuando estaban en su posición original existía un hueco en el centro (figs. 25 y 26). El hecho de que estos bloques se asienten directamente sobre la roca y que se encuentren a tan escasa profundidad ha producido que haya desaparecido cualquier evidencia estratigráfica ya que la zona es removida en cada temporal de levante. De hecho sobre la roca natural se localizan botellas y latas de refresco, lo cual indica que la datación directa del conjunto es imposible. Por otra parte la violencia de las olas ha desmontado el conjunto y aunque 065 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies aparecen bloques superpuestos hasta en tres hiladas todo el conjunto ofrece el aspecto de un derrumbe (fig. 27). No tenemos ninguna duda de que se trata de una construcción arqueológica, ya que una concentración tan importante de bloques trabajados en una zona concreta y el hecho de que piedras de tan enormes dimensiones aparezcan unas encima de otras, sólo es posible debido a una acción humana intencionada. Hacia la ciudad la cantidad de bloques, aun siendo abundante, disminuye pero formando una línea que desaparece bajo la arena de la playa. El perfil 14 (fig. 28) tuvo como objetivo detectar estos bloques bajo la arena de la playa y efectivamente la prospección geofísica puso en evidencia una anomalía cuya base se encuentra a unos 2 m. por debajo del nivel actual del mar. Si desde la acumulación de bloques submarinos trazamos una línea que pase por el lugar de la anomalía geofísica en la playa (fig.15), comprobamos que esta línea nos conduce, por una parte, hacia el extremo sudoeste de las Muscleres Grosses y por la otra hacia el extremo oriental de la ciudad para unirse en muralla que en el siglo IV a.C. cerró la Neápolis por su lado meridional, con la que se une en oblicuo. Creemos que la acumulación de bloques detectada bajo el agua corresponde a los restos del bastión más oriental de la muralla del siglo IV a.C. y que este bastión debía estar unido mediante un muro a la torre actualmente situada bajo el asfalto de la carretera y excavada en 1992 por Enric Sanmartí. 4 - En esta zona no se trata de bloques más o menos escuadrados, si no de piedras burdamente desbastadas y de tamaños muy diversos. La documentación planimétrica de detalle de estas piedras no está todavía acabada por lo que en la figura 15 sólo se han marcado algunas de ellas, junto a las Muscleres, y una línea (Fig. 15,10), que marca el límite sur de aparición de estas piedras. El puerto artificial En 1998 publicábamos (Nieto/Raurich 1998) la existencia de un puerto, hasta ese momento desconocido y que se ubicaba frente a la fachada este de la Neápolis y que había aprovechado la topografía de la zona, especialmente la presencia de lasMuscleres Grosses para su construcción. Los trabajos desde entonces se han centrado en delimitar el perímetro de ese puerto para lo que han continuado las investigaciones en la fachada este, en las Muscleres Grosses y en la fachada sur, quedando en estos momentos pendiente de estudio la cara norte, tras lo que creemos que dispondremos de información suficiente para iniciar estudios de detalle en el interior de la dársena, en la que hasta el momento sólo se han hecho algunos sondeos, cuyos resultados más interesantes para este artículo, los hemos expuesto al hablar de la aportación de sedimentos por los ríos de la zona. La otra fase de estudio sería la excavación de la fachada este, en tierra, en donde se encuentran las estancias que hemos comentado. La fachada sur Es en esta zona, en su extremo oeste, junto a la playa, en donde se encuentra la torre, probablemente del siglo IV a.C. que acabamos de comentar. Hacia el este de esta torre, en dirección a las Muscleres continúan apareciendo centenares de piedras, de talla diferente a las de la torre, ya que son más pequeñas y en general más burdamente desbastadas, además aparecen más desordenadas, pero formando una franja (fig. 15,10) hacia el extremo suroeste de la Muscleres, en donde estos bloques pueden verse a ras de agua e incluso alguno en la orilla del mar sobre las Muscleres4. Toda la zona, 066 24. Bloque número 100 de la torre más oriental de la muralla del siglo IV a.C. (ver figura 15,9). Mide 237x108x91 cms. The pilot sites 25 26 entre esa línea 10 de la figura 15 y debajo del istmo de arena que actualmente une las Muscleres a tierra, aparece cubierta de esas piedras trabajadas. Los bloques se apoyan sobre la roca natural, que aflora en este lugar formando una cresta que, desde la torre, llega a las Muscleres a una profundidad que oscila entre los 119 cm. en la torre y los 59 cm. en las proximidades de las Muscleres, con respecto al nivel actual del mar. En la antigüedad esta cresta era aérea o casi, en gran parte de su recorrido. Es la barrera originada por esta cresta la que favorece que en su cara norte, de donde provienen las corrientes y los vientos dominantes, se acumule la arena que acaba formando el istmo que une las Muscleres con tierra firme. El conjunto, enormemente desordenado, da la impresión de ser el resultado de la destrucción originada por sucesivos temporales sobre una acumulación de piedras arrojadas al mar de forma desordenada para formar un dique. Un trabajo de este tipo se realiza todavía hoy día en las obras portuarias creando un punto de partida en tierra para ir avanzando, adentrándose en el mar, conforme aumenta la aportación de materiales. El lugar es idóneo para la construcción de un dique ya que aprovecha la afloración de la roca natural para conseguir una aportación menor de materiales y permite asentarlos en una superficie estable. Por otra parte no genera ningún nuevo inconveniente a la navegación, ya que esta zona, por su poco calado y por las rocas submarinas existentes en la prolongación hacia el sur de las Muscleres Grosses (fig. 15, 11) y que mayoritariamente aparecen a una profundidad de unos 180 cm. ya era una zona inadecuada para el tráfico, unido a que la proximidad de las Muscleres Petites hacía realmente peligrosa cualquier maniobra en la zona. Este condicionante topográfico, ventajoso en algunos aspectos, presenta un gran inconveniente, ya que obliga a abrir la bocana del puerto artificial hacia el norte, en las proximidades del “malecón”. Sobre el istmo de las Muscleres se realizó el perfil 13 (fig. 29) que nos muestra como el substrato duro bajo el istmo aparece a una profundidad de entre 2 y 3 m.. Desde allí, hacia el sur la roca natural sube de nivel hasta una media inferior al metro, como acabamos de comentar, mientras que hacia el noroeste baja bruscamente alcanzándose profundidades de agua superiores a los 6-7 m. antes de llegar a la altura del “malecón”, en la zona que ocupaba la dársena del puerto artificial. 25. Disposición de los bloque de piedra que forman la torre de la figura 15, 9. 26. Bloques de piedra que forman la torre documentada en la figura 25. La fachada este En un trabajo anterior (Nieto/Raurich 1998) y en este mismo, al hablar de las “rocas champiñón”, hemos expuesto como las Muscleres Grosses eran, en general, y especialmente hacia el norte, mucho más grandes, habiendo desaparecido bajo el agua, 067 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies como consecuencia del efecto de las “rocas champiñón”, hasta 90 m. de su antigua longitud (fig. 15,12).También expusimos como sobre esta parte aérea, ahora desaparecida, existió un muro cuyos bloques constitutivos encontramos desordenados en el fondo del mar (fig. 8), ocupando el espacio entre las Muscleres Grosses y la línea marcada con el número 13 en la figura 15. En la publicación de 1998, en la figura 6 marcábamos con el número 6 una roca que todavía sobresale del nivel del mar. Esta roca, que tiene forma de champiñón (fig. 7), es la única parte aérea que queda de la prolongación hacia el norte de las Muscleres. Esta roca presenta una amplia grieta en la que aparece encajada una piedra, que una vez analizada nos indica que procede de las Muscleres, por lo que no podemos asegurar que sea el único bloque que queda in situ de los que formaron el muro que existió allí. La zona sur de las Muscleres Grosses Durante el año 2004 se hizo la excavación de un espacio situado en la fachada sur de las Muscleres Grosses y coloquialmente conocido como la “piscina” (fig. 1, 10) ya que se trata de un espacio de agua prácticamente rodeado de rocas y al que sólo se puede acceder por su lado sur con una pequeña embarcación neumática y aún así con precauciones ya que hay rocas sumergidas que hacen difícil el acceso. Incluso este acceso debió ser mucho más difícil en tiempos pretéritos dado que en este lugar, en el fondo del mar, existe una gran “roca champiñón” que cuando era aérea debía casi cerrar el acceso a esta “piscina”. La excavación arqueológica de la zona puso al descubierto docenas de bloques trabajados de piedra que aparecieron concentrados en la zona oeste de la “piscina”. Alguno de estos bloques presentan unas dimensiones considerables, un paralelepípedo de 1,70 por 50 por 50 cm. (fig. 30), que por sus dimensiones, por su ubicación junto a la pared de esta zona cerrada, por su posición, apoyado en la pared y por la imposibilidad de que una embarcación capaz de transportarla pueda acceder por mar, sólo es posible que proceda de alguna construcción, de gran entidad, ubicada sobre las actuales Muscleres Grosses, en su parte sur occidental. Las Muscleres Grosses son la zona ampuritana más avanzada en el mar y el extremo este del puerto artificial por lo que a priori no podemos descartar la presencia en ese lugar de una construcción, bien de tipo faro o bien de prestigio de la ciudad. Se han analizado dos bloques trabajados de piedra localizados en el interior de la “piscina” lo que nos permite saber que uno procede de Sant Martí d'Empúries y el otro de la cantera sobre la que se construyó el “malecón”. Los condicionantes topográficos que actuaron en el diseño del puerto artificial A modo de resumen comentaremos aquellos accidentes del relieve de la costa ampuritana que facilitaron la construcción y condicionaron la forma del puerto artificial. El montículo rocoso sobre el que se asienta la Neápolis pierde altura hacia el este, hacia el mar, formando dos crestas rocosas, que ganan altura y afloran para formar: una la roca 068 27. A pesar de que los embates del mar han desplazado los bloques constitutivos de la torre de la figura 15, 9, todavía puede apreciarse su disposición al menos en tres hiladas. The pilot sites sobre la que se asienta el “malecón” y la otra las Muscleres Grosses. Estas crestas rocosas no son perpendiculares a la costa ya que siguen una dirección sudoestenordeste, partiendo la del “malecón” del tercio septentrional de la Neápolis y la de las Muscleres, del tercio meridional. La cresta del “malecón” ha sido siempre visible y sobre ella se construyó la pared este-oeste perpendicular al “malecón” en su extremo sur. La cresta de las Muscleres debió ser visible, en buena parte, en el extremo sudoeste de aquella roca y en época antigua discurrió a escasa profundidad, unos 40-50 cm. hasta llegar a la ciudad, lo cual fue aprovechado primero para la construcción de la torre comentada y posteriormente para edificar un dique que unía las Muscleres con la costa. La cresta de les Muscleres ganaba rápidamente profundidad hacia el norte, lo cual permitía disponer entre ambas crestas de una zona con profundidades máximas de 6-7 m. De este modo, sin el istmo de arena que actualmente une las Muscleres a tierra y sin la enorme cantidad de arena depositada actualmente en toda la fachada marítima de Ampurias (arenamiento del puerto natural, dunas en la Neápolis), las dos crestas rocosa 28. Perfil geofísico 14 (ver figura 11). El perfil 14 muestra una anomalía, ubicada en la playa y marcada con un punto en el plano de la figura 15, al oeste de la torre número 9, que podría corresponder al muro de unión de este bastión con el que actualmente se encuentra bajo el asfalto de la carretera y que fue excavado en 1992 (Sanmartí et alii 1996). 29. Perfil geofísico 13 (ver figura 11). Este perfil parte de las Muscleres Grosses y llega hasta el ángulo sudeste de la Neápolis, recorriendo todo el istmo de arena que une las Muscleres a tierra y la playa a levante de la Neápolis. Puede observarse la aparición de los niveles duros a una profundidad de alrededor de 2 metros, por lo que teniendo en cuenta que las excavaciones arqueológicas realizadas al sur, en la fachada sur del puerto artificial, han mostrado la afloración de la roca natural a 59 cm. en la zona próxima a las Muscleres y a 119 cm. en la base de la torre, sabemos que el substrato rocoso presenta una inclinacción hacia el norte, para formar la dársena de puerto artificial, en donde se alcanzan profundidades de 67 m.. Se aprecia la anomalía que probablemente corresponda al muro que se detalla en el perfil 14, en la figura 28. 069 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies comentadas, junto con las Muscleres Grosses, con su prolongación actualmente submarina y el límite oriental del la Neápolis, delimitaban un espacio apto para ser transformado antrópicamente y destinarlo a puerto, pero no quedó más remedio que disponer una bocana en la cara norte. La fachada norte de este puerto no hemos podido estudiarla todavía, por lo que no sabemos que soluciones se adoptaron para mitigar el efecto de la tramontana. La datación y función del conjunto Las obras arquitectónicas comentadas las detectamos por sus derrumbes submarinos, formados por grandes bloques de piedra apoyados sobre la roca natural, situada a unas profundidades tan escasas que la acción del mar ha hecho desaparecer cualquier conjunto estratigráfico, lo cual hace que la datación directa sea extremadamente difícil, tal como ocurre con el llamado “malecón”. Por otra parte, un conjunto portuario como el comentado debió prolongar su construcción, reparación y remodelación durante todo su periodo de utilización lo cual viene a complicar todavía más el problema de la datación de las diversas partes. Probablemente cuando se inicien las excavaciones en extensión, tanto de la dársena del puerto natural como del artificial, dispondremos, como mínimo, de informaciones sobre el o los periodos de utilización de los puertos y quizás podamos poner en relación la magnífica estratigrafía, que ya hemos comprobado que existe, con alguno de los elementos arquitectónicos. El puerto natural permitió el desarrollo comercial de Emporion, pero esta infraestructura fue totalmente inadecuada ante la nueva situación creada por la entrada de la ciudad en la órbita romana y no solamente por el probable incremento de mercancías, sino también por una concepción diferente de la organización del comercio y por las necesidades diferentes que planteaba la evolución técnica de las naves. Una vez más Ampurias con tres puertos, el natural, el artificial y el de Riells-La Clota, se nos presenta, observando su realidad arqueológica de época romana, como una ciudad hiperdesarrollada para sus necesidades propias, dando la impresión de que su realidad viene condicionada por decisiones geoestratégicas ajenas a la propia ciudad (Nieto/Raurich 1998, 72-75). De momento podemos utilizar los datos que hemos expuesto y tener presente que puerto y ciudad, aunque no sean dos realidades históricamente totalmente coincidentes, sí que, en parte, se influyen y condicionan su evolución. 070 30. Bloque de piedra de 150x50x50 cms. caído sobre otros tres bloques de piedra también trabajada y localizados en la parte sudoeste de la “piscina” de las Muscleres Grosses (ver figura 15, 14). El análisis petrográfico ha demostrado que los bloques proceden de diversas canteras, lo cual unido a la dificultad que supondría que una embarcación entrara en la “piscina” nos hacen pensar que estos bloques de piedra proceden del derrumbe de un importante edificio que debió existir en la parte sur de las Muscleres Grosses The pilot sites CHAP. 2.4 Sinis Sinis, una Pompei del Mare? A rispondere sarà la geologia by Sergio Frau Il progetto di conoscenza e verifica che ci appassiona riguarda il Sinis, la piana alluvionale di Oristano sulla costa occidentale della Sardegna. Un ulteriore e dettagliato approfondimento è affidato alla relazione di Francesco Cubeddu, il progetto operativo di indagine geologica a Mario Tozzi e la documentazione cartografica e geologica è raccolta grazie al progetto Archaeomap. L'idea e l'esigenza di affidare alle analisi geologiche la risposta sul vero Passato Remoto della Sardegna – una sorta di Autoritratto dell'Isola, facendo parlare la sua terra, i suoi fanghi – nasce dai convegni che l'Unesco di Parigi (nella primavera del 2005) e l'Accademia dei Lincei a Roma (nell'autunno del 2006) hanno voluto dedicare alle mie ricerche sul Mediterraneo e la sua prima storia, condensate in “Le Colonne d'Ercole, un'inchiesta”, un libro arrivato ormai alla decima ristampa e a un'edizione in tedesco (Atlantika, Parthas Verlag editore) suscitando molti qualificati consensi e, anche, molte polemiche. In estrema sintesi, da quei due convegni è venuto fuori che, sì, tutti d'accordo su una “prima” collocazione delle Colonne d'Ercole al Canale di Sicilia, e anche sul fatto che il Far West dei Greci più antichi fosse il nostro Mediterraneo Occidentale (e non l'Oceano di oggi, al di là di Gibilterra). Anche sul ruolo di quell'Isola d'Occidente, strabiliante e sfortunata, rimasta mitica nei ricordi dei popoli d'Oriente – e testimoniata al di là delle prime Colonne d'Ercole da Omero, da Platone e dai testi egizi – molti, ormai, ritengono la Sardegna una candidata assai probabile. Quel che ancora oggi rimane incerto è la sua “fine”: quasi tutti i partecipanti ai due convegni (vedi le trascrizioni in www.colonnedercole.it) hanno insistito sul fatto che è necessario indagare per bene le terre dell'isola per appurare se davvero la Sardegna può esser stata oggetto di quelle terribili catastrofi marine che gli Antichi ci testimoniano. Questa geologica non è l'unica curiosità che questo riposizionamento delle Colonne ha suscitato; certo, però, è la più urgente da appurare: può illuminare di luci nuove quello strano fenomeno battezzato dagli antichisti Dark Age, che, intorno al XII secolo a.C., spostò molti popoli di mare sulle alture, all'interno, ben lontani dalle coste e dalle possibili pazzie di Poseidone, Dio Mare. IL SINIS: i Giganti abbattuti, sepolti nel fango by Francesco Cubeddu Il Sinis è una regione della Sardegna centro-occidentale compresa tra il Golfo di Oristano a sud; il massiccio vulcanico del Montiferru a nord; la SS 292 ad est e il mare di Sardegna ad Ovest. Questa zona pianeggiante di 170 chilometri quadrati riveste particolare importanza per l'elevato numero di siti archeologici che vi si trovano. Già popolato durante il neolitico, il Sinis ebbe un notevole sviluppo antropico durante il periodo nuragico come testimoniano gli oltre centoventi nuraghi che ancora lo custodiscono, una densità tra le più alte dell'isola. Il fatto non è casuale ma dovuto alla particolare morfologia della zona che ospita numerosi stagni tra i quali quello di Cabras, uno dei più estesi e pescosi d'Italia, ricco di vita (e di vita orientale) già nel V millennio a.C.: vi sono state ritrovate in abbondanza piccole dee madri in pietra scolpita del tutto identiche a quelle che, negli stessi anni, si ritrovano in Anatolia e nelle Cicladi (vedi documentazione fotografica). Subito dopo, nel III millennio sarà la volta di veneri geometriche (del tipo battezzato come “cicladico”: presenti in zona negli stessi anni in cui anche le Cicladi le producono). Un'abbondanza intermittente, con terribili abbandoni, e 071 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 1 ripopolamenti. Fino alle citazioni a questo proposito, nel III secolo dopo Cristo, da Caio Giulio Solino: alcune saline, risorsa strategica che dura nell'antichità, fondamentale nella preparazione di alimenti a lunga conservazione (pesci e carni salate) indispensabili soprattutto per la navigazione a largo raggio. (C'è chi ha notato che un particolare tipo di pesce azzurro adatto all'essalazione si chiama “sardina” in più di 40 lingue differenti). Un altro elemento che ha fatto di questa regione un nodo rilevante nella rete dei rapporti commerciali del Mediterraneo antico è la morfologia della costa meridionale del Sinis che si allunga nel mare in direzione sud per circa tre chilometri con una stretta lingua di terra, creando un accogliente porto naturale, ideale riparo dalle mareggiate generate dal vento dominante, il maestrale. Tutto ciò ha favorito la nascita e lo sviluppo della ricca città di Tharros, importante centro commerciale prima nuragico, poi fenicio, dopo ancora punico, romano e bizantino, molto nota agli studiosi di storia antica come centro d'irradiazione della cultura fenicia, apportatrice di civiltà in un'isola che, ancora oggi, non pochi considerano, nel secondo millennio a.C., selvaggia e popolata da genti primitive, dimenticando (o ignorando?) che i Fenici edificarono la loro città sui resti, abbandonati da secoli, dell'abitato nuragico! Chissà perché, ancora oggi, si tende a considerare la civiltà nuragica un fatto marginale nel contesto storico economico del Mediterraneo antico? Ancora oggi si descrivono i Nuragici come un insieme di tribù di pastori perennemente in lotta tra di loro, per nulla interessati alla navigazione, senza ravvisare la stranezza di queste genti così “primitive” capaci, però, di edificare costruzioni altamente complesse ed imponenti come i nuraghi ed in numero così elevato: sono ancor oggi almeno 20.000 le torri megalitiche di questo tipo che punteggiavano la Sardegna del II millennio a.C.! L'Istituto Geografico Militare, nel 1948, ne censì 8.000 ma lo fece per scopi geografici e militari appunto, non certo per fare un inventario del patrimonio archeologico sardo! Se si considera il numero dei nuraghi smantellati nel corso di secoli, anzi millenni, per ricavare materiale da costruzione per strade (come la Carlo Felice, ad esempio, la maggiore arteria dell'isola, costruita nei primi decenni del XIX secolo dall'omonimo re), abitazioni, muri a secco ed altro, nonché i nuraghi non censiti, e sono tanti, appare abbastanza verosimile che nel secondo millennio avanti Cristo nell'isola di Sardegna furono edificati non meno di 20.000 torri di pietra, non poche delle quali, allora, alte oltre venti metri e moltissime circondate dal loro regolamentare villaggio nuragico. 072 2 1. Nuraghe Losa (foto Cubeddu) 2. Nuraghe Campu (foto Cubeddu) The pilot sites Edifici costruiti a secco, i nuraghi. Senza alcun uso di malta! Solo enormi pietre in equilibrio! Edifici che sembrano costruiti attorno allo spazio vuoto delle tholos e con un rapporto tra volume complessivo e spazio utilizzabile di gran lunga superiore a quello delle piramidi egizie, non per volerne sminuire la complessità ma per ricordare che gli architetti egizi non conoscevano la volta e senza dimenticare che le piramidi sono poche decine! Quanto alla navigazione poi, ancora oggi ci sono in giro archeologi che asseriscono come i nuragici non sapessero navigare: forse dimenticano (o ignorano?) il fondaco nuragico di Komòs nell'isola di Creta o la ceramica nuragica ritrovata presso Cadice e nell'intero Mediterraneo, eppure sembrano credere che agli abitanti della città nuragica di Tharros non sia mai venuto in mente di andare per mare. E l'ossidiana di Monte Arci? Quel vetro minerale nero e brillante utilizzato per decine di migliaia di anni per ricavarne armi, utensili, monili; figlio di quel massiccio, di origine vulcanica pure lui, giusto alle spalle del Campidano di Oristano. Ossidiana, un tempo risorsa strategica, ribattezzato ”l'oro nero dell'antichità”. Lo stesso minerale che si ritrova in tutti i paesi europei che si affacciano nel Mediterraneo; sempre quello, ritrovato nel centro della Francia lungo il Rodano! Ossidiana di Monte Arci! Come è arrivata oltre mare? E come si spiega la presenza della gran quantità di ossidiana di Monte Arci, selce del Montiferru ed anche giaietto che arrivava dal Gennargentu, a pochi metri dal mare sul piano calcareo di Santa Caterina di Pittinuri, appena a nord del Sinis, in un sito datato 6000 a.C.? Probabilmente era una stazione commerciale da dove l'ossidiana e la selce semilavorata venivano imbarcate nelle navi, navi antiche, prenuragiche, che poi l'avrebbero distribuita nelle terre del nord, creando una rete commerciale che, forse, sarebbe in seguito servita ad importare lo stagno dall'Inghilterra. Quello stagno indispensabile per produrre il bronzo, metallo nella cui lavorazione i nuragici erano maestri e che commerciavano in tutto il Mediterraneo. Ma la Sardegna ha avuto profondi contatti anche con la cultura megalitica: menhir, tombe megalitiche, dolmen, ma non solo quelli conosciuti, se ne trovano molti altri, disseminati nel Montiferru, come i dolmen sonori che basta percuotere con una pietra, in alcuni casi anche con le nocche delle dita!, per sentirli emettere suoni inaspettati! Come l'imponente tomba costruita con pochi massi sulla sommità di un rilievo roccioso; sconosciuti anche ai pochi studiosi che s'interessano di questa antica cultura che si diffuse dal nord Europa a tutti i paesi che si affacciano nel Mediterraneo occidentale. E sì: il Sinis è pieno di sorprese! Ad attraversarlo in auto il paesaggio appare come una pianura abbastanza monotona vivacizzata ogni tanto da decine e decine di strani cumuli alti pochi metri, ma chi si prendesse la briga di andare ad osservarne uno da vicino avrebbe la sorpresa di scoprire che in realtà si tratta di nuraghi! Fantasmi di nuraghi coperti da un sudario di fango secco! E sono tanti, tantissimi i fantasmi che rendono interessantissimo il Sinis! Altri ruderi di nuraghi sono più facilmente identificabili, in particolar modo quelli situati sulle basse colline che separano lo stagno di Cabras dalla costa. Ma per quanto si perlustri questa regione non se ne troverà uno che sia in buono stato di conservazione come quelli, a pochi chilometri in linea d'aria, sul Montiferru, perché? Perché in tutto il Campidano non se ne trova uno che svetti come quelli ubicati sulle 073 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies terre appena più elevate? Ad osservare dall'alto il Sinis si ha l'impressione che qualche dio permaloso – Poseidone, come giurano le fonti antiche e ipotizza Frau, ascoltandole? – si sia messo d'impegno ad abbattere con spietatezza queste torri che si slanciavano verso il cielo, forse intimorito dall'intraprendenza di questo popolo. Permettetemi una testimonianza professionale. Mi capita spesso di volare sopra il Sinis a bordo del mio parapendio a motore, un ottimo mezzo che permette letteralmente di passeggiare nell'aria consentendo una visione d'insieme dell'intero territorio e delle sue apparenti specificità (area desertica, stagni, mare, costa, nuraghi, ecc.) che osservate da terra non sono semplici da interpretare. Semplificando il concetto si potrebbe azzardare che l'osservazione da terra di un territorio quasi completamente piano è paragonabile ad uno spazio a due dimensioni; con la visione aerea si passa ad uno spazio a tre dimensioni. Ebbene, da questa posizione privilegiata salta subito all'occhio la differenza tra i nuraghi dei due territori confinanti del Montiferru (più alto sul livello del mare) e del Sinis (pianura alluvionale, facilmente vulnerabile se il mare fa pazzie): nel Montiferru è normale vedere nuraghi sia diroccati (per incuria, per radicamento di alberi, comunque senza fanghi che li coprano) sia in ottimo stato di conservazione, mentre è assente il nuraghe diroccato completamente ricoperto di terra. Nel Sinis, invece, non è ancora capitato di trovarne uno del tutto intatto, sono tutti abbattuti e moltissimi hanno anche un'altra particolarità: il piano di crollo rivolto in direzione contraria al mare! Come se la spinta, l'impatto che li ha decapitati e seppelliti, arrivasse proprio dal mare. A questo punto, a nostro parere, la sola ipotesi capace di giustificare queste stranezze che appaiono stridenti in questi territori confinanti, è quella che ci raccontano gli antichi serissimi testimoni, come Omero, Platone, Ramses III (verbalizzati in “Le Colonne d'Ercole, un'inchiesta”), quando nei loro scritti parlano di un'isola occidentale strabiliante, che viene ferita a morte e collassa d'improvviso per cataclismi: un catastrofico maremoto che ha “ripulito” l'intero Campidano, raschiando via i molti nuraghi che ivi si innalzavano. Si potrà obbiettare, come già ripetono da sempre molti archeologi sardi, che l'assenza di nuraghi intatti nel Campidano e nel Sinis, può essere spiegata in vari modi: demolizione delle torri per ricavare materiale da costruzione; distruzione per rappresaglia da parte dei vari invasori; un difetto costruttivo e via elencando; tutti motivi che però potrebbero essere validi per tutti i nuraghi in generale, cosa palesemente non vera per il vistoso fenomeno dei seppellimenti del Sinis. Esiste un modo di venire a capo di questo dilemma: un'analisi geologica del territorio del Sinis mediante carotaggi ed esame della stratigrafia dei sedimenti che si sono depositati nel corso dei secoli, solo così si avrà la possibilità di scoprire come mai una civiltà capace di blindare quella che, a quei tempi, era considerata la più grande e 074 3 4 3 - 4. Circa trenta metri di fango coprivano la reggia di Barumini oggi patrimonio dell’Unesco (foto n.4 Cubeddu) The pilot sites 5. I giganti abbattuti del sinis (foto Cubeddu) 6. Nuraghi Omu Spinarba e Su Cunventu (foto Cubeddu) 5 6 ricca isola del Mediterraneo sia scomparsa senza una ragione comprensibile. Il Sinis, quello che noi consideriamo un potenziale ed enorme parco archeologico/naturalistico, ha comunque urgente bisogno di tutela. Durante le ricognizioni aeree e terrestri (vedi documentazione allegata) c'è modo di osservare numerosissimi casi di degrado del patrimonio archeologico; molti nuraghi sono ormai stati declassati a pattumiere! È “normale” vedere quel che resta di un nuraghe semisepolto sotto mucchi di pietrame o trasformato in discarica! Altri danni incalcolabili sono stati causati degli estesi spietramenti, in molti casi finanziati con denaro pubblico, portati avanti in nome del miglioramento fondiario: prima con le bonifiche dell'Era fascista, poi con le follie degli ultimi decenni. Numerosi villaggi nuragici, pozzi sacri e chissà cos'altro ancora sono stati cancellati dalle pale meccaniche. Non basta istituire aree protette, oasi faunistiche e simili se non si ha la concreta capacità di gestirle per quello che è il loro scopo primario: la tutela e la valorizzazione dei siti! Del resto che sia una zona dal doppiofondo ancora del tutto da studiare e interpretare lo dimostra il portentoso ritrovamento a Monte 'e Prama, vicino Cabras di dieci tonnellate di statue ridotte in frammenti. Statue alte oltre due metri a tutto tondo, primo esempio di statuaria del Mediterraneo occidentale, (forse) risalenti alla fine del X o al VII secolo a.C., ancora non hanno trovato l'atto di nascita, e che dopo trentaquattro anni dal loro rinvenimento trascorsi in oscuri magazzini del museo, della qual cosa nessuno sa spiegare perché, dopo un infinito restauro (forse) in un futuro imprecisato “rischiano” di essere rese visibili ai comuni mortali, dove, non si sa manco quello. Si sa solo che esistono! Come l'antica città di Cornus con la sua acropoli appollaiata sulla collina tronco conica di Corchinas al confine nord del Sinis, a due passi dalla SS 292. Altro importante centro sul mare, conosciuto, al pari di Tharros, per la sua presunta origine fenicia ma anch'essa era nuragica in principio, un millennio prima dei Fenici. Nel vasto pianoro che sovrasta il mare, alle spalle dell'acropoli si estendeva la città fenicia, punica, romana, ecc. si lavorava il Murex, mollusco marino molto comune nei fondali rocciosi sotto l'abitato, da cui dopo varie fasi si ricavava il prezioso colorante: la porpora. Murex, Corra in sardo, come “Campu 'e Corra” il toponimo del pianoro dove si produceva la porpora. È assai probabile che la Cornus nuragica avesse anche una importante funzione come centro di produzione del ferro. A pochi chilometri a monte, infatti, si trovano le miniere di ferro del Montiferru (monte del ferro) e la via più breve tra le zona mineraria e Cornus, in riva al mare, passa giusto nella piccola e stretta valle sotto Cornus sorvegliata da ben quattro nuraghi! A testimonianza del “doppiofondo” e delle “sorprese” che il Sinis può riservare, una recentissima ANSA del 15 febbraio 2008: 075 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies BENI CULTURALI: AL VIA LAVORI DI RESTAURO STATUE MONTE 'E PRAMA (ANSA) - ORISTANO, 15 FEBRAIO 2008 Dureranno un anno e impegneranno un team di 16 specialisti i lavori di restauro e conservazione delle statue di Mont'e Prama. Il progetto di restauro è stato presentato oggi a Cabras dal sovrintendente per i beni archeologici Giovanni Azzena, dal progettista e direttore dei lavori Antonietta Boninu e da Roberto Nardi, direttore della società privata, il Cca (Centro di Conservazione Archeologica) di Roma che eseguirà l'intervento. All'incontro erano presenti anche il presidente della Provincia di Oristano Pasquale Onida e il sindaco di Cabras Efisio Trincas. L'intervento, finanziato dal Cipe, sostenuto e voluto dalla Regione, prevede la documentazione, la conservazione, il restauro e la musealizzazione del complesso di reperti recuperato a Cabras tra il 1974 e il 1979 e ora custodito presso il Centro di conservazione e restauro di Li Punti a Sassari. Non sarà un lavoro semplice - hanno spiegato il sovrintendente Azzena, la dottoressa Boninu e il dottor Nardi - perché si tratta di rimettere insieme un puzzle gigantesco composto da poco meno di 5 mila pezzi di pietra biocalcarea che complessivamente pesano poco meno di 10 tonnellate. A lavoro finito, la speranza è di vedere ricostruite una trentina di statue alte più di due metri che raffigurano arcieri, pugilatori e guerrieri. La grossa novità del progetto è che tutto il lavoro di restauro sarà aperto al pubblico, che potrà seguirlo sul sito www.monteprama.it, ma anche dal vivo prenotando la visita al Centro di Li Punti. (ANSA). Il contributo del progetto Archaeomap Grazie ad Archaeomap è stato possibile far indagare prima, acquisire poi, materiale documentario di carattere cartografico e geologico finalizzato a un possibile check-up dei suoli del Sinis che ha, però, bisogno di fondi per essere realizzato (vedi progetto di Mario Tozzi, è riportato di seguito). Dal materiale raccolto risulta che molte coste, il Sinis e l'intero Campidano risultano interessate a fenomeni di carattere alluvionale spesso interpretato come frutto di piogge o esondazioni fluviali. Verificando sul posto, però, come e quanto questi strati di alluvium abbiano contribuito a modificare il territorio e i suoi insediamenti più antichi, resta valida più che mai la domanda se davvero di normali allagamenti si sia trattato o se, invece, possa essere stato uno o più maremoti a percorrere con terribile potenza tutte quelle piane dove troviamo i nuraghes sepolti o aggrediti – e spesso squinternati – da onde di fango ormai sedimentato, sempre però provenienti dalla costa verso l'interno. Di fatto soltanto sul posto ci si rende conto che ci si trova di fronte a una situazione che rappresenta l'esatto contrario di quel che piogge torrenziali potrebbero aver provocato, visto che qualsiasi fenomeno alluvionale dovuto a precipitazioni atmosferiche porterebbe acque ed alluvium verso le coste e non viceversa. Una ricognizione dettagliata dei danni subiti da questo tipo di nuraghes e un'analisi dei suoli nelle zone più emblematiche potrà sciogliere ogni dubbio e dare risposte certe. Ormai abbiamo alcune tra le carte geologiche più dettagliate tra quelle esistenti individuate e raccolte. Carta canta, si dice… Prima o poi, di certo, lo farà. 076 The pilot sites 7. Antico crobis (foto Cubeddu) 8. Nuraghe Cannavadosu (foto Cubeddu) 7 8 Check-up del fango di Sardegna. La geologia a verifica delle testimonianze degli Antichi Introduzione Il nuovo quadro geologico dei fondali del Mediterraneo parla molto chiaro e il libro Le Colonne d'Ercole, un'inchiesta di Sergio Frau, lo dimostra bene: c'è una sola zona che poteva fungere da confine del mondo conosciuto prima che i commerci si spingessero più a Occidente, la sola zona che possiede fondali insidiosi per la navigazione per via del loro essere limacciosi e costellati di secche, ed è il Canale di Sicilia. È ancora la geologia a dirci che i fondali dello stretto di Gibilterra sono profondi più di 300 metri e che non c'è mai stato laggiù quel fango che gli antichi descrivevano alle Colonne d'Ercole. Ma anche sulla collocazione di Atlantide evidenze geologiche avevano già fatto escludere da tempo l'isola cicladica di Santorini per via delle prove paleomagnetiche: i manufatti in terracotta dell'antica Thira (Akrothiri) si comportano come argille naturali in cui i granuli magnetici i normalmente presenti si riorientano parallelamente al campo magnetico terrestre se riscaldati al di sopra di una certa temperatura (come quella dei forni in cui venivano cotti o di incendi). Confrontando quei dati con quelli provenienti dell'eruzione spaventosa di Santorini (XVI secolo prima di Cristo) si è escluso che la distruzione della civiltà minoica potesse essere contemporanea ai maremoti conseguenti a quella catastrofe, dunque, che Atlantide potesse coincidere con la Creta dei palazzi di Cnosso. I nuraghes della costa sarda meridionale e occidentale, quelli a quote basse, risultano tutti distrutti nella parte superiore, con le grandi pietre gettate a terra, mentre quelli contemporanei della Sardegna settentrionale sono ancora oggi in piedi. Il problema è: sono possibili terremoti o maremoti in un'isola da sempre ritenuta tranquilla da un punto di vista tettonico? La geologia potrebbe tentare di dare una risposta decisiva attraverso sondaggi opportunamente collocati nella valle del Campidano, vicini ai nuraghes ricoperti da una melma fangosa che ha tutta l'aria di essere un residuo di un'inondazione, o, addirittura, di un maremoto. In tutto il mondo le rocce di maremoto (tsunamiti) permettono di riconoscere le catastrofi del passato: l'ipotesi dell'asteroide che avrebbe causato la scomparsa dei dinosauri riposa in parte su prove come queste. Come è noto, nella ricostruzione platonica, l'isola di Atlante risulta essere ricca di acqua e foreste, con un clima dolce che permettesse più raccolti all'anno e, soprattutto, tanto ricca di minerali (argyròphleps nesos, “l'isola dalle vene d'argento” così i Greci battezzarono la Sardegna) da permettersi cerchie di mura concentriche di ogni metallo. La Sardegna possiede miniere vastissime di zinco e di piombo argentifero il cui tenore, oltre 3000 anni fa, doveva essere elevatissimo, tanto da giustificare recuperi importanti. Uno studio delle miniere sarde più antiche può aiutare a esaminare meglio questa tematica mineralogico-petrografica. 077 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 9 10 11 12 Obiettivi I. Valutazione della natura del record stratigrafico riferibile al periodo in cui secondo la ricerca di Sergio Frau - si è avuta la crisi della civiltà nuragica (1200 a.C.); II. verifica dell'eventuale esistenza di depositi interpretabili come tsunamiti; III. possibile spiegazione della crisi della civiltà nuragica come dovuta ad un evento disastroso (mega-tsunami) e/o alla coazione di più eventi (tsunami e terremoti); IV. implicazioni, in termini di protezione civile e prevenzione, per una valutazione qualitativa e quantitativa dei rischi legati al ripetersi di eventi naturali a carattere catastrofico; V. valutazione dell'evoluzione del tenore in argento delle miniere sarde del SulcisIglesiente. 9. Nuraghe Monte Trigu (foto Cubeddu) Attività Previste I - Censimento e georeferenziazione (con quote altimetriche) dei nuraghi noti e ipotizzabili. Nel caso che si presentino disgregati, definizione dell'eventuale orientazione ed estensione cono di detriti. Metodologie 1. Interpretazione immagini da satellite e foto aree per censire eventuali nuraghi non noti e per definire caratteristiche eventuale cono di detriti. Nuova lettura delle carte topografiche; 2. Georeferenziazione dei dati interpretati. 078 10. Nuraghe Gutturu Diegu (foto Cubeddu) 11. Nuraghe Mesu (foto Cubeddu) 12. Nuraghe sale Porcus (foto Cubeddu) The pilot sites Rilievi di terreno per verifiche dirette ed eventuali rilievi GPS; applicazioni di tecniche geofisiche per verifiche indirette di eventuali indizi di nuraghi precedentemente non noti o di eventuali ipotetici coni di detriti (georadar, gravimetria, resistività elettrica campo magnetico). II - Verifica dell'eventuale presenza nella piana del Campidano di depositi marini riferibili al periodo in cui si è verificata la crisi della civiltà nuragica (1200 a.c.) e della loro interpretabilità come tsunamiti; analisi delle loro caratteristiche. Metodologie 1. Rilievi di terreno; mappatura ed analisi di eventuali depositi recenti riferibili al periodo in esame; 2. Esecuzione di carotaggi superficiali (quanti almeno una 20-30); 3. Analisi sedimentologiche, paleontologiche e geochimiche sulle carote prelevate. Organizzazione della Ricerca Questa ricerca potrà essere sviluppata in un anno. Durante i primi due mesi saranno effettuati: - raccolta dei dati bibliografici: - l'analisi delle immagini da satellite e delle foto aree; - una prima selezione dei siti dove eseguire i sondaggi; - preparazione dei successivi rilievi di terreno con attività di scouting. Nei successivi tre mesi saranno realizzate le campagne di rilevamento archeologico per il censimento dei nuraghi e di rilevamento geologico sui depositi recenti della piana del Campidano. Di seguito, in un periodo di circa due mesi, si realizzeranno i carotaggi e i rilievi geofisici. Nei restanti cinque mesi, infine, si provvederà alle analisi di laboratorio ed all'interpretazione dei dati raccolti. 13. Stagno Sale Porcus (foto Cubeddu) Partecipanti campagna geologica (da coordinare con quella archeologica e fotografica): - Mario Tozzi (responsabile scientifico e coordinamento della ricerca geologica). - Davide Scrocca (coordinamento della ricerca, organizzazione delle banche dati, elaborazioni in ambito GIS e ricostruzione 3D); esperto di Quaternario molto recente o di tsunamiti; esperto di mineralogia e petrografia dei minerali di piombo. Per lo svolgimento di questa ricerca occorrerebbe la partecipazione di un archeogeologo e di un geologo con competenze sul quaternario, nonché l'assegnazione di due borse di studio (o assegni di ricerca): I. Le attività di ricerca previste per la prima borsa di studio (a carattere più archeologico) prevedono il censimento di nuraghi e coni di detrito e rilievi di terreno con tecniche proprie dell'archeologia; organizzazione delle banche dati. II. Le attività di ricerca previste per la seconda borsa di studio (a carattere più geologico) prevedono studi sulla geologia del quaternario nella piana del Campidano: rilievi di terreno, assistenza durante l'esecuzione dei carotaggi e durante le analisi di laboratorio (sedimentologiche, geochimiche e paleontologiche); check-up del fango di Sardegna; organizzazione delle banche dati. 079 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies È sufficiente un'occhiata a questa “Carta geologica della Sardegna” pubblicata nel 1856 dal generale Alberto de La Marmora nell'Atlas che accompagna il suo “Voyage En Sardaigne” per notare quella fenditura color sabbia che spacca in due la Sardegna da Cagliari fino a Oristano. È come una cicatrice il Campidano: un tempo canyon di mare, oggi pianura di fango punteggiata da piccole colline, sospette, e laghi salati. La Marmora nella sua legenda, spiega quei colori che gli ha dato: “Alluvions” e “diluvium”… Da allora pochi studi hanno cercato di capirle davvero quelle strane terre marnose che coprono l'intero Campidano fino al Sinis, spesso seppellendo nuraghi e siti archeologici ancor oggi semisegreti. 080 The pilot sites Schematica ma efficace questa carta della “Sardegna in rilievo” (pubblicata da Mario Ambrico per lo Studio Epm) mostra bene come invasioni marine, provenienti da sud o da ovest, abbiano potuto trovare nella piana del Campidano un corridoio privilegiato per penetrare nell'Isola e dar luogo a quelle devastazioni testimoniate dai migliori autori classici. 081 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies In questa “Carta dei resti di nuraghi e villaggi nuragici” (pubblicata nel 1975 in “Le Regioni d'Italia 18: Sardegna”, una prestigiosa collana fondata da Roberto Almagià) il Sinis e l'Oristanese sembrano presentare pochissime testimonianze del II millennio a.C., il Millennio Nuragico. Basta però usare lo zoom e guardare la mappa che segue – un censimento firmato Alberto Moravetti – per rendersi conto che così non è… Molti, moltissimi insediamenti ben conosciuti dagli abitanti del Sinis nella “Carta dei siti e dei monumenti prenuragici dell'Oristanese” che segue (pubblicata in “La Provincia di Oristano”, nel 1993) non compaiono affatto, così come non compaiono gli oltre cento nuraghi della zona, la maggior parte dei quali sepolti dal fango. 082 The pilot sites CHAP. 2.5 L'épave de la Lomellina Naufrage en baie de Villefranche 15 septembre 1516, rade de Villefranche. Au centre de la rade, une grosse nave génoise est à l'ancre à quelques centaines de mètres du rivage non loin de l'anse de l'Espalmador où viennent caréner les navires de la région. Ce gros bâtiment équipé d'une importante artillerie est venu s'y faire réparer. On ne sait pas au juste quelles sont ses activités habituelles, est-il armé en course ou participe-t-il aux opérations engagées par les troupes françaises en Italie? Un chroniqueur local, Honorat de Valbelle, raconte les évènements qui se déroulent ce jour là : une terrible tempête accompagnée de pluie et d'orage s'abat sur la région, de Fréjus à Vintimille, déracinant les arbres de la côte et envoyant par le fond vingt quatre navires qui étaient en mer. Dans la rade la nef génoise couchée par le vent sombre sur ses ancres, noyant plus de cent hommes d'équipage. L'année suivante, Don Antonio de Beatis, secrétaire du Cardinal d'Aragon, accompagne ce dernier pendant son voyage en Provence. Le 30 novembre 1517, de passage à Villefranche, il mentionne le récit du naufrage survenu un an plus tôt et note dans son journal : « On voit encore la hune du grand mât qui sort de l'eau de deux cannes environ. » Rade de Villefranche-sur-mer La rade de Villefranche-sur-mer située près de Nice dans le département des Alpes-Maritimes, s'étend sur une longueur de 1000 mètres entre le promontoire du Mont Boron et le Cap Ferrat. Elle a une orientation Nord-Sud et a une superficie de 346 hectares. C'est une baie très abritée sauf par fort vent de secteur Sud à Sud-Est. La houle pénètre alors dans la rade et peut rendre le mouillage très dangereux, ce qui se produit parfois en hiver et très rarement en été. Elle offre un abri sûr et est suffisamment vaste pour accueillir des flottes nombreuses. Au XIXe siècle en particulier les escadres françaises et étrangères l'ont fréquentée régulièrement. Cette fréquentation a eu pour conséquence : un dragage systématique de la baie pour en retirer les obstructions pouvant gêner le mouillage des bâtiments; un écrasement des parties émergeantes de l'épave, un brassage des couches superficielles du sédiment, le rejet d'objets d'époques diverses. Découverte et sondage de l'épave Au printemps 1979, Alain Visquis, un plongeur familier de la baie de Villefranchesur-mer, inspecte un profond sillon creusé dans la vase par l'ancre d'un des bâtiments de croisière qui viennent régulièrement mouiller dans la rade. Ce jour là, la chance est au rendez-vous : au fond de la saignée toute récente pointe une rangée de morceaux de bois que son œil exercé identifie comme l'alignement des membrures d'une épave. L'Archéonaute, le navire spécialisé de la Direction des recherches archéologiques sous-marines se trouve dans les parages et une expertise rapidement menée par Patrick Grandjean conclut à la présence d'une épave probablement datée du XVIe siècle. Deux ans plus tard une évaluation du site, suivie les années suivantes d'une fouille de l'épave, est confiée à une équipe dirigée par Max Guérout avec le soutien du Groupe de recherche en archéologie navale (GRAN). Il est aidé par deux archéologues spécialistes de l'architecture navale : Eric Rieth et Jean-Marie Gassend. 083 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies Conduite de la fouille Enfouie dans le sédiment l'épave d'un grand navire gisait inclinée de quarante cinq degrés sur tribord. Les structures se révélèrent rapidement très bien conservées, particulièrement dans la partie centrale du bâtiment où fait exceptionnel, les éléments de deux niveaux de pont avaient été préservés. A l'issue du premier sondage effectué en 1982, une fouille de longue durée fut décidée. Le renflouement de l'épave fut écarté au bénéfice d'une étude in situ. Les axes de recherche prioritaires choisis furent : l'étude descriptive des structures du navire; l'étude des méthodes de construction, des principes de construction, des formes, des caractéristiques nautiques du bâtiment ainsi que l'étude du façonnage des bois. Il est en effet exceptionnel d'avoir la possibilité d'analyser l'ensemble des principaux composants structuraux d'une coque : charpentes axiales et transversales comme structures internes, alors que la plupart du temps seuls les fonds de carène des épaves sont conservés, ne donnant qu'une vision partielle de l'architecture du bâtiment. Cependant des structures aussi importantes ne permettaient pas d'envisager pour des raisons techniques et financières, un démontage intégral de la coque et la réalisation d'une analyse complète des procédés de construction. C'est à des démontages sélectifs permettant à la fois l'analyse détaillée des principaux composants structuraux et l'étude des parties importantes de la carène qu'il fut procédé. La complexité de l'étude d'une carène possédant encore les vestiges de deux niveaux de pont nous a amené à opter pour une fouille par tranches transversales successives (environ 4 m x 10 m), en commençant par la partie arrière de l'épave. Cette méthode de travail avait en outre l'avantage de nous faire aborder les structures de la coque de l'extérieur de celle-ci vers l'intérieur : doublage, bordé, membrures, vaigrage puis les structures internes (baux, ponts, épontilles et cloisons). Le seul inconvénient de la méthode est que nous ne pouvions connaître la totalité des caractéristiques du navire, en particulier la longueur de la quille, qu'après neuf années de fouille. Outre l'étude de la carène, celle de l'artillerie, du gréement et des équipements de bord fut également privilégiée. 1 2 Datation La datation du site fut obtenue par l'analyse des monnaies découvertes, en particulier une lira milanaise à l'effigie de Galeas Marie Sforza frappée en 1474; deux écus de France au soleil frappés sous Charles VII entre 1483 et 1494 pour l'un et 1493 et 1498 pour l'autre; un teston milanais à l'effigie de Louis XII frappé entre 1500 et 1512. Une coupe de majolique de Montelupo (Toscanne) vint renforcer cette analyse situant le naufrage vers le milieu du premier quart du XVIe siècle, en tout cas après 1503 (date de la première frappe de la pièce de monnaie la plus récente). Les structures de l'épave dont l'étude commence alors sont celles d'un grand "navire rond" de type: nao, nef ou nave qui implique une construction au voisinage des ports de Venise, Raguse, Gênes ou Barcelone. Origine L'origine de l'épave fut d'abord recherchée en l'analysant la répartition géographique des objets identifiés (monnaies, céramiques, poids). La zone ainsi mise en évidence était centrée sur l'Italie du Nord (Ligurie et Milanais). Une seconde méthode consista à étudier la répartition le long du littoral méditerranéen des huit essences 084 1. Ecus d'or au soleil (Photo GRAN) 2. Coupe de Montelupo n°779 (Photo C. Petron) The pilot sites principales utilisées pour la construction du navire (chêne, hêtre, orme, peuplier, pin d'Alep, pin maritime, pin pignon, pin sylvestre) en superposant leurs aires de végétation afin de définir l'endroit où le plus grand nombre d'essences étaient présentes. Cette approche dont la limite est liée à l'existence de courants d'importation des bois de construction, a permis de mettre en évidence deux zones préférentielles : en premier lieu la Ligurie et le golfe de Gênes, en second lieu la Catalogne et la région de Barcelone. L'analyse de l'origine des pierres utilisées pour lester le navire et pour fabriquer les boulets de canon, nous orienta définitivement vers Gênes puisque cette dernière nous permit de localiser leur provenance dans une zone littorale allant de 50 km à l'Ouest à 100 km à l'Est de cette ville. L'origine du navire naufragé ne fit dès lors plus de doute. C'est le compte-rendu manuscrit d'une séance du Conseil des Anciens, retrouvé à l'Archivio di Stato de Gênes qui nous a permis de mettre le nom de Lomellina sur l'épave: un navire dont le naufrage au cours d'un ouragan d'une violence exceptionnelle, le 15 septembre 1516 en rade de Villefranche est mentionné par plusieurs chroniqueurs de l'époque. Le navire doit son nom au fait qu'un membre de la famille Lomellini est sans doute son actionnaire principal. Les Lomellini sont des génois originaires de Lombardie qui ont créé dès la fin du XIVème siècle une banque qui a tissé un réseau d'affaires en relation avec toutes les places importantes d'Europe. Ils occupent au cours du temps de nombreuses charges: capitaines, consuls, commissaires de Corse, amiraux, ambassadeurs et par deux fois la magistrature suprême. Le propriétaire de notre Lomellina est probablement Agostino Lomellini, fils d'Ansaldo, dont nous avons retrouvé la trace dans un manuscrit répertoriant les fonctions occupées par les membres de la famille au début du XVIe siècle. Il a été consul de 1502 à 1513, propriétaire d'une nave en 1514. Il siège ensuite au Conseil des anciens en 1515, puis au Conseil des Impôts (Calleghe) en 1515. Il possède une nave avec 200 soldats (fantis) en 1515 puis exerce la charge d'Officier d'avitaillement et du sel en 1516. Il siègera de nouveau au Conseil des Anciens en 1518, 1520 puis 1526 et assumera de très nombreuses fonctions officielles jusqu'en 1528, dont officier de la Corse en 1524 et 1526 et officier de la monnaie en 1525. Avant d'occuper ces importantes fonctions, il semble bien que, en association avec Luca Vivaldi, il ait séjourné à Lyon, ville célèbre pour sa foire des changes, entre 1507 et 1513, avec un passage à Bruges en 1512. La dernière mention que nous en avons est celle de son ambassade auprès de la Cour de France en 1528. L'épave L'épave occupe une surface de 35 mètres par 10 mètres, son état de conservation exceptionnel nous conduisit à fixer un objectif ambitieux : procéder à l'étude descriptive de l'ensemble des structures du navire, à l'étude des méthodes de construction, des principes de construction, des formes, des caractéristiques nautiques du bâtiment ainsi que l'étude du façonnage des bois. Il est en effet exceptionnel d'avoir la possibilité d'analyser l'ensemble des principaux composants structuraux d'une coque : charpentes axiales et transversales comme ses structures internes, alors que la plupart du temps seul le fond de carène des épaves est conservé, ne donnant qu'une vision partielle de l'architecture du bâtiment. Après neuf ans et près de 5000 plongées les caractéristiques principales du navire furent enfin déterminées, en particulier parce que la quille était conservée sur toute sa longueur : - longueur de quille: 33,80 mètres; - largeur au maître couple : 14 mètres; 085 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies - creux (du dessus de la quille au dessous des barrots du premier pont) : 4,40 mètres. - longueur de tête en tête : 46,45 mètres. Le port en lourd est de 829 tonneaux et la capacité de charge de 810 tonnes. L'emplanture du grand mât, en partie détruite put cependant être reconstituée. Il s'agit d'un ensemble imposant puisque les carlingots qui encadrent et renforcent la quille et la carlingue à cet endroit ne mesurent pas moins de 5,6 mètres de longueur. Outre l'emplanture elle-même l'ensemble des structures alentour contribue à maîtriser les efforts considérables exercés à la mer par le grand mât sur les charpentes du navire. Mais la surprise vint du fait que cette emplanture était morphologiquement très différente des emplantures des grands navires équivalents construits dans les chantiers de l'Atlantique et était en définitive beaucoup plus proche des emplantures réalisées en Méditerranée pour les galères ou les chebecs. Toutefois au-delà de l'importante moisson d'informations concernant les structures du navire dont la restitution de l'emplanture du grand mât n'est qu'un exemple, plusieurs découvertes ont permis une importante avancée pour la connaissance des divers équipements des navires de la Renaissance. Le gouvernail était conservé dans sa partie basse et si nous l'avons laissé en place, les données recueillies ont cependant été précieuses. En effet au cours d'un naufrage le gouvernail est fréquemment perdu avant la destruction de la coque ellemême et rarement retrouvé, nous privant de données permettant d'évaluer les capacités évolutives du bâtiment. Le cabestan pratiquement intact fut aussi mis au jour. Celui de la Lomellina avait la particularité d'être en cours de réparation comme le souligne l'absence de fixation de certains taquets situés à sa base. Cette observation vint s'ajouter à la présence de copeaux de bois dans la cale pour nous amener à penser que le navire était probablement en réparation. De ce point de vue la découverte du sep de drisse, démonté en trois parties, rangé dans la cale, vint confirmer cette hypothèse. Le sep de drisse constitue la partie basse du fort palan qui au moyen du cabestan sert à hisser la grande vergue. Il est normalement 086 3. Reconstitution de l'emplanture du grand mât (Dessin M. Guérout) The pilot sites 4 4. Restitution du cabestan et du sep de drisse (Dessin M. Guérout) 5. Maquette de Roberto Greco – Vue du Sep de drisse 5 installé sur le pont supérieur et prend appui au dessus de la quille, sur la carlingue. Le sep de drisse démonté, le navire ne pouvait par conséquent pas naviguer. Par ailleurs la découverte de la totalité des éléments constitutifs du sep, ne mesurant pas moins de 8,22 mètres de long une fois assemblés, nous a permis de reconstituer avec précision la hauteur des ponts: une donnée fondamentale pour la reconstitution des formes du navire. Le système d'épuisement des eaux infiltrées dans la cale a pu être reconstitué grâce à la mise au jour des pieds de pompe, des conduits d'évacuation des eaux (dalles) situés sur le pont supérieur et des éléments de la structure protégeant les pompes, que l'on appelle l'archi pompe. L'adoption du sabord d'artillerie au tout début du XVIe siècle est illustrée par la mise au jour d'un mantelet de sabord qui se trouvait en place au dessus du premier pont. Certes les sabords de chargement, particulièrement aux extrémités du navire, sont attestés à des époques plus anciennes. Mais aussitôt les marchandises embarquées, ceux-ci après avoir été fermés étaient calfatés et cloués. L'idée de concevoir une ouverture dans la coque qui puisse être ouverte à la mer est une innovation qui fut sans doute adoptée progressivement avec beaucoup de réticences. Le nombre de sabords d'artillerie fut d'abord réduit puis augmenta peu à peu. Celui qui a été mis au jour sur la Lomellina est l'attestation archéologique la plus ancienne de ce type d'équipement. Tout à l'avant du navire, un grand nombre de tonnelets de poudre et quelques éléments de 087 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 6 7 structure nous permirent de reconstituer la soute à poudre du bâtiment. La localisation de la soute à cet endroit, attestée par plusieurs documents d'archive, notamment des contrats de construction, marque bien le danger potentiel qu'elle représentait, aussi l'éloignait-on à la fois des flammes du four de la cuisine et des logements de l'état-major et des passagers situés à l'arrière. Quand la conservation des poudres noires fut mieux maîtrisées, on assista à un curieux chassé croisé, la cuisine et son four furent installés à l'avant du navire et la soute à poudre à l'arrière, il était en effet désormais moins dangereux pour l'état-major de vivre à côté des poudres que de laisser celles-ci aux mains de l'équipage. Le doublage de la nave, était réalisé à l'aide de plaques de plomb clouées sur la coque. Son étude apporta à son tour une information inédite. Après avoir procédé à une analyse métallographique du plomb et évalué le poids des plaques dont nous avions mesuré les dimensions (longueur, largeur et épaisseur), nous eûmes la satisfaction de trouver très exactement le poids indiqué dans un document génois. Cependant l'analyse montrait que le plomb utilisé pour le doublage contenait une proportion d'antimoine beaucoup plus importante que celui utilisé pour la fabrication des boulets et des balles d'arquebuse que nous avions fait analyser en même temps. Il est donc probable, comme ce fut le cas dès l'époque de Gutenberg pour les caractères d'imprimerie, que l'antimoine fut utilisé pour durcir le plomb. L'analyse récente du plomb de doublage du Sv Jerolim naufragé en baie de Sudurad, près de l'île Sipan, en Croatie dont la perte remonte à 1576, n'a pas montré la même particularité, nous laissant penser qu'il s'agit d'une particularité des chantiers génois. Parmi toute une série de pièces de gréement: poulies, moques, cap de mouton, une tête de mât amovible en orme : un calcet, fut mis au jour. Pour les mâts équipés d'une voile latine (sur la nave, le mât d'artimon voire de contre artimon) l'antenne est hissée en utilisant un système de palans dont la partie haute passe par des réas situés en tête de mât. Les importantes contraintes subies par la tête de mât et l'usure qui en résulte, amenèrent à faire en sorte que cette partie du gréement puisse être changée sans avoir pour autant à remplacer le mât tout entier. Taillé en biseau, il était assemblé à 088 6. Vue du sabord in situ (Photo C. Petron) 7. Vue de l'étrave (Photo J.C. Hurteau/CNRS) The pilot sites 8 9 la tête de mât puis ligaturé à celle-ci à l'aide de cordages. Le calcet comme le sep de drisse fut retrouvé rangé dans la cale, nous donnant l'occasion d'étudier un élément très rarement présent sur un site archéologique sous-marin; les mâts brisés étant souvent récupérés ou finissant toujours par flotter. Outre ces équipements, l'artillerie et la tonnellerie présentes à bord constituèrent un champ d'étude particulièrement fructueux. Les documents d'archives soulignent le souci de l'Office de la Mer de la République de Gênes de récupérer l'artillerie embarquée à bord de la Lomellina, ce fut probablement le cas dans les jours qui suivirent le naufrage, mais aussi 15 ans plus tard comme l'atteste un documents niçois: une concession accordée à deux villefranchois. Reste cependant sur l'épave un matériel d'artillerie important dont l'étude est complexe dans la mesure où se côtoient une artillerie destinée au service à la mer et une artillerie terrestre. Sans doute impliquée dans les guerres d'Italie la Lomellina transportait-elle au profit des troupes à terre, l'artillerie dont le passage par les chemins du littoral était malaisé ? A une époque où la métallurgie du fer est encore balbutiante, les pièces d'artillerie mises au jour sont des canons composites construits sur le modèle des barriques: un cylindre central formé de tiges métalliques assemblées les unes aux autres par forgeage est maintenu par des cerclages jointifs emmanchés à chaud. En conséquence le tube ainsi obtenu est ouvert aux deux extrémités et une culasse amovible doit être introduite à l'arrière et calée à l'aide d'un coin contre un affût de bois pour permettre le tir d'un projectile. A côté de ces pièces, plusieurs paires de roues d'artillerie stockées dans la cale illustrent les différentes types en usage à l'époque allant de la roue pleine à la roue à rayon cerclée de fer, cette dernière destinée à coup sûr au service à terre. Les armes légères 8. Vue des pièces de gréement en place (Photo J.C. Hurteau/CNRS) 9. Dessin des pièces de gréement en place (Dessin M. Guérout) Au milieu de très nombreuses pièces de mobilier archéologique, l'armement individuel et collectif merité une mention particulière. Il faut se souvenir que l'investissement représenté par la construction et l'exploitation d'une nave était considérable et qu'en conséquence son armement défensif n'était jamais négligé par les armateurs. Les navi conçues pour le commerce, n'en possèdent pas moins déjà la quasi totalité des caractéristiques des navires de guerre: murailles élevées, châteaux avant et arrière constituant de véritables tours de défense, hunes circulaires aménagées et armées à l'instar du donjon des châteaux forts. Toutefois en ce début du XVIe siècle, s'il 089 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 10 11 ne semble pas exister de différences d'aspect entre la nave armée au commerce et la nave armée en guerre, cette dernière possède des structures plus robustes, un échantillonnage des charpentes plus important et un soin particulier est apporté aux liaisons et au clouage. Cependant on n'hésite pas à armer en guerre les navires de commerce, il suffit pour cela d'augmenter le nombre des pièces d'artillerie et d'y embarquer des troupes lorsque cela est nécessaire. La liste des armements effectués à Gênes par Charles VIII en 1494 montre bien que les navires cités ne sont autres que ceux des marchands génois (Galegari, 1970, p.53). C'est l'apparition des sabords en batterie qui marquera définitivement la séparation entre navire de guerre et navire de commerce. La place prise dans les entreponts par l'artillerie, le nombre de canonniers nécessaires à leur mise en oeuvre, mais aussi l'augmentation du coût de la construction, affecteront la rentabilité commerciale et entraîneront la spécialisation des navires corrélativement à la création des marines de guerre nécessaires à l'affirmation de la puissance des états. Pots à feu Les plus grands se présentent comme de petites amphores (possédant deux anses) à fond plat, en terre cuite. Mesurant 30 cm de hauteur et ayant un diamètre à la panse de 18 cm. Le goulot d'un diamètre extérieur de 6 cm mesure 11 cm de hauteur comporte à sa base deux petites anses circulaires. La panse de couleur gris noir porte des traces de tournage La partie supérieure du goulot porte encore la trace d'un enduit de cire. Les anses sont petites et ne paraissent pas conçues pour être saisies à la main. L'intérieur contenait encore un résidu de poudre de charbon de bois. Il s'agit probablement d'un projectile incendiaire cacheté à la cire qui comportait une mèche de mise de feu. Le poids et l'encombrement du projectile excluent qu'il puisse être lancé à la main à moins qu'il ne soit destiné à être lâché depuis l'extrémité d'une vergue ou plus sûrement d'une hune. Ce type de projectile n'est pas mentionné explicitement dans les inventaires que nous avons consulté, mais il en est fait mention dans les nombreux traités ou mémoires datés de la deuxième moitié du XVIe siècle et du début du XVIIe consacrés à l'artillerie et aux artifices sous le nom de pots à feu ou firepots. (Ufano, 1614, p.144), (Collado, 1592, p.83), (Boillot, 1603, p.150), (Cataneo, 1571, p.25), etc.... Ces pots étaient utilisés soit comme projectiles incendiaires soit comme projectiles explosifs, lancés à la main depuis 090 10. Canon A 51 in situ (Photo J.C. Hurteau/CNRS) 11. Reconstitution du canon A 51 (Dessin N. Blotti) The pilot sites un point haut : hune, château ou à l'aide d'une fronde. Les compositions pyrotechniques utilisées dont les composants principaux sont la poudre à canon, le salpêtre et le soufre, sont extrêmement variées. Nous citerons à titre d'exemple celle indiquée par Diego Ufano: poudre à canon, 8 onces; soufre, 8 onces; salpêtre, 8 onces; sel d'ammoniac, 8 onces; camphre, 2 onces; sel commun une poignée, le tout mélangé avec de la poix liquide ou de l'huile de pétrole ou de l'huile de lin. Pour faire un projectile explosif on y ajoute des dés de fer et des balles de plomb et une amorce introduite dans l'ouverture. Les petites anses sont utilisées pour y attacher les mèches destinées à la mise à feu. Une référence archéologique de ce type de pot à feu munis d'anses (bien que de dimensions plus réduites) nous est fournie par la fouille de l'épave du San Antonio de Tanna trouvée près de Mombassa (Piercy, 1977, 346). Grenades à main, pignatta, alcancias. 12. Pot à feu n°259 (Photo C. Petron) D'autres projectiles ont été retrouvés en assez grand nombre, (au total près d'une centaine, entiers ou sous forme de fragments). Leurs dimensions et leur poids en font de véritables armes de jet individuelles. Ils se répartissent en quatre types différents. Les premiers sont simplement des pommes de pin pignon évidées, distinctes des nombreuses pommes de pin pignon retrouvées entière et sans doutes destinées à la fois à la consommation des pignons et à l'allumage du feu. Ces pommes de pin évidées étaient probablement aussi remplies de poudre et cachetées à la cire. Dans les inventaires de certaines "naves", le terme de pignatta désigne les projectiles incendiaires du type grenade, mais dans la langue courante pigna désigne précisément la pomme de pin. Ces dernières représentent sans aucun doute les grenades incendiaires les plus primitives. Les autres projectiles sont des pots en terre cuite de trois types qui diffèrent moins par leur taille et leur contenance que par la forme de leur ouverture. Leurs formes ne sont pas exactement standardisées, ils mesurent 10 à 11 cm de haut, pour un diamètre de la panse de 11 cm, le diamètre du pied est variable et mesure de 6 à 8 cm. La pâte est grossière et laissée nue, la couleur va du rose au rouge clair, l'épaisseur est d'environ 8 mm. Le type 1 a un goulot droit ou très légèrement évasé d'un diamètre extérieur de 36 mm, on trouve parfois des traces de cire sur toute la surface extérieure. Ce type de pot à une forme qui rappelle la forme de la grenade, le fruit du grenadier, et on peut penser que cette similitude de forme illustre l'étymologie du mot grenade dans son acception militaire. Seuls des pots de ce type ont été retrouvés contenant encore une poudre noire qui s'est révélée à l'analyse être du charbon de bois. Le type 2 a une ouverture dont les bords extérieurs sont droits, qui mesure 52 mm de diamètre extérieur. Le type 3 a une ouverture évasée dont le diamètre extérieur est d'environ 60 mm. Le type 1 correspond aux balles à main (Ufano, 1614), alcancias (Collado, 1592), pignates de feu : "cent et dix pignates à feu" dans "Etat des meubles de la nef du Roy appelée la Marguerite" (Archives des Bouches-du-Rhône, B 1260 f°385), pigniatte di fuoco: "pigniatte di fuoco quaranta" dans l'inventaire d'une galère de Andrea Doria (Borghesi, 1970, p.191), pignatta artificiata (Gentilini, 1598), projectiles incendiaires cités par de nombreux auteurs et embarqués en grand nombre. Diego Ufano distingue d'ailleurs les pots à feu des balles à main et un inventaire d'un navire du Duc de Bourgogne daté de 1436 parle de: "petits pots de terre ronds à mettre pouldre et croye 091 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies pour gicter a combattre sur vaisseaulx de mer" (Paviot, 1995, p.301). Les compositions pyrotechniques sont identiques à celles des pots à feu. Une référence archéologique des alcancias nous est fournie par la fouille de la Trinidad Valencera. (Martin, 1994, p.208). Les deux autres types correspondent à des projectiles évoqués après Végèce par Eustache Lemoine en 1216 et pouvant être remplis de chaux vive "pots de terre à mettre chaux vive" (Paviot, 1995), de savon vert ou d'autres produits destinés à gêner l'adversaire et dont l'usage remonte à l'Antiquité. «Hannibal fict enfermer une grande quantité de pots de terre, de grands serpents venimeux, bien enclos, desquels il se servit aux assaults qu'il eut sur la mer». (Boillot, 1603, p.150). La différence de forme pouvant être à la fois un moyen pour différencier les types de grenades et en faciliter l'identification, mais aussi destinée à permettre un meilleurs remplissage des différents produits. Dans ces conditions on pourrait avancer l'hypothèse que le type 3 était plutôt destiné à la chaux vive dont la manipulation délicate pouvait être facilitée par une ouverture plus large et un goulot en forme d'entonnoir. Barriques La présence d'un grand nombre de barriques nous conduisit à mener une étude complexe visant non seulement à restituer les modes de fabrication mais aussi les volumes, dans l'espoir de voir émerger une unité de mesure permettant d'en identifier l'origine. Mais à l'évidence les barriques retrouvées, de volumes très variés, n'étaient pas utilisées à des fins commerciales mais simplement destinées à contenir la réserve d'eau du bâtiment. L'une d'entre elle fut conservée avec l'espoir de pouvoir la reconstituer après traitement de conservation. Arnaud de Laroche consacra à cette étude son mémoire de l'Ecole des hautes études. Analyse dendrochronologique L'importance des structures mises au jour, nous amena à utiliser la dendrochronologie pour tenter de préciser la date de construction du navire. Confiée à Frederic Guibal cette étude nous réserva une surprise. La première série de prélèvements fut effectuée sur les éléments de la structure interne du bâtiment, cloisons, vaigrage, épontilles. Le résultat nous laissa perplexe dans la mesure où la date d'abattage ainsi déterminée fut 1478. L'écart entre cette date et la date du naufrage, soit 38 ans était incompatible avec la longévité connue des grands navires de l'époque estimée à environ une quinzaine d'années. Une seconde série de prélèvement eut alors lieu en privilégiant les éléments structuraux de la charpente : varangues, carlingue… Le résultat obtenu fut une date d'abattage des arbres en 1502, cette fois compatible avec un naufrage en 1516. La pratique du réemploi de bois provenant de navires condamnés pour les constructions neuves, attestée par plusieurs contrats d'achat de bois parvenus jusqu'à nous, explique en définitive la différence observée. En outre l'intérêt d'avoir déterminé une date de naufrage précise, permet de constituer un jalon très utile pour caler entre elles les séries chronologiques utilisées par la dendrochronologie. Une maquette archéologique a été entreprise, élaborée avec un sage lenteur par Roberto Greco, un génois, charpentier naval et maquettiste professionnel. Peu à peu confrontant données archéologiques, documents d'archives, 092 13. Grenades à main type 1, n°4, 26 et 27. (Photo C. Petron) The pilot sites iconographie et l'oeil du charpentier naval, une maquette s'élabore nous donnant à voir la technique des « maîtres d'ache » de la Renaissance. Conclusion 14. Barriques en place sous le premier pont. (Photo J.C. Hurteau/CNRS) Nous nous trouvons avec une très forte probabilité en présence d'une nave génoise. Selon la typologie de l'époque, ce type de navire, au tonnage élevé, s'inscrit dans la tradition médiévale des armements des grandes cités maritimes de la Méditerranée, et notamment de Gênes. Ces armements hauturiers, aux capacités de charge importantes étaient destinés en particulier au transport de matières pondéreuses, Nous bénéficions, concernant ce type de bâtiment, des recherches réalisées par plusieurs historiens italiens (d'Albertis, 1893; Calegari, 1970; Borghesi, Calegari, 1970; Gatti, 1975; Campodonico,1991). Outre ces études, les documents manuscrits répertoriés : contrats d'achats de bois, contrats de construction, inventaires permettent de disposer de données précieuses. L'iconographie des navi est abondante, même si son utilisation demande, comme c'est la loi du genre, une étude critique rigoureuse. La confrontation des données archéologiques, des études historiques, des documents d'archives et de l'iconographie doit nous permettre de préciser les caractéristiques d'un type de navire qui constitua une part importante et originale des échanges maritimes génois. Au delà d'une meilleurs connaissance des navi génoises, la mise en évidence d'une tradition de construction des "navires ronds" purement méditerranéenne est sans doute l'apport le plus remarquable de la fouille de l'épave de Villefranche-sur-Mer. Plusieurs caractéristiques structurales ainsi que certaines pièces de gréement de l'épave 093 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies étaient typiquement méditerranéens au point que nous avons pu prendre les galères et les chébecs comme référence. Bien plus, l'examen des quelques contrats de construction de navi génoises que nous avons consultés fait apparaître que le vocabulaire utilisé est identique au vocabulaire des galères qui est parvenu jusqu'à nous. Cette constatation démontre l'existence d'une tradition de construction navale commune aux vaisseaux ronds et aux galères en Méditerranée, car l'identité de vocabulaire recouvre une identité de pratique que nos observations soulignent sans ambiguïté. Si la tradition de construction méditerranéenne a perduré jusqu'au XVIIIe siècle en ce qui concerne les galères, elle semble avoir perdu une grande partie de son originalité pour les "navires ronds” à une époque encore mal connue, pour laisser place à d'autres méthodes héritées de la tradition atlantique. L'étude de cette transformation qui est intervenue dans la pratique des chantiers de Méditerranée constitue un champ d'étude plein d'intérêt. 15. Maquette archéologique (Roberto Greco) 094 The pilot sites CHAP. 2.6Complex of Kordin III, Malta The Megalithic Temple - An archaeological complex with possible evidence of seafaring in the Neolithic Mediterranean An excluded past – the role of the sea in Late Neolithic Malta The prehistoric megalithic temples of Malta date to around 5600 to 4500 years ago and are considered by UNESCO as the earliest freestanding structures in the world. Kordin III is one of these circa thirty prehistoric megalithic sites known to have existed in the Maltese Islands (for a map of Malta and location of Kordin III see fig. 1). Six of these temples and a mass burial site are listed as World Heritage Sites Kordin III compares well in terms of characteristics and the rate of survival of the ruins with those sites already recognized as World Heritage Furthermore it contains features that are only found at this site. For about ninety years since its discovery and excavation Kordin III received little attention since it was mostly closed to the public at large. Maltese prehistory always fosters a sense of intrigue and ambiguity. The architecture and artifacts left behind from this past are a tangible testimony to the ingenuity of the people who created them. However, modern society still fails to understand fully these prehistoric people, mainly due to the significant cultural, cognitive and temporal differences (Magro Conti, 2007: 14). This is more so when it comes to understanding the relationship these people had with the Mediterranean Sea – that great body of water which is so much more than just a geographical expression. The physical presence of the sea played an undoubtedly significant part in Maltese Neolithic life. Yet this aspect of Maltese prehistory remains understudied and perhaps the least understood which is ironic considering the inescapable maritime context of the modern Maltese society. There is some evidence to show that fish and other sea food featured, if not prominently, in Maltese Neolithic and Temple period diet (Bonanno, 2001: 84, Trump, 2002: 214). Definitely sea-shells were used to make buttons and pendants (Bonanno, 2001: 84). Fish featured in the iconography of these times as attested by a series of four fish in bas-relief from the temple at Bugibba (Trump, 2002: 94), the statuette of a fish on a bed at the Hal-Saflieni Hypogeum (Bonanno, 2001:84) and in a small number of pendants (Trump, 2002: 103). The sea, being that eternal paradox that it is, was the biggest obstacle and facilitator at the same time for communication and trade with the other central Mediterranean islands such as Sicily, Pantelleria and Lipari. The significant quantities of obsidian, flint and ochre found in various domestic, burial and temple contexts attest to this relationship. A number of miniature axes made of serpentine and of other metamorphic rocks from Calabria in southern Italy are testimony of more longdistance trade, although this may have occurred indirectly. The discovery in Gozo of a pendant made of jadeite, the nearest source of which is in the Alpine foothills in Piedmont in northern Italy instills a sense of wonder at the navigational prowess of these ancient sea-farers; more so when this material is known to have been exported as far as Britain (Trump, 2002: 211). Recent scholarship suggests that ease-of-access to the sea may have dictated the location of some of the temple sites (Grima, 2004: 344-345). The sea may have also featured in that other archaeologically elusive element of prehistoric Malta – rituals (Grima, 2001: 50; Vella, 2004: 30). Setting the (pre)historic context - the Temple Culture of Malta The earliest presence of humans on the Maltese Islands is firmly established to the early fifth millennium BC. These early settlers almost certainly came across the sea from southern Sicily. Their voyages, perhaps storm-driven, were successful and numerous 095 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies enough to populate the islands. Certainly their sea-craft were of notable capabilities as they could carry animals apart from humans (Vella, 2004: 23). These people brought with them domesticated animals and probably seeds given that they practiced farming. Belonging culturally to the central Mediterranean Neolithic world, these early colonizers had a technology based on the use of stones, obsidian, and wood and had no knowledge of either the wheel or metallurgy. These ancient sea-farers knew how to shape and fire clay which was locally available to make pottery containers (Vella, 2004: 23). At first these early inhabitants dwelt in caves and then in huts made of perishable material. Their dwellings were made of shallow depressions in the ground lined with rubble walls and with floors made from a mixture of well-compacted crushed limestone called torba. There is also evidence, from Skorba and possibly from Kordin III, for the use of mud-bricks for the construction of the perimeter walls (Vella, 2004: 24). Such huts would have probably been roofed over with branches and leaves, and clay could have been smeared over the superstructure to make it impermeable. Stretched animal skins would have had the same function (Borg, 2007: 117). Albeit that these people maintained contact with communities in southern Italy, Sicily, Lipari, and Pantelleria they developed a unique culture that manifested itself in the form of splendid megalithic buildings called 'temples'. These temples, which started to be constructed sometime after 3600 BC and continued till about 2500 BC, are found scattered all over the Maltese islands. They are considered to be the world's first freestanding buildings, predating the construction of the great pyramids of Egypt and the megalithic complex of Stonehenge in England (Renfrew, 1973: 161). Copper was already diffused in the central Mediterranean by this time. However, rather strangely, copper is absent from the Maltese archaeological record before 2500 BC (Trump, 2002: 292). Therefore one can safely assume that these splendid buildings were built entirely using tools made of wood and a variety of stone. Although it is difficult to comprehend the belief system and culture that gave rise to these singular monuments, we can envisage that it involved quite a complex system of rites and rituals (Borg, 2007: 117). This complexity is manifested in the spatial architecture of the temples themselves for they are divided into chambers and apses that suggest a division of space for particular situations (Grima, 2001: 50-53; Borg, 2007: 117). The number of delicately manufactured figurines and massive statues of misleadingly called 'mother goddesses’ corpulent human figures, popularly but perhaps (since their gender is unknown), evoke a divine being or the representation of such. The burial remains and the rituals they hint at in the underground tombs and cemeteries in Malta (the Ħ alSaflieni Hypogeum) and in Gozo (the Xagħ ra Stone Circle) are testimony to the magnificence of this culture (Stoddart et al. 1993; Pace, 2000). Burial practices that started from small underground chambers restricted to a limited number of internments probably belonging to a single family or kin (Malone et al. 1995), evolved into complex systems of underground hypogea for communal burial with multiple levels and connecting corridors. These superb complexes all hewn from the natural bedrock were fashioned to look like the temples above ground; a feat well managed and executed. 096 1. Map of Malta The pilot sites Kordin III Temple Complex Kordin III is typical of these Neolithic complexes, consisting of the best preserved trefoil temple on the island, the only two-apse 'earlobe-shaped' temple that has not been modified or extended and a number of unidentified structures that are collectively called huts (fig. 2). The site exhibits some unique features such as an exquisitely paved forecourt, a large stone 'trough', a delicately-pitted stone and thresholds standing on edge, probably done in a phase of embellishment of the temple, when the temple façade was re-modeled (Borg, 2007: 117; fig. 3, fig. 4). Although the temple is not as imposing, in terms of architecture and sheer size (fig. 5), as other 'major' temples on the islands such as the nearby Tarxien Temples, its position makes it possible to investigate the reasons for building the temples in their particular location in relation to the surrounding landscape. Few of the temples remain in their original landscape setting. Kordin III clearly is not, as it is surrounded by industrial development. Recent research, however, is trying to reevaluate the dynamics of land use in Prehistory by placing more emphasis on the landscape context of these Prehistoric monuments (Grima, 2003; 2004). This temple complex actually forms part of a larger set of megalithic sites scattered on the Kordin promontory. In 1896, Dr. Antonio Annetto Caruana who as the Curator of Antiquities at the Public Library was responsible for all archaeological investigations on the Maltese islands, reported the existence of five groups of megalithic monuments on the promontory (Vella, 2004: 7, 8). Kordin III did not feature in this list. The complex was excavated by Thomas Ashby, Thomas Eric Peet and Themistocles Zammit, between 1908 and 1909 (Ashby et al. 1913: 1–126; Evans, 1971: 67–80). The other known megalithic sites called Kordin I and II (excavated by Caruana in 1892), located 600m to the north of Kordin III were destroyed as a result of industrial development in the area in the 1950s (Vella, 2004: 7). The maritime context of Kordin III Temples 2. Plan of Kordin III Kordin III is situated about 500m away from the sea on a promontory across the inner part of the Grand Harbour. It is very difficult today to understand or appreciate the physical setting of the temple complex. The surroundings have been transformed beyond recognition especially from the mid 19th century onwards by works related to the dockyards and the Grand Harbour. Furthermore the archaeological site is enclosed by a boundary wall built in 1909, partially replaced in 2004. Although this wall probably saved the site from destruction, it also severs any visual link with the surrounding landscape. A hydrographic chart of the Grand Harbour dating to 1822 gives a clear indication of Kordin promontory prior to the extensive works carried in the area later in the century. This plan shows that the promontory consisted of three ridges of Globigerina limestone that met at the neck of the headland. The space between the westernmost ridge and the 097 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies middle one formed a narrow valley that finished at the shore providing a relatively easy access to the sea. All the three known megalithic complexes on Kordin promontory are located on the westernmost ridge with Kordin III overlooking Wied Blandun (a major valley in the area) and the upper plains of Paola and Tarxien to its south. An extensive complex of Roman warehouses, some of which were still stacked with amphorae ready for th export, was discovered and excavated in the 18 century on another promontory about 800m west of Kordin on the other side of the harbour. This discovery together with the unearthing of several lengths of walls and Classical pottery sherds in the vicinity highlight the presence of port facilities in the area dating back to ancient times, suggesting in turn the suitability of the area for anchorage. A series of Phoenician rock cut tombs discovered in the area of port facilities dating back to ancient times suggesting in turn the suitability of the area for anchorage. A series of Phoenician rock cut tombs discovered in the th vicinity along Wied Blandun points out to a 5 century BC settlement whose economy probably depended on the agricultural produce from the fertile valley and the exploitation of the nearby marine resources. These Classical sites and the prehistoric remains of Kordin III are separated by more than 2500 years and therefore they bear no direct or contextual relationship. However they do hint at the suitability of the surrounding environment for settling in and anchorage. Therefore this physical relationship with the sea may well have been a major factor in the choice for constructing Kordin III and the other prehistoric sites in the area. A trough found at the entrance of the left apse of the western temple at Kordin may shed more light on the maritime context of Kordin III and what may have taken place inside the Neolithic temples. This trough (fig. 6) is made of coralline limestone – a hard type of stone the nearest source of which is circa 3 kilometers away. Thomas Ashby in the report of the excavations of Kordin in the Papers of the British School at Rome (1913: 1126), of which he was the long-standing director, suggested that this trough, which has seven compartments, was used for grinding grain due to the smoothened surfaces of its interior and the presence of a smoothened stone in one of the compartments (Ashby et al. 1913: 42-43). Evidence of corn grinding inside other temples has also been found (Bonanno 2001: 82) and the proximity of Kordin III to the nearby fertile valley of Wied Blandun lends credence to this hypothesis. However recently archaeologist Rueben Grima whilst recalling Ashby's description of the trough as 'boat-shaped' (Ashby et al. 1913: 42) proposed that the trough is actually mimicking a prehistoric boat – similar to the Neolithic dugout canoes that have been widely attested in Europe (Grima 2001: 61). Grima finds similarities between the bulkheads of Neolithic dugouts such as that attested in a model of a dugout from Tsangli in Thessaly and the partitions of the trough at Kordin III as well as the technique required in creating a real dugout and the artifact from 098 3 4 3. General view of the paved forecourt 4. Detail of the paved forecourt The pilot sites 5. Main Facade of Kordin Temples 6. The trough or model of a boat 7. Central paving in stone and trough-'boat' model Kordin is essentially the same (Grima 2001: 61). Perhaps what is most exciting in Grima's thesis is the spatial analysis of the art and artefacts found inside the Neolithic temples. He makes a case for the separation of the temples' interior into terrestrial and maritime domains (Grima 2001: 59-61). The trough (which is continued to be referred to as such for simplicity's sake) at Kordin III, similarly to the boats' graffiti block at the south temple at Tarxien, is positioned in a doorway across a threshold between the central court (the maritime domain) and the apse (the terrestrial domain) (Grima 2001: 61; fig. 7). Therefore the representations of these 'boats' are located at the boundary separating these two domains – a boundary that is often marked by imagery 5 related to the sea. It is also suggested that the sunken floors that characterize some of the temples including that of Kordin III and the south temple at Tarxien may have actually been flooded with water, “transforming the domain representing the sea into a pool of water, which would have had to be crossed to reach the apses representing dry land” (Grima 2001: 57). It is worthwhile to remember here the proximity of Kordin III to the coast. This model of a boat (if so it is), being at the same time a liminal boundary and a vessel could have been associated with a ritual invoking the movement of people and exchanges across the sea – a metaphor of overseas journeys (Grima 2001: 62; Vella 2004: 30). Broodbank views sea-craft as valuable 6 resources in the prehistoric Mediterranean and their control closely linked to prestige and status (2000: 99101). The complications and specialization associated with sea-crossings especially in the central Mediterranean suggests that only a few were involved in this dangerous activity. Those persons with seafaring skills and in control of a boat acquired extraordinary knowledge – knowledge of what lies beyond the horizon, which is clearly visible from the Kordin promontory. This esoteric knowledge may have been easily exploited by some (perhaps a priestly cast?) to exercise power and authority on the rest of the non-seafaring population. In this context Kordin III would have been a place where such knowledge is conserved, assembled and possibly 7 transmitted (Vella 2004: 30). A Ġgantija phase amphora with what seems to be boat graffiti found at Kordin III during the 1909-1910 excavations is in this context exceptional (fig. 8). The existence of this amphora was brought to light lately by Dr. Nicholas Vella of the Department of Classics and Archaeology of the University of Malta during a study of the finds from this 099 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies site at the stores of the National Museum of Archaeology (Valletta). This amphora which has actually been pieced together and reconstructed from a number of shards after the excavation has a number of graffiti of boats characterized by deep round bottoms and high keels resembling dugout canoes with constructed sides (fig. 9). No studies of this 1 amphora have yet been published and no specific analyses of these graffiti are being attempted here. Further studies, particularly of the excavation field notes are at this point necessary to understand its contextual significance. However the presence of such iconography seems to strengthen the argument presented above in favour of the maritime significance of Kordin III Temple Complex in particular and of the Late Neolithic Temples of Malta in general. 1- Photographs of this amphora have been published in a guide book of the temple complex of Kordin III by Dr. Nicholas Vella (2004). These photographs are being reproduced by the kind permission of the said author. Management of the site The temple complex of Kordin III is managed by Fondazzjoni Wirt Artna (The Malta Heritage Trust) one of the leading non-governmental organisations operating in the heritage sector in Malta. It combines effective management of over thirty archaeological and historical sites and artifact collections with the more traditional roles of raising awareness with the general public and lobbying at municipal and government levels. Being managed by volunteers does not imply dilettantism in its approach. Its Board of Trustees (governing body) is entirely made up of volunteers and it is composed of corporate managers, ITC specialists, accountants, as well as historians and archaeologists. For its day-to-day running the Trust employs a sizeable staff headed by a CEO who operate under a clear remit from the Board of Trustees. In a world that is increasingly facing economic hardships and cash-strapped governments, non-governmental organisations are progressively assuming responsibility for managing the heritage and environment especially in countries with a heightened sense of citizenship and belonging. These organisations which are founded on the tenets of volunteer work and not-for-profit activities complement the respective governments' efforts in these fields and quite often stimulate them into action usually through effective lobbying. A management plan for Kordin III has been penned by archaeologist Mr. Joseph Magro Conti and published thanks to funding made available from the European Union through the Temper Project. The Plan was produced in co-operation with the Department of Classics and Archaeology of the University of Malta, and the Temper Project team. Local and foreign stakeholders were involved at various stages of the drafting of the Plan and included the local council, the local community, the local religious communities, state agencies, visitors, children, and academics. An educational programme was also put in place intended to help children understand the site and archaeology in general. This educational programme spearheaded by the author formed also part of the Temper Project and was published in the same volume as the management plan (Hodder and Doughty 2007). 100 8 8. Ggantija phase pottery from Kordin III with 'boat' graffiti 9. Detail of boat graffiti 9 The pilot sites CHAP. 2.7 Pharos Island Of Alexandria, Egypt Archaeological site of Pharos Island Of Alexandria, Egypt Alexander the Great reached the site of the present Alexandria in the year 332BC. The site was occupied by an Egyptian fishing village along the Mediterranean coast known as Raqoda or Rhakotis- just opposite of which lay the small island of Pharos. Alexander ordered his engineers to draw up plans for a city with a great harbor that would include the village and the island within its boundaries. Alexander's engineers linked the island to the main land by a narrow causeway that they named Heptastadion because it was seven stadia long (about 1,300 m). This causeway divided the coast of Alexandria into two ports, the Eastern Great Harbor and the Western Harbor or Eunostos. (fig.1) The Eastern Harbor was the main port, and the city's palaces, gardens and government buildings were built around it, it handled the more important naval and commercial vessels. These were guided into port by the celebrated Alexandria light 1 House which stood on what is now the site of Quit Bey Fort .The lighthouse of Alexandria was One of the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World; the Lighthouse of Alexandria was so 2 famous that its name; Pharos, became the generic word for lighthouse in Latin . It was not the only, or even the first, structure of its kind; but it was colossal, towering probably some 120m above the sea (fig.2). Underwater archaeological. Investigations of the ancient Pharos 1 - Marcos's.: "Early Discoveries of submarine Archaeological sites in Alexandria", in under water Archaeology and coastal Management, unesco, Paris, 2000, pp. 40-41 2 - Goddio, F.& Bernard, A.: "the lighthouse" in sunben Egypt, Alexandria, periplus, fondon, 2004, pp. 166-171. 3 - Empereur, J.Y.& Grimal, N.: "Les fouilles sous – marines du phare d`Alexandrie", comptes rendues des séances de l`annee 1997, Academie des Inscriptions & Belles lettres, Paris, 1998, 3, pp. 692-712. 4 - Jondet, G.: "Les ports de pharos", BSAA, Alexandria, 1912,14, pp. 252 – 266. 5 - Halim, H.: "Kamel Abul-saadat: Apioneer in Alexandria underwater Archaeology", in underwater Archaeology and Coastal Management Unesco. Paris, 2000, pp.46 - 53. 6 - Frost, H., "The Pharos Site, Alexandria, Egypt", IJNA, London, 1975, 4, pp. 126 -130. 7 - Empereur, J.Y. : "Underwater archaeological investigations of the ancient pharos", in underwater Archaeology and coastal management, unesco, Paris, 2000, pp. 54 – 59 Since 1994 A Franco-Egyptian team conducted a salvage inspection of the submerged ruins of the famous ancient lighthouse of Alexandria - the Pharos. The need to protect from the northerly storms the fortress (fig.3) constructed at the end of the 15th century AD by the Mameluke Sultan Qait Bey on the 15th century AD by the Mameluke Sultan Qait Bey on the Anfouchy peninsula at the eastern tip of the ancient island of Pharos on the ruins of ancient lighthouse, led to the construction of a submerged concrete wall at a distance of several dozen metres in the sea. It was quickly realized that this wall would cover an ancient archaeological site at a depth of 6-8 m. In the autumn of 1994, the Egyptian Antiquities Service asked the Centre d'Etudes Alexandrines (CEAlex) to undertake an urgent underwater investigation. The objective of the salvage operation was to delimit the archaeological zone and to determine its nature.The mission therefore plotted a topographic map and developed graphical and photographical documentation 3 for each element . There was some idea of the site, thanks to the pioneer work of Gaston Jondet, the chief Engineer of the Department of ports and light houses from 1911 to 4 1915, Kamel Abul-Saadat in 1961 the Egyptian pioneer in Alexandria underwater 5 archaeology and a UNESCO mission in 1968, following which Honor Frost published a 6 preliminary report with some drawings which revealed the importance of the site .The centred' Etudes Alexandrines (CEAlex) in co-operation with the Department of under water archaeology / Supreme Council of Antiquities (DUA/SCA) rediscovered the submerged site to the east of Qaitbay fort. At depth from 6to8 meters, in an area of 2.25 hectares more than 5000 pieces were located including statutes, sphinxes and columns of different shapes, capitals and bases of columns (fig.4) and parts of obelisks. These blocks are of different size and weights (some of them weighting 75 tons) (fig.5) the artifacts are cut in several kinds of stones such as: granite, calcite, quartzite, lime stone, 7 sand stone and greywacke . The site is dated to Greco-roman period but it includes artifacts from the pharaonic period, which the rulers of Alexandria always brought from other sites of Egypt to decorate their capital some of these artifacts are the remains of the 101 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 1. Alexandria in view vertical: sea in the north and lake of Maruotis in the south, Heptasadion divided the coast into Two ports. lighthouse itself and the rest were brought from the serapium temple and thrown at the entrance of the harbor to prevent the entry of the enemy fleets in the twelfth century A.D. A selected collection of these pieces were raised in 1995 and 1996, conserved and exhibited in the roman theatre of Alexandria such as: 1- A granite capital of column of composite – Alexandria style (fig.6). 2- A part of granite obelisk consecrated by Sethi 1st (fig.7). 3- Bust of statue for a woman from red granite (fig.8). 4- A colossal statue of one of the Ptolemies represented as a pharaoh from red granite (fig.9). 5- The aforementioned statue during the transportation to the conservation lab (fig.10). 6- A colossal head for the ex-mentioned statue during its existence underwater (fig.11). 7- One of the discovered sphinxes during the lifting process (fig.12). 8- An inscribed granite block during lifting process (fig.13). 9- A crown of a Hathor goddess from red granite (fig.14). 10- One of the discovered sphinxes underwater (fig. 15). Guidelines dealing with the Protection, The research and the evaluation of Underwater Archeological site of pharos This paper will present some ideas that have been discussed in the international workshop for studying the establishment of an underwater museum in Alexandria, Egypt, which was jointly convened by UNESCO and the ministry of culture of Egypt and held at the Alexandria Artistic creative center form 3 to 6 July 2006: Archaeological Management The cultural heritage faced lot of risk due to the development of coastal areas and there is need to respond appropriately to the possible negative impact on underwater cultural heritage, unanimously acknowledging the need to present it and interpret for the 102 The pilot sites education and the enjoyment of the public at large, taking into consideration that many monumental artifacts have been displaced, acknowledging the fact that thanks to Egyptian and foreign underwater excavations the ruins of light-house of Alexandria have been brought to the attention of the international public: Designate the site of pharos as a cultural heritage park while developing a management plan taking into account the various present functions; Refrain from all development activities in the site of pharos until a master plan for the future has been developed; Refrain from removal of large archaeological artifacts from the are a in order to avoid loss of authenticity and integrity of the site; Further develop the idea of the creation of an archaeological underwater museum at site of pharos as a first stage; Develop a plan for the conservation and in situ management of the site; Examine the possibility for inscription of the site of pharos on the World Heritage List. 2 Conservation and protection of archaeological artefacts Prepare a comprehensive conservation plan, including preventive conservation and monitoring mechanisms, for the treatment of the objects, whether in situ or in a museum environment, in preparation of their exhibition; Enforce in situ preventive conservation process of artifacts where needed; Develop a long-term training program for capacitybuilding in the conservation of underwater materials. 3 Water clarity and purity Continue the improvement of water quality by wastewater sanitation and other means and solve the issue of the clarity and purity of water for the presentation of underwater cultural heritage for the time being, by having the underwater part of the museum isolated from the open sea and continuously treated in a closed system so that quality and transparency of water can be controlled; Continue measuring relevant parameters in joint efforts between relevant institutions and integrating data collected in previous studies; Investigate in the comprehensive feasibility study the possibility and desirability of removing the organic sediments by mechanical means such as vacuum extraction; To explore possibilities for potentially buffer or minimize wave action in the site of Pharos. 2. Replica of the lighthouse at Alexandria in the National Maritime Muesum in Alexandria 3. Quit Bey fort in the same site of the Lighthouse 103 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 4 5 6 7 8 4. The site to the east of Qaitbay fort contains several parts of columns of different shapes 5. A huge block from red granite, it is a part from the gate of Lighthouse 6. A granite capital of column of coposite –Alexandria style 7. A part of granite obelisk cosecrated by Sethi I 8. A part of granite obelisk consecrated by Sethi 1 st. 104 The pilot sites 9 10 11 12 13 9. A colossal statue of one of the Ptolemies represented as a pharaoh from red granite 10. The aforementioned statue during the transportation to the conservation lab 11. A colossal head for the ex-mentioned statue during its existence underwater 12. One of the discovered sphinxes during the lifting process 13. An inscribed granite block during lifting process 105 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 14 16 15 17 18 14. A crown of a Hathor goddess from red granite 15. One of the discovered sphinxes underwater 16. A sphinx bearing the insignia of the pharaoh Psammetic II (XXVI dynasty) 17. A colossal staue of Isis from red granite had been foud by Kamel Abul-Saadat in1962 18. Reconstruction of the gute of the Lighthouse 106 The pilot sites CHAP. 2.8 Prioritization approach to Submerged and Applying a Conservation Coastal Heritage Sites Introduction Given its strategic location overlooking the Strait of Gibraltar, a narrow channel that separates the continents of Africa and Europe and also the Mediterranean Sea from the Atlantic Ocean, the Rock of Gibraltar has enjoyed a degree of importance in world history that is totally disproportionate to its size. (fig. 1) The 6km-long, 1km-wide and 426m-high Rock of Gibraltar has a rich maritime history which stretches as far back as the early Neanderthal occupation of the Rock (Finlayson, 2004), through later Modern Human inhabitants and visitors all of whom had a close relationship with the sea. Archaeological investigations provide evidence of sustained exploitation of marine resources all the way through to the modern era, whereas Phoenician and later Greek and Roman visitors to Gibraltar established its symbolic legacy as the northern pillar of Hercules. In later times it was the bridgehead for the Islamic conquest of Iberia in AD711 and the subsequent establishment of Al-Andalus. After its capture by Spain in 1462 it was allowed to decline as a fortress, but continued to provide a bountiful fishery for the majority of Andalucía, as well as suffering the attacks of Barbary Pirates during the 16th Century. Following the Anglo-Dutch capture of the Rock in 1704, its strategic value again came to the fore, and Gibraltar became a thriving port, not only for the warships of the British Navy but also for trading vessels intent on making profit from their cargoes. Thousands of ships would come to Gibraltar to sell, buy or merely transfer their cargoes to other vessels. All of this contributed to the economic prosperity th of the population, especially during the relatively peaceful 19th Century. The 20 Century again saw the return of armed conflict, with the construction of a torpedo-proof harbour in time for the hostilities of the first and second World Wars. On land, such an amount of traffic and activity has left numerous evidences in the historical and archaeological record. However, with many artefacts and shipwrecks being out of sight beneath the waves, fewer people are aware of their existence. The Gibraltar Museum's Underwater Research Unit (URU) has been working to study and bring this rich heritage to light. The work of the URU is not restricted to shipwrecks and nautical investigations, but also extends to underwater geological and geomorphological surveys, palaeoenvironmental and archaeological investigations of prehistoric sites once above sea level, and marine biological studies. As such, the Gibraltar Museum is wellplaced to use all the information collated from these various multi-disciplinary research approaches to create comprehensive databases and provide well-informed assessments of the rich heritage of the Rock. Heritage Databases at the Gibraltar Museum The Gibraltar Museum, within its wider role in the Gibraltar Government's Heritage Division, maintains a number of databases which include submerged sites. Heritage sites, as well as any artefacts, are legally protected by the Gibraltar Heritage Trust Ordinance 1989, which defines an antiquity as: “...any object of historical, geographical, artistic, scientific or technical value or interest found or situated in Gibraltar (whether in or on the land or below the seabed), being older than fifty years;” A number of inter-related databases are maintained by the Museum, which cover various aspects such as historical buildings, archaeological sites, fortifications and mobile 107 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies inventories and collections. To maximise the information that can be extracted from these, it is desirable to create a database structure that allows for a diversity of search parameters to include both breadth of application and depth of detail. Moreover, these databases are relational and allow for links and searches to be carried out between them. Thus, for example, a database entry for an item might include not only the standard descriptive entries, but also information as to provenance, issues pertaining to its location such as ownership, legal details, dating information, conservation treatment, available services, references to, plans, related entries, etc. These databases held by the Gibraltar Museum, albeit independently evolved, are essentially identical to those presented by other ARCHAEOMAP partners in this volume. However, our experience suggests that their use as a rapid-decision or large-scale management tool is often limited by their unwieldiness. Such databases often come into their own when comparisons need to be made between selected sites and often with regard to specific management scenarios or conservation-related questions. Their use as a management tool is unquestionable yet their very attention to detail complicates attempts to make rapid and simple comparative queries to inform what can at times be pressing management decisions. Moreover, by their very nature the data in such databases are constantly in a state of evolution as sites and the factors affecting them change over time. Again attention to detail often means that not all fields are always up-to-date and therefore may not always have comparable information in terms of detail or freshness. A need was identified for a simple system that would work with and complement existing databases whilst at the same time providing a simple standardised platform within which rapid conservation assessments and management decisions could be undertaken. The idea that was developed involved a two-way information exchange between a rapid conservation prioritisation system and existing databases, where each would inform the other, but where the 'best tool' could be selected depending on the task in hand. This method was developed initially for use in terrestrial heritage sites and was first presented at a UNESCO conference on the Urban Development and Preservation of the Morphology of World Heritage Fortress Cities held in Suwon City, Korea, in 2000 (Finlayson et al., 2001). The method has since proved very successful and was subsequently extended to submerged sites. Methodology for a Conservation Prioritisation Model (CPM) The basic premise upon which this model rests is outlined below, namely that the Conservation priority of a site must be based on two fundamental factors: 1. How important or valuable is it? 2. In what state is it and how likely is it that this will deteriorate in the short term? These are complex and interrelated questions, yet in the main we believe that objective criteria can be brought to address them, at least to a significant extent, without allowing for excess detail to cloud the issues. Finlayson et al., (2001) identified two main axes that were used to objectively classify heritage sites: Historical value v. Condition and Threatened status. This model has proved very useful in the management of built 108 1. Diagram showing the geographical location of the Rock of Gibraltar. Note its strategic position between Europe and Africa and between the Atlantic Ocean and Mediterranean Sea. The pilot sites heritage sites. However, submerged and coastal sites are often embedded within a wider natural landscape composed of habitats and ecosystems. In many cases the habitat and/or species that co-exist in association with a submerged or coastal site are themselves protected, therefore a Natural value score was added to the Historical value. Therefore we identify two main Axes in the CPM (extended from Finlayson et al., 2001): Historical and Natural value Condition and Threatened status A ten-point scale was devised for each of these which are described in detail below: Historical Value Evaluation and scoring of sites is based on averaging the values given to a site based on its local and global historic importance (see scales below): Evaluating Sites (Historical – Local) SCORE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 EVALUATION Over 100 examples exist in Gibraltar and plentiful outside Over 100 examples exist in Gibraltar but with few examples outside Between 10 and 100 examples exist in Gibraltar and plentiful outside Between 10 and 100 examples exist in Gibraltar but with few examples outside One of under ten sites of its kind in Gibraltar but plentiful outside One of under ten sites of its kind in Gibraltar and with few examples outside Unique in Gibraltar but with many examples outside Unique in Gibraltar and with few surviving examples elsewhere Unique within its subject context Unique in the world Evaluating Sites (Historical – Global) SCORE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 EVALUATION Over 100 examples exist in Gibraltar and plentiful outside Between 10 and 100 examples exist in Gibraltar and plentiful outside One of under ten sites of its kind in Gibraltar but plentiful outside Unique in Gibraltar but with many examples outside Over 100 examples exist in Gibraltar but with few examples outside Between 10 and 100 examples exist in Gibraltar but with few examples outside One of under ten sites of its kind in Gibraltar and with few examples outside Unique in Gibraltar and with few surviving examples elsewhere Unique within its subject context Unique in the world Natural Value Gibraltar also has a number of protected marine species which are listed in Annexe IV of the EU Habitats Directive (1992) as being 'in danger of extinction'. These include: 109 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies Pinna nobilis, Patella ferruginea, Lithophaga lithophaga and Centrostephanus longispinus, as well as other species and habitats cited by the subsequent Berne and Barcelona Conventions on the conservation of marine habitats and species (Fa & Finlayson, 2008). Evaluation and scoring of sites is based on averaging the values given to a site based on its local and global natural importance (see scales below): Evaluating Sites (Natural – Local) SCORE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 EVALUATION Abundant (>100 examples) in Gibraltar and plentiful outside Over 100 examples exist in Gibraltar but with few examples outside Between 10 and 100 examples exist in Gibraltar and plentiful outside Between 10 and 100 examples exist in Gibraltar but with few examples outside One of under ten sites of its kind in Gibraltar but plentiful outside One of under ten sites of its kind in Gibraltar and with few examples outside Unique in Gibraltar but with many examples outside Containing 1-2 EU-protected species or unique in Gibraltar and with few surviving examples elsewhere Containing 3 or more EU-protected species or unique within its subject context Containing an EU-protected species habitat (e.g. Posidonia meadow) or unique in the world Evaluating Sites (Natural – Global) SCORE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 EVALUATION Abundant (>100 examples) in Gibraltar and plentiful outside Between 10 and 100 examples exist in Gibraltar and plentiful outside One of under ten sites of its kind in Gibraltar but plentiful outside Unique in Gibraltar but with many examples outside Over 100 examples exist in Gibraltar but with few examples outside Between 10 and 100 examples exist in Gibraltar but with few examples outside One of under ten sites of its kind in Gibraltar and with few examples outside Containing 1-2 EU-protected species or unique in Gibraltar and with few surviving examples elsewhere Containing 3 or more EU-protected species or unique within its subject context Containing an EU-protected species habitat (e.g. Posidonia meadow) or unique in the world Scores for Local and Global Historical value and Local and Global Natural value are averaged. The HIGHER of the two scores is set as the site's HERITAGE SCORE Condition Value Evaluation and scoring of sites based on Condition value are carried out using the scale presented below: 110 The pilot sites Evaluating Sites (Condition) SCORE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 EVALUATION Is in an excellent state with a maintenance programme in effect Is in an excellent state but no maintenance programme in effect Is in a good state, requires minor interventions, maintenance programme in effect Is in a good state, requires minor interventions, maintenance programme not in effect Is in a neglected state, condition seems sound but significant specialised intervention required, remedial action in effect Is in a neglected state, condition seems sound but significant specialised intervention required, no remedial action programmed Is in a severe state of neglect/structural failure, requires extensive specialist intervention, remedial action in effect Is in a severe state of neglect/structural failure, requires extensive specialist intervention, no remedial action programmed Is in imminent danger of total loss/collapse, remedial action in effect Is in imminent danger of total loss/collapse, no remedial action programmed Threat Value Evaluation and scoring of sites based on Threat value are carried out using the scale presented below: Evaluating Sites (Threat) SCORE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 EVALUATION Legally protected and within a conservation/reserve area and with highly restricted access Legally protected and within a conservation/reserve area but with a low visitor turnover Legally protected and within a conservation/reserve area but with a high visitor turnover Legally protected and context not specifically threatened and in a low value development area Legally protected and context not specifically threatened today but in a prime development area Legally protected but with current developments threatening its context No legal protection but not specifically threatened today and in a low value development area No legal protection but not specifically threatened today but in a prime development area No legal protection and with current developments threatening its context No legal protection and with current developments threatening its survival Scores for Condition and Threat are averaged to give a single value. This value is set as the site's combined RISK STATUS SCORE – the higher it is, the greater the probability of losing the asset. 111 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies The Heritage Score (HS) and Risk Status Scores (RS) can be graphically represented as a scatterplot that allows easy comparison between the relative status scores of sites and allow for rapid prioritisation of conservation action. These same values are used in combination to provide a Conservation Priority value, which is calculated by establishing the Euclidean distance of each point from the origin, HS 2 + RS 2 ) which is further modified by multiplying this value by the average HSxRS value of the Heritage and Risk Status Scores (i.e. ) The latter operation serves 2 (i.e. to give relatively more weight to points equidistant from each axis, e.g. a site at point (6,6) is of moderately high importance and is under a moderate to high risk. It is roughly equidistant to the origin (0,0) as a site at (1,8) which has a very low HS but high RS (and therefore might be considered beyond cost-effective intervention), or a site at (8,1) which has a high HS but low RS and therefore be relatively safe. By multiplying the Euclidean distance by the man of HS and RS, points closer to either axis or therefore deserving a lower priority ranking are down-weighted. This method was applied to existing coastal and submerged sites contained within the Gibraltar Museum's database. Table 1. Showing assigned Heritage and Risk Scores, together with Prioritization Scores, calculated by summing the Euclidean distance from the origin to the mean of the ordinates for each point. It is important to remember that these prioritization scores should not be taken as an expression of how important a site is. Rather they rank its urgency of required action with regard to a combination of both its importance and condition/threat. Results obtained from applying the CPM to Gibraltar's coastal and submerged sites Table 1 below lists the 55 coastal and submerged sites used in this exercise, together with their respective Heritage, Risk Status and Conservation Prioritization Scores. The sites are all scored, to varying degrees, based on the relative contributions of both their natural and historical components. Number 1 2 3 4 Site Rosia Bay Complex Italian Chariot Parsons Lodge Cliff & Foreshore Eastern Beach Liberator 6 Blackstrap Cove to Sandy Bay East side Oil Tanks to Sandy Bay 7 Western Beach 8 Camp Bay 9 Los Picos 5 Brief Description Maritime complex closely linked to Nelson and Trafalgar (mainly covering 18th and 19th Centuries) Remains of WWII Italian 'Chariot' on seabed off the Detached Mole Significant bone breccia deposits forming cliff line - world-important fossil site Submerged wreck of a WWII Liberator of rare type off the East side of the Rock Coastal complex of prehistoric shoreline, with EU-protected marine species and WWII defensive installations Coastal complex of prehistoric shoreline, submerged caves, EU-protected marine species and WWII defences Locally-protected natural habitat Coastal complex of 18th-20th Century defensive installations and EU-protected marine species Submerged reef of geologic and prehistoric importance with EU protected marine species 112 Prioritization Score Risk Status Score Heritage Score 127.8 10 9 102.4 8 9 91.2 9 7 90.5 8 8 90.5 8 8 90.5 8 8 88.4 5.5 10 85.0 8 7.5 85.0 8 7.5 The pilot sites 10 S.S. Excellent 11 Europa Foreshore 12 Ammunition Jetty 13 Silent Pool 14 H.M.T. Stella Sirius 15 Seven Sisters 16 El Pipo/Burkana 17 S.S. Rosslyn 18 Gorham's Caves Complex 19 North Mole 20 Inkwells Wreck of steamer sunk in Bay in 1888 and EU-protected marine species Coastal complex with prehistoric sites, EUprotected marine species and 18th-20th Century defensive installations Complex of tunnels and jetty created for loading ammunition on the East side - late 20th Century Submerged below sea-level natural cave with stalagmite formations Remains of WWII armed trawler sunk during a Vichy French Bombing raid in 1940 with EU-protected marine species Spectacular series of rocky pinnacles of geologic and prehistoric importance with EU-protected marine species Two purposely sunk wrecks at same site with EU-protected marine species Steamship sunk in 1916 off the South Mole Significant site of Neanderthal and Modern Human prehistoric occupation, also Punic shrine Commercial mole built in late 19th/early 20th Century - historical importance and EU-protected marine species Underwater site located below 18th/19th Century anchorages Two WWII Sherman tanks on the seabed just off Europa Point 85.0 8 7.5 85.0 8 7.5 83.9 5 10 76.5 9 5.5 74.7 8 6.5 72.1 9 5 70.0 8 6 69.5 6.5 7.5 67.9 10 3 65.5 8 5.5 65.5 8 5.5 65.5 5.5 8 61.3 8 5 61.3 8 5 61.3 8 5 60.5 5.5 7.5 60.5 5.5 7.5 22 The Sherman Tanks Governor's Beach Foreshore 23 Weaver's Pinnacle 24 Mollymock 25 Little Bay Eastern Side Aircraft (general) Coastal complex with military installations with protected marine species Submerged reef with geologic, prehistoric importance and EU-protected marine species A purposely sunk wreck with EU -protected marine species Coastal complex of 18th-20th Century defensive installations A number of submerged WWII aircraft in various stages of exposure/preservation WWII aircraft that sunk in the Bay in 1941 Submerged reef with geologic, prehistoric and protected natural habitat/species importance 60.5 5.5 7.5 28 Bristol Bombay Fred Flintstone's Submarine (reef) 59.8 6.5 6.5 29 Eastern Beach to Catalan Bay 58.9 2.5 9.5 30 Detached Mole 57.4 8 4.5 31 South Mole Heavily modified and reclaimed shoreline Mole of historic importance with EU protected marine species Mole of historic importance with EU protected marine species 57.4 8 4.5 21 26 27 113 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 32 Lighthouse 33 West End Runway Anchorage 34 Seahawk 35 East side Sea Cliffs 36 Cannon Pile 37 Crest Reef 38 40 Catalan Bay Peter Ives' Pinnacle Commercial dockyard and Dry Docks 41 Dockyard Tower complex 42 H.M.S. Erin (Inner/Outer) 43 Airport Runway 44 Europa Reef 45 Vladi's Reef 46 Pilot Boat 39 48 Arca de Jesus Cristo Parsons Lodge Battery 49 M.F.V. Helen 50 M.F.V. Okeanos 47 51 52 Batty’s Barge South Mole Propeller Only Trinity lighthouse outside of UK Historic anchorage at the head of the Bay of Gibraltar A purposely sunk wreck with EU -protected marine species Geologic, prehistoric and biological importance Submerged site with over fifty 19th Century cannon Wreck site currently under investigation Fishing village still with many traditional boats, historic buildings and other maritime features Submerged reef with geologic, prehistoric and natural habitat importance Historic late 19th/ early 20th Century Naval Dry Docks of Gibraltar and associated structures and buildings Historic late 19th/ early 20th Century Naval Base of Gibraltar and associated structures and buildings Wreck of armed trawler sabotaged during WWII WWII aircraft runway that juts out into the sea and was a vital launch pad for the Allied invasion of North Africa Submerged reef with geologic, prehistoric importance and EU-protected marine species Submerged reef with geologic, prehistoric importance and EU-protected marine species Early 20th Century wreck of small harbour patrol vessel A purposely sunk fishing boat forming part of an artificial reef A (predominantly 19th Century) coastal Battery sited above Rosia Bay A purposely sunk wreck forming part of an artificial reef A purposely sunk wreck forming part of an artificial reef A purposely sunk wreck forming part of an artificial reef An aircraft propeller found on the seabed . Currently under investigation 114 56.9 9 3 55.6 5.5 7 53.7 8 4 51.1 6.5 5.5 50.9 6 6 48.9 4 7.5 47.8 7 4.5 47.2 6.5 5 47.0 8 3 47.0 8 3 42.8 5.5 5.5 41.2 8 2 41.2 8 2 41.2 8 2 32.3 4 5.5 32.3 4 5.5 31.3 6.5 2.5 31.3 2.5 6.5 27.6 2.5 6 24.2 2.5 5.5 24.2 2.5 5.5 The pilot sites 53 482M Cable Laying Barge A purposely sunk wreck forming part of an artificial reef 54 Camp Bay Barges 55 Little Europa Purposely sunk wrecks forming part of an artificial reef Submerged cliffs with geologic, prehistoric and natural habitat importance 19.9 4 3.5 18.0 2.5 4.5 15.3 2.5 4 Application of the model to Gibraltar's submerged sites yields the following scatterplot (fig. 2). The more equidistant a site is from each axis combined with increasing distance away from the origin raises its Conservation Priority. To facilitate interpretation, points can be allocated particular colours. The colour allocation of the scatterplot of sites can be amended to suit particular needs (e.g. colour coding wrecks, or specific score intervals), but in our model we have found it useful to use the general arrangement shown. The results clearly highlight the sites which require most urgent action, indicated by those in red (having a Prioritization Score ≥ 90), with green, blue and black points representing progressively decreasing priority. When these scores are plotted using a GIS, it becomes possible to establish 'high conservation priority areas' where resources could most economically be allocated to best effect. Such exercises are especially useful when it highlights common interests and management requirements from more than one responsible body (such as heritage and environment); (fig. 3) shows the results obtained for submerged and coastal sites around Gibraltar with Prioritization Scores 60. (fig.3) 2. Scatterplot of Heritage Scores v. Risk Status Scores. Such a scatterplot allows a rapid visualisation of the relative conservation priorities of each site, which can be highlighted by colour-coding. Key: Sites with a Prioritization Score 90 ≥ ; < 90 to ≥ 60 ; < 60 to 30 ≥ ; < 30 . 115 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 3 4 Scores can be also used in a predictive manner, e.g. to investigate the effect of implementing new legislation. (fig. 4) Shows the results obtained to the Threat Values of all 55 sites. The system is also flexible enough to include further ranking axes, which can further inform management decisions. In Gibraltar this has been done by also assessing sites' educational and tourism potential. This can allow the further prioritization of sites on the basis of their providing additional community value. References Fa, D.A. & Finlayson, G. (2008). Marine surveillance – Diving and Intertidal Survey. Report produced for the Gibraltar Government Ministry of the Environment, submitted December 2008. Finlayson, C., Fa, D.A., Finlayson, G. & Viagas, C. (2001). Criteria for the management of a fortress city – Gibraltar, a case study. In Urban Development and Preservation of the Morphology of World Heritage Fortress Cities. 5th-7th September, Suwon City, Korea. UNESCO, 53-70. Finlayson, C. 2004. Neanderthals and Modern Humans. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. st Government of Gibraltar (1989). Gibraltar Heritage Trust Act, of the 1 of May, 1989. http://www.gibraltarlaws.gov.gi/articles/1989-12o.pdf Office for Official publications of the European Communities (2004). Council Directive 92/43/EEC of 21 May 1992 on the conservation of natural habitats and of wild fauna and flora. EU Nature Conservation, European Commission. 3. GIS plot of sites with Prioritization Scores 60 around Gibraltar. There is a clear aggregation of sites in the locality of Rosia Bay (circled). Based on our model, this would be classified as a 'high conservation priority area'. 4. Change in Threat Values of the 55 sites in this study based on the application of draft Heritage legislation. A significant decrease in sites with Threat Values greater than 7 can be clearly observed. 116 The pilot sites CHAP. TYRE - South2.9 Lebanon A Governance Approach to a WH Site Preamble Tyre has been inscribed upon the World Heritage List in 1984 on the basis of criteria III and VI of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention. Criterion III: Tyre is one of the earliest metropolises. Criterion IV: The name of Tyre is associated with the production of purple die, with the Phoenician expansion and the founding of trade posts in the Mediterranean basin. The inscription on the UNESCO World Heritage List gave this site a universal value therefore it belongs to all humanity and to future generations. Our role is to protect it and preserve it without compromising its authenticity and integrity. For that reason all actions we undertake that meets our needs of the present must not conflict with the spirit of the convention and compromise the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. The importance and value of Tyre Tyre is a historic city with a unique and authentic cultural inheritance. It was accordingly designated as World Heritage Site in 1984 by the international organization UNESCO. The vestiges of millennia of human occupation and the succession and achievements of different civilizations have given Tyre its special character and a considerable wealth in cultural resources. This wealth is evident in the archaeological and historic remains reminiscent of great civilizations like the Canaanite, the Phoenician, the Hellenistic, the Roman, the Islamic, the Crusader and the Ottoman. The cultural mélange juxtaposed with the natural beauty of the area have created a place where man can reflect upon his past, wonder about the achievements of previous civilizations, merge with the local culture and its rich inheritance, and interact with the physical and legendary legacy of the place. Tyre is a unique place with a cultural significance suggestive of a number of values; these values are listed and explained below. The cultural significance of Tyre is a statement detailing the importance of the city and defining the values that need to be respected, preserved and enhanced in the of a conservation and tourist development approach to the city. A city with a special heritage value rd Tyre is a city with an urban history stretching back to the 3 millennium BC. The different civilizations that left their marks on the history and the urban character of the city have contributed to the formation of a unique and authentic heritage depicted in monuments ranging from luxuriously decorated funerary sarcophagi and complexes, churches and cathedrals, triumphal arches and major colonnaded streets, aqueducts, basins and large water installations, hippodrome, agora, bathes and pools, etc. The international recognition of the importance and richness of this heritage culminated in 1984 in the nomination of Tyre as a world heritage site. Since then, Tyre has been the focus of international interest and efforts are currently being made to launch an international campaign for the safeguard of the city and its cultural landscape. A sacred place Associated with the veneration of the Canaanite-Phoenician god Melquart (Heracles), the city gained a wide fame in the ancient world and was an important religious center that attracted many pilgrims. Even Alexander the Great himself 117 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies expressed his wish to present offerings to the Phoenician god of Tyre. The location of the temple of Melquart remains until today undiscovered, it is believed to be situated on the ancient island city site. A biblical place Mentioned in the Holy Bible and associated with the sacred journeys of Jesus Christ and the history of St-Peter, Tyre and its area are important stages on the pilgrimage road to the Holy Land. Such a tradition is reflected in the numerous Christian sanctuaries in the city like for instance the early Christian church of the 4th century, the crusader cathedrals and later churches and religious centers scattered across the old city. In the Medieval period, Tyre was an archbishopric center and its history during that period was documented in detail by its archbishop William of Tyre. The important role it has played in the struggle between Crusaders and Muslims can still be traced in military and religious installations in the city and the area. A place of natural beauty Tyre is endowed with a picturesque natural environment with a rich natural diversity. From long sand beaches to forested areas and agricultural lands, the charm of these green areas is increased by the warm glow of the ruins of the Roman and Byzantine period as well as by the traditional sandstone architecture which merges beautifully with the coastal environment. The rich variety of fish and wild animals constitutes an important resource that should be protected. The creation of a natural reserve to the south of Tyre is the first step towards the appreciation of these resources and their conservation for future generations. A place of decay Archaeological remains and historic monuments of different ages found within the archaeological sites, inside the Old City, in the surroundings of Tyre and underwater are not only surviving testimonies of a distant past, but also philosophical statements reflecting the powerlessness and incapacity of man in front of the power of time and nature. The traces of great civilizations and the remote history of populations which lived and died at Tyre are strongly evident in the monuments they have left behind and in the cultural legacy the Tyrians still carry with them in their daily lives. The remains that reveal the achievements and aspirations of previous nations leave us deeply contemplative of the role we play in this current life and the position we occupy from the modern world. A fishermen's city Fishing was and still is one of the main occupations of the inhabitants of Tyre. This traditional occupation is still a center of focus in the old city and the source of livelihood for a substantial number of Tyrian families. Apart from being the center of a vivid social activity, fishing and associated events are a major tourist attraction and a strong determinant of local identity. An important trade center Tyre's trade importance is the consequence of the important commercial relations the city established with its various colonies across the Mediterranean and with trade cities 118 The pilot sites all across the ancient world. Tyrian traders traveled by sea from their city as far west as the Atlantic coast and to the southeast as far as the Arab Gulf. Several trade posts were established to facilitate the transfer of goods from and to Tyre. The great wealth accumulated from intensive trade activity was obviously reflected in the architecture of the city. This flourishing activity was not restricted to the Phoenician period, but was rather a long term phenomenon which was continued to the medieval period where Tyre was one of the main harbors of Damascus and an important link for the exchange of exotic produces from the east like spices, damascene textiles, glass and ceramics, unguents, etc. A place of cultural interchange Tyre has always been a point of contact between east and west. Its favorable location and its mediating role drawing together the worlds of the Orient and the Occident gave the city a unique history and a cultural environment unique to the area. The cultural richness and diversity of Tyre is the result of the mixture of civilizations responsible for spreading the alphabet, establishing a common culture across the Mediterranean, creating cultural and commercial links between the various kingdoms of the ancient world, and contributing to the advancement of script, history, philosophy, fine crafts, architecture, and technology. Tyre carries a message to the world, a message of a shared rich cultural legacy emanating from a distinctive local identity. A rural place The rural and agricultural environment of Tyre is an intrinsic part of the urban and historical setting of the city. Tyre could not have developed without its countryside and its rich produces. The preservation of the rural character of the Tyrian countryside is essential for the conservation of the significance of the historic city. The agricultural fields and orchards surrounding the city contribute to the aesthetic value of the place. A legendary place Tyre is associated with a number of legends and myths that reflect the way ancient civilizations interpreted natural phenomena identified their position from the cosmos and explained important aspects of daily life. Legends like the abduction of Elissar (Europa) by Zeus and the creation of the European continent, the flight of Cadmus and the founding of Phoenician colonies, the accidental discovery of the purple dye, the imperial purple, and others as well, are testimonies to the central role of Tyre in the history of civilizations and the shaping of the ancient world. A harbor city Tyre is a harbor city with a long tradition in fishing, sea faring, conquest and trade. The harbor plays an important role in the socio-economy and cultural development of the place giving it this special character that is particular to harbor settlements. The history of the Phoenician people with the sea as central element is still alive in the remains preserved underwater and in some of the modern installations of the present day harbor. Sections of the Phoenician, Roman, Medieval and Ottoman harbor installations form a dynamic resource of unique importance which requires proper treatment and evaluation as well as integration in order to make it accessible to people's enjoyment and appreciation. 119 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies A place of festivities The various monuments dedicated to festivities and public activities like the hippodrome, the palaestrum, the Roman public pool, the modern football field and other facilities in the city detail the central importance of public entertainment and communal leisure to the populations of Tyre, past and present. The annual Tyre festival can be regarded as a present manifestation of an age-old tradition. It attracts people from all over Lebanon and from other countries as well. It is to be regarded as a cultural demonstration of the rich heritage of the city. A craftsmen's city Tyre was famed for the fineness of its luxury products and the quality of its craftsmanship. The exquisite value of ivory items, silver, glass and purple dye textiles was appreciated by the ancient world and the products were carried over long distances by Phoenician traders. Although some of these crafts still survive until today in the old markets of Tyre, their preservation and revival are essential for maintenance of cultural links with past. A place of local resistance and military history Tyre is a city proud of its local identity and character. It is also conscious of the role it needs to play in the politics of the time and place. The sieges of Tyre by Nebuchadnassar and Alexander the great and the refusal of the latter to capitulate under the threat of death by the sword are examples of the determination of the inhabitants of this city to stand strong in front of the oppressor and to resist the aggressor. Summary of main UNESCO efforts for the safeguard of Tyre The inclusion of Tyre on the World Heritage List is a direct consequence of the International recognition of the importance, uniqueness and richness of this heritage. The Lebanese Government, the party responsible for submitting the application for World Heritage nomination, agrees to abide by the terms of the World Heritage convention with respect to the protection and conservation of the World Heritage city. UNESCO is consequently a main partner in the monitoring and protection of the site. In fact, since 1982, UNESCO has been active in the following fields of inquiry with respect to Tyre: Assessment of the extension, nature and value of the heritage of Tyre. Protection of archaeological sites from armed conflicts. Evaluation of the various human and natural hazards threatening the preservation of the heritage resources. Evaluation of the various urban development plans and zoning regulations that affect the integrity of the archaeological resources and historic and natural environments. Proposal of guidelines and amendments to urban master plan for the integration of heritage within socio-economic and tourism development plans. Drafting plans for the management of the archaeological and heritage resources of the city and its region. Providing support and professional advice to the DGA to ensure the most proper management of the archaeology, taking into consideration the limited resources of the official institutions in the country. 120 The pilot sites 1. A GIS 3D map showing the stat of the built areas in 1975 (blue) and in 2006 (red) The main recommendations for the conservation of the heritage of Tyre and its proper management are: The preparation of a management and revitalization plan for the city and its region in collaboration with the DGA and DGU. Protecting the Old City and the archaeological sites through the definition of non aedificandi areas or buffer zones. The definition of special and sensitive building regulations and the prohibition of the construction of buildings with more than 3 storeys in the immediate proximity of monuments. The collection of all documentation pertaining to the history and archaeology of Tyre including reference to the previous state of the sites of Tyre; the creation of a Documentation Center for the city. The execution of a complete survey of the nature and extension of the heritage resources of Tyre including those that lye underwater. The conservation of the archaeological remains and the re-burial of those not intended for public presentation. Urgent measures must be taken in order to conserve fragile features like mosaics, opus sectile floors and frescos. Organizing visitor information and management. Staff development at the DGA in order to cope with the requirements of heritage conservation and management. The reconciliation of urban development and tourism with the preservation of heritage as a decisive factor. Vulnerability of the heritage assets (defining issues) Urban development The UNESCO World Heritage Center has often stressed the need for a comprehensive Urban Master Plan for Tyre and its region. The plan would organize building construction, preserve the natural and cultural heritage of the city and help develop tourism in a sustainable form. The idea of such a comprehensive master plan developed in 1982, i.e., prior to the inclusion of Tyre on the World Heritage List. In fact, between the years 1975 and 1990, the war in Lebanon prevented the archaeological activities but not the development of the city. Consequently, some destruction of the buried archaeological remains occurred due to uncontrolled urbanization. This situation increased since 1990, jeopardizing the remaining archaeological potential areas of ancient Tyre. Furthermore, in 2003 a new Urban Plan was designed for the city and its surroundings creating a real pressure on the heritage management authorities. Within this urban plan, many land portions owned by the government were to be freed, sectioned and sold for construction. Aware of these threats, the DGA aimed to carry out a wide range survey for the potential archaeological remains of Tyre and its surroundings in order to build up an Archaeological Map that will act as a Risk Map on the basis of which the decision making process will be performed by the DGA and the Lebanese authorities. 121 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies The Land Archaeological Risk Map: Aims and Methodology By achieving the archaeological risk map of Tyre, the DGA aimed to tackle more than one important issue related to the archaeology and history of this city: I - On the archaeological and heritage level · The DGA would complete as much as possible its knowledge about the settlement pattern. Consequently, defining its boundaries during the different historic periods. · The DGA would also define archaeological protection zones requiring specific measures, within areas that are under the imminent threat of developing hazards. II - On the strategic level the DGA aims to: · Adopt a preventive approach, thus improving the stability conditions between development works and protection of cultural resources. · Propose mitigation actions in order to avoid conflict. · Enhance the potential significance of cultural landscapes and create a new framework for reconciling development and conservation. III - On the methodological level the aims are to: · Build up a package of tools and methods to be used in future large scale development and construction works. · Provide the framework for developing new methodologies and strategies for monitoring heritage sites at risk. · Create a geographical data-base of the most sensitive archaeological regions and develop red flag models and mapping. · Provide an integrated tool for the conservation of cultural heritage within the existing social, economic, political, cultural and environmental frameworks, in order to achieve a sustainable development. Methods and techniques In addition to the field walking, two other methods were used in parallel, the remote sensing and the geophysical surveying. The remote sensing focused mainly on the Investigations in the IR channel. The ground that lies behind this approach is based on the well known fact that under the direct effect of sun light, shallow ground disturbances create a differential heat response in soil and vegetation canopies that can be detected using the IR satellite channels. The proper treatment of the IR signatures significantly enhances soil marks enabling us to detect archaeological features hidden under the vegetation cover With this technique, much emphasis is placed on pattern recognition methodologies following a basic tenet from the IR IKONOS image interpretation that humans tend to produce constructions with regular geometries (circles, ovals, rectangles, lines that reflect various architectural features), while most patterns in nature tend to be less regular (with some exceptions). In order to ascertain whether the thermal anomalies represent true variations in the physical properties of the materials, the data have to be verified with the geophysical surveys that were performed on site. Two main methods were used in the geophysical survey: The Magnetometry and the Ground Penetrating Radar. Results After the mapping of the features detected using both geophysical and remote sensing methods in addition to the results of the field walking survey and the already 122 The pilot sites known archaeological remains, we were able to have a clearer view of the settlement extensions, the territory boundaries in addition to land use patterns in Tyre. Consequently, the areas to be protected are defined more clearly giving the DGA strong arguments allowing us to impose strong protection measures. On the other hand, by adopting those non-intrusive techniques, we were able to detect the signatures of many important archaeological buried features. Thus, reducing the excavation works by concentrating them into the danger zones and the intended development areas. In addition, the DGA has developed a direct action plan with two distinct strategies: I. The areas of minor threat will be subject to test trenching in order to evaluate the exact depth, nature and importance of the archaeological deposits. II. The areas of eminent threat will be subject first to trial trenching which will define the best approaches to be undertaken: either conservation of the archaeological potential or undertaking large-scale excavations. We clearly think, that with the continuous use of this newly adopted approach, we will be able to asses more easily the importance of the remains. This will allow us to have wider space for maneuver vis-à-vis the protection or mitigation strategies to be adopted and discussed with the governmental developing agencies. Nevertheless, UNESCO stresses furthermore that the Old City, its sea front and the fishing harbor are components of the same entity that should not be partitioned. Consequently, the ensemble requires a coherent approach that will guarantee the global protection of the site and its integrity, the conservation of its historic monuments, and the management of its tourist development. Harbor extension (A tourist marina in Tyre) A marina project has been always proposed by the local authorities to be implemented near the fishing harbor. The location was used as a docking area for cargo ships transporting used cars imported mainly from Europe.The purpose of the Tourist Marina is to make accessible the cultural and natural resources of a place to a larger class of people. Consequently, it must not jeopardize the same resources it pretends to make available for people's enjoyment. The creation of the marina will help develop and boost tourism in the Tyre area as a means of improving the socio-economic conditions of this part of Lebanon. Tyre is a multi-faceted tourism package of historic and archaeological importance; it possesses a huge cultural tourism potential with underwater resources, sun and beach tourism, and a strong historic legacy with rich traditions and folklore, crafts and natural beauty. Tyre enjoys a moderate climate throughout the year, a special natural landscape, a strong mythical background and a unique aesthetic value. Moreover, the fame of Tyre as World Heritage City increases the tourist potential of the place. The tourist marina project at Tyre will service the process of attracting visitors to the area. It is an important infrastructure need targeting Mediterranean tourism. Potential impact on the underwater archaeology and the harbor 2. Tyre’s fishermen harbor. The underwater archaeology situated within the present harbor area of Tyre has 123 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies always been a center of interest for archaeologists and historians. French archaeologist A. Poidebard was the first to dive in the harbor area for purposes of archaeological inquiry. He discovered underwater remains of ancient jetties and other installations. In 1960, British archaeologist Honor Frost conducted limited explorations in the area and reached similar conclusions as to the nature and importance of these remains. Socio-cultural impact The harbor area of Tyre is a dynamic and self-contained space where social activity is rich and varied. In this area, social bonds and human relations are created and renewed through traditional and leisure activities of fishermen and inhabitants. The inhabitants of the old quarters go on daily walks to the harbor area. The fishermen maintain a constant presence there; when they are not involved in fishing activity, they indulge in traditional social practices like storytelling, gatherings in cafés, card games, etc. Moreover, they conduct the traditional craft of net spreading and fixing, boat cleaning and repair on a daily basis and under the wondering eyes of visitors and tourists. This social interaction between fishermen, visitors, and local inhabitants is an important facet of daily life at Tyre. It forms part of the traditional heritage of the city in need of preservation. The construction of a tourist marina in the harbor zone of Tyre can upset the social balance of the area if it does not respect its rules and avoid encroaching on its space. The Underwater Archaeological Risk Map: Aims and Methodology In this context, the exploration of part of the harbor of Tyre was undertaken, as a preliminary measure for assessing the potential impact such a plan can have on the underwater heritage. The main findings of the DGA archaeology Team can be summarized to the following (see plan provided by the underwater survey report): The discovery of two large masonry walls (measuring each ca. 95 and 85ms with masonry blocks of 2.25 x 0.45 x 0.55ms) running east-west, parallel to each other and to the modern jetty, and situated at a distance of 8ms from each other. The walls are possibly the remains of an ancient jetty connected to the northeastern tip of the island and used in classical and medieval times. A 13ms long wall of similar width and height running north-south and connecting the two parallel walls from their eastern extremities, thus closing the space between them from that edge. Two walls running north-south with respective dimensions of 25 x 9ms and 13 x 4ms (masonry blocks are of different shapes and sizes with the largest block amounting to 1.90 x 0.45 x 0.55ms). A number of columns and masonry blocks scattered alongside the alignment of the modern jetty and to the east of it as well. A number of underwater deposits of large size that could cover archaeological features like shipwrecks, constructions, etc. Scattered deposits of ceramics and other artifacts. From the preliminary findings of the archaeology team, it is obvious that the underwater area of the harbor is packed with archaeological features and objects. This is of course not an unusual phenomenon at Tyre as the harbor is historically attested since st at least the Iron Age period (i.e., from the 1 millennium BC). Subsequent harbor installations for protection, extension and defense, stretching from the classical to the 124 The pilot sites medieval period are to be expected. Moreover the richness of the area in historic shipwrecks, themselves an important heritage resource, is already evident from the existence of heaps of stone, sand and archaeological material (possibly pertaining to ships sunk on purpose in order to block the entrance to the harbor in times of war), as well as archaeological features like piers and jetties, ancient artifacts like pottery of different periods, indicate the long use of the harbor throughout history and the valuable historical information available underwater. Such resources can play a decisive role in the development of a cultural tourism infrastructure at Tyre revolving around the history and mythology of the Phoenicians, Alexander the Great, the Romans, the Crusaders and the Arabs, as well as around the topography and extension of the city underwater. The limited survey, restricted to the area directly to the north of the modern jetty and to the entrance of the harbor from the east side proves that a substantial amount of buried features remains to be discovered underwater. The regular accidental discovery of artifacts during cleaning operations inside the harbor shows that much more is to be expected in that particular area of the harbor. The impact of the projected tourist marina on the underwater archaeology can be detrimental and damaging if it involves the installation or construction of new permanent features, like piers, jetties, platforms and other facilities in the harbor area. Judging from the preliminary underwater survey at Tyre harbor, the value and significance of the archaeological resources is overwhelming because of the rarity, level of preservation and easy accessibility (shallow depth) and visibility of these archaeological features. Their tourist potential is, needless to say, enormous and can contribute largely to the development of the tourist industry in Tyre and the creation of additional employment for its inhabitants. Results and mitigation options In case a balance is to be established between the preservation of the archaeological resources underwater and the construction of a tourist marina in the harbor area, the available options that can guarantee the less possible damage to the underwater resources are: Conducting works in areas which are free from underwater archaeological remains. This can be assessed by executing a localized underwater survey of the area where construction is to take place. If the archaeological potential of such an area is inexistent, construction might take place in the context of an environmentally sympathetic design that respects the historic and natural setting of the area. Special budgets must be allocated to such underwater surveys. They are expensive and time consuming and might jeopardize the financial viability and timetable of the engineering project. They are nevertheless necessary in order to map, once and for all, the location and importance of the underwater heritage. The evaluation of the results of the surveys must rest with the DGA. The priority of the DGA so far is to safeguard the threatened heritage resources of the area without really creating a new situation where intervention will be necessary and pressure will be drawn on staff and DGA infrastructure. Consequently, the decision to go ahead with this option must be carefully taken and a preliminary dialogue with the parties involved must precede the final definition of a strategy. Conducting works in areas that have already been damaged by previous nonsympathetic construction i.e. the area of the present commercial harbor. The concrete platform of that harbor is left unused in the majority of the time and is quite shanty and rundown creating a serious encroachment in the area. The rehabilitation of this area, after 125 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies the transfer of the commercial harbor out of Tyre, and their conversion into tourist docking areas and facilities can prove to be a successful operation on the level of urban improvements in that area. Constructing the harbor outside the area of the historic harbor of Tyre, in a place where underwater archaeology is not known to exist. 3. Photo showing the top of the ancient jetty 4.Underwater sounding executed on the northern side of the ancient jetty Results and mitigation options (Socio-cultural) The socio-cultural activity inherent to the dynamism of the harbor is an important characteristic of daily life at Tyre and a valuable aspect of the traditional heritage of the city. The proposed marina construction can disturb or damage the social balance maintained at the harbor side if it encroaches on the domain of the fishermen and if it creates a new demand on space at the level of the seafront and the Old City promenade. Consequently, the marina construction should avoid the following: Avoid encroaching on the fishermen's harbor because it is already crowded and polluted. The fishermen should not have their own space in the harbor reduced nor should they be forced to adapt to physical constraints brought about by the insertion of the tourist marina. Consequently, the tourist marina should be located more towards the commercial harbor rather than close to the fishermen's harbor in need of rehabilitation. The marina should avoid reclaiming areas restricted to its use from the maritime front. Access to the marina piers by the local inhabitants should be made available with a certain level of control. Cultural interaction between visitors and local inhabitants should be encouraged and should take place in gardens, open spaces and restaurants and cafés. The number of vessels the marina could host at one time should be kept to a reasonable minimum 20-30 max. Small to medium size boats so as not to create pressure on the cultural resources of the area, reduce pollution and maintain the serene and peaceful character of the Old City. 3 Natural Risks Sea level rise During the underwater archaeological survey of the northern bay of Tyre, the archaeologists reported many submerged structures - still in situ - relating most probably to the roman era. They were at a depth of 6m under the actual sea level. The reason behind their submersion is due to the sea level change occurred during the last 2000 years. In fact, in coastal areas, relative sea-level change is often thedominant factor in geomorphologic evolution. Such changes are due to a mix of 3 geologic processes: eustatic sea-level rise or fall (due to the melt of polar ice), vertical tectonic movements of the regional land mass (normal tectonic & earth quakes), and addition to or removal of coastal sedimentary deposits. Sediment infill from eroding uplands has landlocked many ports of historic importance. Nearly 150 years ago C.T. Beke first 126 4 The pilot sites 5. Relative variations of the sea level in the Persian Gulf (after Sanlaville 2000) presented geological evidence for a theory of delta advance at the mouth of the TigrisEuphrates system. Cuneiform texts imply that the Sumerian city of Ur was a port, possible on a large fresh-water lake in the Euphrates delta; Ur is now more than 100 km from the sea. The Nile River now has 2 main branches in it delta. Herodotus recorded 5 branches; Ptolemy listed 8. In his book, Le Moyen Orient Arabe, Sanlaville (2000) presents a charted curve indicating sea level change in the lower Mesopotamian and the Persian Gulf since 9000 B.C. In the coastal zone of Tyre, similar changes in sea level occurred during the last 2000 years affecting the position of the shoreline. Consequently, harbor structures dating from the roman era lie nowadays beneath the sea. Causes of change (eustasy & differential tectonic) According to GODWIN (1943), SHEPARD and SUESS (1956), JELGERSMA and PANNEKOEK (1960) and CURRAY (1961), the level of the oceans rose by 40 m or more at the end of the last glacial period. This rise slowed down about 7000 B.P. so much that since then the level of the oceans has not changed more than ca. 2 or 3 m. Local ocean level changes in both pre-historic and historic times have been attributed to local vertical movements of the shores, or to local changes of impediments in the flowing of the tides. Only worldwide synchronized changes of the ocean level are thought to be caused by the melting or freezing of the ice shields on the poles. In general, the velocity of eustatic level changes of the oceans is slow and of the order of millimeters per year particularly if there was no proof of visible faulting. As long as the possibility of short and sudden eustatic oscillations is not considered, all signs found on the coast of relatively sudden sea level changes are taken as an indication of tectonic movements. Consequently, by tacitly excluding the possibility of sudden eustatic sea level changes, tectonic changes are considered the main elements that have caused the submergence, and sometimes contemporary emergence of important coastal features like ports. Recent & Historic Data The “present sea level” seems to have been reached in the 16th century; since that date there have been no indications of any permanent change of an order greater than 40 cm. (BLOCH, M.R.: 1964). In a research conducted by a group of French researchers (GRGS/UMR39 and CLS) aiming to monitor actual fluctuation of the Mediterranean sea level, three years of TOPEX/POSEIDON (T/P) data were analyzed in the Mediterranean as part of the European MAST MERMAIDS-II project. The project also aims to improve scientific knowledge of the circulation and marine ecosystems in the Mediterranean. The contribution of the group (GRGS/UMR39 and CLS) focuses on analyzing T/P and ERS-1 data and assimilating them in a numerical model. The main results (mean level, ocean circulation, and assimilation) are illustrated below indicating the mean sea level in the Mediterranean between October 1992 and August 1995. (AYOUB, N., et al., 1995). As for more ancient data, usually historic records, archaeological and geo-archaeological data are the main core material for our research studies. Consequently, we know that the area of Haithabu (near Schleswig England) flourished during the period of 900 A.D.; as the 127 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies land was 1 m higher above the level of the sea than today, it follows that the sea must have been at a low (KENSTER, E.J., 1960). Until the 13th century Yarmouth (Great Yarmouth on the shore of the northern see England) was at least 10 ft. higher above the sea than now (CLARKE, 1960, p.22). We also know that the ocean was several meters below present day level during most of the first millennium B.C. This is indicated by the local results of GODWIN (1943) in the Fenlands of East Anglia as well as by 14C data relating to the Dutch coast where no warping is supposed to have taken place (JELGERSMA, S., 1961). It would also seem that all Greek and Phoenician ports between 700 B.C. and 50 A.D. were built in the sea (present level), or more probably, at a sea level several meters below the present. The fact that several fastening devices for ships found in ports of the 1st millennium B.C. were meters below present sea level, has been explained as a tectonic submergence; this applies to those in Petuoli, the Adriatic coast near Triese, Sicily and in Asia Minor. The same explanation is given for the Roman salt pans which were found 3 m below present sea level in excavation at Venice (DE BIZZARO, P.C., 1901). All those facts are related to both deferential tectonic movements and eustatic sea level oscillations. Around the mid first century B.C. the island of Iktin (which was the chief source of supply of tin from the British island to the East) was described by Diodorus Siculus as an island connected by ridge with the mainland, passable at low tide. If DE BEER'S (1960: pp. 161-162) identification of this island is correct, then it follows that the sea was somewhat lower in Diodorus' time than today (BLOCH, M.R.: 1964) In the Crimean area, ports and towns which were founded and inhabited from about 500 B.C. to 300 B.C. are now partly under water, and even their defensive walls are inundated (MONGAIT, A.L., 1961: p. 199). Thus the Black Sea like the North Sea, the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, was considerably lower in the middle of the first millennium B.C. and at the dawn and in the middle of the first millennium A.D. than at present (BLOCH, M.R.: 1964). 6 7 Results On the basis of the above stated information, Tyre, like other southern port's settlement in the Mediterranean sea, follows the same process, i.e. due to the tectonic movement and to the eustatic change, they had their ports flooded and their shores shrank since the Hellenistic ca.333 B.C. 64 B.C. and roman period ca. 64 B.C. 395 A.D. Preliminary results of the recent studies conducted by the General Directorate of Antiquities with the CNRS team of the CEREGE of Marseille show that the Sidon ancient shoreline lies under the present level. The results concerning Tyre follow the same pattern. 128 6. Mean sea level (in m) in the Mediterranean, October 1992 to August 1995 (TOPEX/POSEIDON cycles 2 to 106). 7. The great Levant Transform Fault (LFT) which forms the tectonic boundary between the Arabian plate and the African plate The pilot sites Seismic risks 8 9 Lebanon is crossed by the great Levant Transform Fault (LFT) which forms the tectonic boundary between the Arabian plate and the African plate. The speed of the LFT is estimated to be 1 cm / year since the Miocene. When this fault reaches southern Lebanon, it splits into a fan-like system: Three main fault systems with mainly the Yammouneh fault lying parallel to Mount Lebanon, running NNE and reaching the Eastern Anatolian Fault; the Serghaya fault east of Yammouneh with Mount Hermon, the chain of the Anti-Lebanon and the Palmereids folding; to the west, the Roum Fault, which is relayed offshore by a complex system thrusting system forming an arch which, once arrived at Tripoli, produces a 70m escarpment dividing the city into two.We are thus faced with a partitioning of the movement from the South that produced the uplift of Mount Lebanon. This is young and vigorous tectonics and the associated deformation is evenly distributed between shortening in the EW direction and NS left-lateral strike-slip faulting. Mount Lebanon culminates at 3080m and a preliminary study gives an uplift rate of 5 mm / year. It is also a mountain that plunges directly into the sea with an almost non-existent continental shelf in such a manner that less than 10 km offshore, we are already at depths of -1500. This tectonic dynamics puts Lebanon in general and Tyre in particular under a continuous seismic risk. This risk is confirmed by the last seismic crisis that hit south Lebanon in 2008. Furthermore, historic records testify of a long series of quakes affecting the entire coastal zone. The southern part of Tyre city site which is submerged under the sea is one of many testimonies of this seismic history. The underwater survey of the southern coastal area of Tyre revealed important discoveries related to the ancient roman city. As mentioned before, part of this city is nowadays submerged under the sea. The explanation is that all this part of the city was submerged due to the combined effect of the sea level rise and the differential tectonic. Furture projects and resolutions ARCHAEOMAP project has open new horizons for future investigations and research projects in Tyre's waterfront area. The claims to continue the investigations are more than needed. Detailed mapping of Tyre's waterfronts This project will be executed exclusively by both DGA and CNRSL. Project details 8 - 9. Images of submerged structures in Tyre’s southern bay Within the sea, surrounding the WH site of Tyre lays numerous archaeological features. In addition to shipwrecks, parts of the old roman city drowned in the sea namely the part of the insular site to the south-west of the city. Furthermore, to the north of the actual harbor jetty, an older jetty lies at 6m below sea level. This latter is surrounded by sand dunes having many shipwrecks. The CNRSL conducted a bathymetry survey along the Lebanese coast. Nevertheless, a 100 meters strip from the shoreline towards the 129 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies territorial water was not included within the framework of the project. Furthermore, within the framework of the ARCHAEOMAP project, the Lebanese DGA did surveys in these areas in order to map the locations and extents of the submerged archaeological Heritage. Important data has been recorded since. Still, the work is not yet finished and still need to be completed using geophysical survey technologies that were not used until now in water (Numerous Geophysical surveys were done on land by the DGA). Within the framework of the future project, targeted areas specified by the DGA will be surveyed in collaboration with the Center of Geophysics at the CNRSL.The activities will include, the updating of the existing GIS map already having the locations and coordinates of the previously surveyed archaeological features in addition to the areas to be Geophysicaly surveyed. Consequently, new feature resulting from the new survey will be added. 11. An aerial photo taken by A. Poidebard at the beginning of the 20th century of the southern submerged part of the city 12. Map presenting the results of the bathymetry survey conducted by the CNRSL along the Lebanese coast Outcomes These proposed projects will undoubtedly allow the DGA to have additional data enabling her to redefine the marine protection zones of Tyre's WH Sites and consequently precise the framework of future scientific and Archaeological projects to be undertaken in this area. 11 130 12 chap. III The O.N.G. contribution to the diffussion of culture The O.N.G. contribution to the diffussion of culture CHAP. 3.1 The Bourbon Arsenal of Palermo Exhibition space for the sea To preserve the natural, cultural and underwater heritage of Palermo's Gulf, the Committee of the Arsenal (Figure 1) with the collaboration of Soprintendenza del Mare of Palermo in the year 2006 drafted a project to research in the underwater, with a deepness of 40 meters, the vessels wrecks that participated to the naval battle of Palermo on 2th June 1676. Besides for the construction of galleries, the arsenal was a reference point for the fleets that suffered damage as they sailed in the waters surrounding Sicily. The damaged vessels could be repaired in the port of Palermo. In 1674 the uprising in Messina fomented by the French was vigorously repressed by the Spanish. The Dutch fleet, under the orders of Admiral Michael Ruiter, came to the aid of the Spanish fleet. The admiral died in the battle of Augusta and, owing to great damage it had suffered, the fleet had to set sail for Palermo for repairs in the arsenal where qualified guilds worked. On the evening of May 30, 1676 news arrived the French fleet was sighted between the islands of Alicudi and Filicudi, while the next day the Dutch fleet was warned that the French fleet, under the orders of the Duke of Vivonne, could be seen already from the town of Termini, where it had also captured two boats with their loads of wheat. Towards five o'clock in the afternoon the French fleet appeared at the horizon of the Gulf of Palermo. Jon d'Haen, the new admiral who took command of the fleet at the death of the great admiral Michael Ruiter, ordered the Spanish and Dutch ships being towed by the gallery to assume an arc-shaped formation going from the fort of the dock to the mouth of the Oreto River. This was a fatal mistake. The ships, flanked one next to the other, had little space for maneuver and were positioned opposite the Castle at sea which was downwind thus blocking its artillery. On Monday, June 1, there was only a skirmish between the vanguards at Acqua dei Corsari the Corsairs' Waters. It was a way for the French to test the solidity of the DutchSpanish fleet and foolishness of its formation. The decisive clash between the two fleets took place the next day at ten o'clock in the morning. The French had larger and more powerful vessels as well as a greater number of galleries which, thanks to their greater maneuverability, were very important owing to the absence of wind. The French launches and feluccas supported the operations of the other vessels. The Dutch-Spanish ships immediately returned fire after the first broadsides of the French fleet, but the wind was blowing towards the city and the smoke produced by the artillery soon engulfed it with a thick cloud blocking its view. At this point the French put into action their strategy. A number of fire-ships namely barges loaded with pitch and other inflammable materials camouflaged like warships were sent towards the Dutch-Spanish fleet thus fooling Don Diego d'Iguarra, the general of the Spanish ships, which moved towards them with the “King of Spain”, a true floating fortress (Figure 2). But, although it sank two of these fire-ships, the ship under his command soon came into contact with the others and caught fire. Don Diego d'Iguarra was injured twice and was put half dead into a Feluca to be taken ashore, but the boat, weighted by part of part of the panic-stricken crew who was trying to escape, sank thus drowning everyone. In the meantime the other ships manovring blindly in this inferno of smoke and fire were viciously hit by the broadsides of the French vessels. The King of Spain, “a citadel floating on the sea, magnificent for its 133 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies size and capacity, superb and rich for its craftsmanship and exploded projecting debris of all kinds on the city. The guilds of Palermo who had unsuccessfully requested the artillery pieces from the archbishop who substituted the viceroy in governing the city while he was absent broke into the storerooms, carried away the cannons, pulled them along the Cassaro, mounted them on the bulwarks on the sea and shot the first blanks. The French fleet under the command of Vivonne suffered considerable damage and to retreat without reaping the fruit of its victory. The losses of the Dutch-Spanish fleet were enormous and John d'Hean, the vice admiral commanding the fleet, died in the battle as well. The people of Palermo who watched the battle from the top of the city walls sided with the Spanish not for any sort of love towards them, but only for their hatred for Messina, whose vanity of being the capitol of the reign, fuelled by France, had made it much more than a rival for Palermo. It was its enemy. Many wrecks of the battle are today in the Gulf and we are looking for a serious research. It was a most important battle in 17th century and the most important historical event of the Arsenal Palermo's life before to be the headquarter of the English fleet during the period when the King of Naples lived in Palermo under the protection of Admiral Horatio Nelson. After the Sicilian revolution leadered by Giuseppe Garibaldi and his Picciotti on 1860 the life of Arsenal was designated to be a prison and after the end of 18 the arsenal was used like ware house. The Arsenal is located towards the end of via dell'Arsenale and it borders with the Fincantieri Shipyard and the fabulous villa of Marquis De Gregorio (Figure 3). The vessels of the Royal Navy and private shipbuilders were built in the area behind the building. Today this part of the city is a true open-air museum which needs to be revalued (Figure 4). In the area around the Arsenal stand Villa De Gregorio, the Florio shipyards, the English Cemetery, Montalbo Palace and many more buildings of great interest. The Arsenal was built between 1621 an 1630 on the project of the architect Mariano Smiriglio, a great figure in Italian Mannerism. The two-storey building has a regular form; in the upper part of the façade there is the Bourbon coat of arms with an eagle head and the inscription: Philippi IV Hispan, utriusque siciliae regis III, auspiciis augustis, navale armamentarium inchoatum, perfectum MDCXXX (Figure 5). The Arsenal of Palermo was the place where the xebecs (Figure 6) and galleys (Figure 7) that helped on the fight against the Barbary pirates in the Mediterranean Sea where built. In fact, Sicilian ships played a leading role in many sea battles. Today the only shipyard in Sicily is the one in Palermo and hence it is the only testimony of the Sicilian maritime legacy which regard to the construction of warship and merchant ships. The museum currently is composed of: - the historical section (Figure 8); - the photographic section; - the maritime traditions section; 134 1 1. Arsenal's committee logotype 2. The models, Spanish Galleon S. Felipe 2 The O.N.G. contribution to the diffussion of culture 4 3 3 3. Maritime Museum Arsenal of Palermo 4. Maritime Museum's hall Arsenal of Palermo 5. Eagle's coat of arms Arsenal of Palermo 6. The models, Sicilian military Xebec 7. The models, Flagship Galley of Sicily 8. The collections, Bourbon guns, 1781-1785 9. Historical Parade of the Reggimento Marina after the restoring works of Arsenal of Palermo, charging gun, September 2008 10. Historical Parade of the Reggimento Marina after the restoring works of Arsenal of Palermo, military parade, September 2008 5 - the maritime engines section; - the ship model section; - the Barbary pirates section; Another important activity is the dissemination of elements of maritime culture in schools of all types and the organization or events for the promotion of businesses involving the sea. In the last September 2008, after the restoring works, the Sicilian Region and the Maritime Museum opened the Arsenale to the public for itinerant exhibitions and conference relating the theme of maritime heritage (Figures 10-11). A shoot of a gun replica, during the Historical Parade of the Reggimento Marina, declared a new Period of activities and after the International meeting on Maritime Heritage, the Arsenal hosted an important exhibition coming from Spain in collaboration with Spanish Government (Figure 12). In order to the cultural maritime's diffusion the Arsenal of Palermo organize school laboratories and university's tutoring. The participation as partner to important European Projects of Culture 2000 with public partners like Generalitat Valenciana (GothicMed), Museu Maritim Barcelona (Mediterrania) and Regione Siciliana (Archaeomap) is a particular moment of the Committee's life. The implementation of the collections is the main goal in this period but many difficulties of financial character make the way very hard, but to preserve an important monument is very interesting for the history of the Mediterranean Sea. Finally we have implemented the services offered to the public with a little bibliotheca open for the students and the lovers of maritime culture. 11. The Exhibitions, “Espana nel Mediterraneo” at the first floor of Maritime Museum Arsenal of Palermo 135 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 6 7 8 9 10 11 136 The O.N.G. contribution to the diffussion of culture CHAP. Importanza 3.2 della conservazione del patrimonio culturale e la diffusione delle informazioni International Institute for the Study of Man partecipa al progetto Archaeomap focalizzando l'attenzione sulla duplice importanza costituita per un verso dalla conservazione del Patrimonio Culturale e, per altro, dalla diffusione delle informazioni. Prima di entrare nello specifico del tema che si intende trattare si ritiene necessario puntualizzare cosa si intenda per Patrimonio culturale in una accezione antropologica. Patrimonio culturale è tutto ciò che è stato realizzato dall'uomo nel corso della sua storia e come tale non soltanto il mondo degli oggetti che rispecchiano le risposte culturali alle sue necessità, ma la weltanschauung, ossia la visione del mondo e della vita di una comunità che è l'ossatura stessa di ogni società. In altri termini Patrimonio come identità che non nasce tout court ma si costruisce nel tempo attraverso i segmenti culturali, i tratti, preservati dopo che le dominazioni sono passate o gli incontri/scontri con altri popoli cessati, segmenti trattenuti perché risultati funzionali alla propria organizzazione, che vanno a costituire quella specificità che è possibile riscontrare all'interno di una regione. In quest'ottica si è privilegiato uno di questi segmenti: l'uso dello spazio nella quotidianità del vissuto esitato nel corso del tempo in architetture costruite con certi parametri piuttosto che altri, perché legate alla abitudini e alla maniera di vivere che hanno determinato stili e modelli artistici. Un riferimento al passato è d'obbligo, perché nella storia è possibile leggere il percorso fatto dalle comunità per perimetrare il proprio privato, legandolo alle specificità del dictat vigente in quel quadro culturale. Il sito di Himera, nei pressi di Termini Imprese, in provincia di Palermo, consente di leggere la riproposta nella fondazione della nuova città secondo i parametri della cultura di origine e fa comprendere come le scelte attuate nel corso della storia di una comunità rimangano tratto peculiare della cultura di appartenenza non solo in patria, ma anche in esilio. Marc Augè, anzi, sottolinea come la forza dell'etnicità fuori della patria d'origine sia più forte quando si è lontano dalla propria terra. Nel nostro caso l'architettura più palesemente di altro mostra quel cordone ombelicale mai reciso tra i fuggiaschi greci e la cultura di appartenenza. Nel caso di Himera i coloni ripropongono gli isolati, l'organizzazione spaziale della polis, i luoghi del sacro nelle tipologie canoniche e il mondo che si sono dovuti lasciare alle spalle, perpetuando una familiarità di tratti tramandata da generazioni. La lezione di quel retaggio tipologico abitativo non ha cessato il suo ruolo storico con i coloni: ha influito, infatti, sull'organizzazione del territorio siciliano tra il Cinquecento e il Settecento quando si è presentato il problema della riorganizzazione economica e sociale delle campagne siciliane. Le architetture rurali, infatti, che intorno al Cinque-Seicento sono presenti in Sicilia, rimandano a moduli spaziali in cui è possibile leggere il debito culturale nei confronti del mondo greco e romano. Ci si riferisce alla tipologia masseria presente soprattutto nelle campagne della Sicilia orientale e al baglio tipico dell'area occidentale dell'isola che taluni attribuiscono, invece, all'influenza araba, che, in ogni caso non si discosta da quell'ottica se si riflette sulla lunga dominazione romana che ha interessato i popoli della fascia settentrionale africana. Sul modulo costruttivo di ieri, nel corso della storia, le architetture rurali vengono adeguate alle nuove esigenze, nel rispetto della diffusione tipologica areale: nella Sicilia 137 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies orientale la diffusione della masseria o masseria fortificata con caratteristiche ricettive e protettive, rispondente ai problemi che crea il brigantaggio interno; nella Sicilia occidentale la diffusione del baglio con l'inglobamento di uno o più spazi interni chiusi, idonei per un verso a proteggere i contadini dai pirati che saccheggiano uomini e cose lungo le coste, e sino a tutto l'Ottocento, per altro per l’organizzazione lavorativa e la conservazione dei prodotti della terra. In questa direzione l'International Institute ha continuato a leggere i mutamenti avvenuti nella spazialità quando mutamenti si profilano alla fine del Seicento, per un duplice ordine di ragioni: la Sicilia orientale per il terremoto distruttivo che l'investe nel 1693; la Sicilia occidentale per le esigenze dettate dal nuovo assetto politico dell’Europa che vede l'Isola sede del regno prima e del vicereame poi. Se il terremoto costringe a costruire su un modulo già assodato - il barocco, che in Sicilia però elabora un costrutto proprio, originale e dal tratto forte - la nuova condizione politica sollecita l’acquisizione della moda d'oltralpe volta a vivere la qualità della vita cittadina anche in campagna, tra agi e regole, galateo e impegni mondani. Se le architetture rurali della Sicilia orientale si adeguano a divenire aziende, che rimandano le rimesse in città, le architetture intorno alla capitale si trasformano in ville residenziali dove gli aristocratici gareggiano nel gusto e nella magnificenza, nella ingegnosità e nella bellezza esecutiva dei loro desiderata. Le dimore cittadine mostrano lo sfarzo che consentono di realizzare le rimesse 1 1. Masseria Zucco, fornice d’ingresso - Giardinello (Pa) 2. Villa Valguarnera, esedra d’ingresso con scalone a tenaglia - Bagheria (Pa) 2 138 The O.N.G. contribution to the diffussion of culture 3 3. Palazzo Alliata di Villafranca, fronte principale - Palermo 4. Palazzo Cattolica, scalone d’onore - Palermo 5- Palazzo Comitini sala Novelli - Palermo 4 5 della campagna (fig. 1). Le ville di campagna gareggiano con le dimore cittadine proponendo anche moduli esecutivi del tutto innovativi come le scale a tenaglia di incredibile fascino e di grande bravura esecutiva (figg. 2/5). Ancora oggi il grande patrimonio che correda il territorio isolano costituisce una risorsa incredibile per le richieste del nostro tempo: infatti le ville in cui il peso economico non consente più al proprietario di viverle nel privato vengono adeguate alle necessità di un mondo che cambia le sue abitudini. Aziende di un tempo demandate alla trasformazione dei prodotti della terra diventano centri di ricezione di un turismo che vuole riprendere il dialogo interrotto con le stagioni e i sapori, per riscoprire le vie del vino, dei formaggi, dell'olio, in un progetto salutistico volto a migliorare il rapporto tra il cibo e la salute. Le ville più imponenti diventano sede di ospitalità di grandi eventi pubblici o privati, o, quando l'incuria del tempo si è abbattuta sulle strutture l'adeguamento le trasforma in centri benessere dove però i segni di vecchie spazialità riescono a esibire ancora tracce di un'altra storia. Leggere la spazialità vuol dire sapere anche guardare al mondo che lo ha popolato. Un universo di uomini e donne che il destino della nascita ha inchiodato in ruoli diversi: da vincitori o da vinti, per dirla con un linguaggio caro al dibattito avviato negli anni ottanta sull'argomento. Si profila così per un verso un mondo di committenti che ha, secondo il proprio gusto, intessuto un rapporto dialogico con maestranze capaci di esitare in esecuzioni che hanno, ognuno nel proprio campo, contribuito a scrivere la storia di una fabrilità tutta siciliana, dai mobili ai tendaggi, dagli abiti ai servizi di tavola, dai pavimenti maiolicati agli argenti. Committenze che hanno con le loro dimore tratteggiato una città ricca e maestosa, legata al buon gusto e alla disponibilità economica di un tempo. Per altro un mondo di esecutori di grande professionalità che ha consegnato un raffinato corredo di architetture, di oggetti, di creatività. Nelle campagne un altro universo, quello dei contadini, con il lavoro ha disegnato lo skyline, orizzonte e faces del territorio, costruito un paesaggio immortalato negli schizzi degli artisti del grand tour, che lo trovavano non solo bello ma pieno di fascino per quel dialogo mai interrotto tra storia e territorio, tra cultura e natura. Lavori dei campi portati avanti da una manodopera maschile e femminile che condivideva la durezza della fatica e il peso della sorte. 139 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 6. Lavatoio pubblico Santa Caterina Villarmosa (Cl), 7. Ricamo tipico di Santa Caterina Villarmosa (Cl), 6 7 Poco si è parlato del ruolo di un altro universo ancora legato al mondo di una fabrilità in cui i confini tra arte e artigianato non sono stati mai ben definiti. L'arte del ricamo e dei lavori a telaio. Il decoro della quotidianità del vissuto, infatti, con i suoi codici comunicativi, rimanda alla tradizione di pregiata biancheria della casa, orgoglio dei casati, del corredo della sposa realizzato sulla scia di un antico retaggio artistico che conduce fino ai tyraz, all'ergasterion imperiale, ai laboratori situati negli ampi spazi dei magazzini del palazzo Reale: parliamo dell'arte del ricamo importato come tratto culturale di una corte raffinata, segnata dalla sapiente maestria di impronta araba. Maestria che ha realizzato non solo trine e merletti, stoffe raffinate, disegni lavorati con fili d'oro e d'argento, ma che ha saputo anche andare oltre esitando in moduli propri, in tecniche proprie mutuate attraverso il dialogo con altre realtà ancora, fino alla realizzazione di sfilati che tra trame e orditi costruiti con ago, ripropongono soggetti tratti da esempi aulici di illustri pittori. Centri come Santa Caterina Villarmosa, Comiso, Piana degli Albanesi preservano una memoria di tradizioni esecutive legata a luoghi altri dove, lì come qui, le donne per secoli hanno trascorso la vita chine su telai a ripetere moduli stilistici venuti da lontano a dimostrazione che il mare ha le sue vie e che non ci sono barriere agli incontri di uomini, di popoli, di genti che nell'andare verso il futuro portano con loro il loro passato, il loro sapere, la loro storia, la loro cultura. Una mostra organizzata qualche anno fa dall'Institute ha dato l'opportunità alle donne di Santa Caterina di stendere, in un grande bucato collettivo, il loro corredo sui fili della biancheria: un orgoglio esposto al vento in una gara di concorrente maestria, a ricordare quanto si è stato e si è ancora capace di produrre in un centro agricolo, dove un antico adagio che recita u tilaru è zappuni ricorda che il lavoro giornaliero di una donna al telaio rendeva quanto il lavoro di un contadino a giornata nei campi, ma anche a riflettere sulla fatica che precedeva il lavoro del ricamo nel momento della tessitura della tela su cui poi imprimere gli antichi retaggi della storia. Con la stesa al lavatoio di vecchie lingerie dell'Ottocento, che oggi fanno sorridere per tanta ingenuità, la mostra ha voluto porre l'accento su donne che pur se lontano dai circuiti comunicativi della città non hanno rinunciato a quella leva che ha sempre mosso il mondo: vestire la sessualità con il tratto elegante della femminilità (figg. 6/7). 140 The O.N.G. contribution to the diffussion of culture 8. Altare di S. Giuseppe Gli spazi del vissuto raccontano anche vicende che riguardano la più vasta comunità. Spazi, infatti, della quotidianità non sono soltanto da considerare le dimore intra moenia ed extra moenia. È la stessa città ad essere un grande palcoscenico, il grande teatro della quotidianità dove si proietta il modo di vivere nella condivisione collettiva del tempo della festa, dei rapporti sociali, degli eventi. Ogni tempo della storia ha esternato gli avvenimenti con apparati che hanno trasformato vie e piazze in palcoscenici, in mondi rappresentati, in spettacoli di gioia e di dolore, di fede e di morte. Così gli apparati festivi, le architetture effimere, le grandi impalcature montate per dichiarare il tempo eccezionale dell'anno non cessano il loro compito storico. Quando sembrano aver esaudito il messaggio nel linguaggio del tempo che li ha voluti, questi sono assorbiti da altre comunità che, impossessandosene, li demandano a rappresentare la loro identità. Un retaggio della storia che non si perde, che nei fenomeni di ascesa e discesa dei tratti culturali, recita tutta la dinamicità di cui è intrisa la cultura. Molteplici sono gli esempi che documentano l'impossessarsi di segni che sono andati a recitare un'altra storia. Si pensi agli archi di pane di San Biagio Platani innalzati per la Pasqua, agli altari di San Giuseppe innalzati in onore del padre putativo di Cristo a Salemi e Calatafimi, della provincia di Trapani (fig. 8). A San Biagio, comune in provincia di Agrigento, madunnara (i devoti della Madonna), e i signurara (i devoti del Cristo) innalzano immense architetture in occasione della Pasqua. I primi lavorano con materiali presi dalla terra come canne, fronde, frutti, fiori, i secondi con materiali recuperati e riciclati come motori di lavatrici, lastre di alluminio, residui di ferro. Il risultato di queste attività, organizzate in occasione dell'evento celebrato, esita nella mattina di Pasqua in immense architetture dove la natura celebra se stessa nell'esubero cromatico del verde dei rami, nella fantasmagorica esplosione dei fiori, nel pane divenuto formelle del portale di una chiesa, le cromie dei legumi sapientemente accorpate in pannelli che costeggiano la via crucis: un costruito che nell'insieme dà un impatto visivo di forte coinvolgimento emotivo, realizzato per fare da quinta di scena alla processione che vede l'incontro tra la Vergine e il Figlio Risorto, mentre dalle fontane realizzate, con le imponenti sculture che le sovrastano, il gorgoglio dell'acqua sembra recitare la sua nenia. Qui il retaggio di quella storia lontana che risale al Rinascimento rivive come nei quadri d'autore, segnando il filo sottile che lega gli uomini nel corso della storia, indipendentemente dai luoghi dove vivono. Un filo sottile che lega anche Salemi, Borgetto, Menfi e tanti altri centri dell'isola nella realizzazione degli altari di San Giuseppe, dove la Madonna della Vittoria del Mantegna si ripropone ripetuta nelle molteplici realizzazioni di altari, come se il tempo si fosse fermato, come se i luoghi non avessero confini, come se gli uomini appartenessero a un'unica comunità (figg. 9/12). Quanto detto fin qui è parte di un nutrito archivio audiovisivi che si pone come strumento di comunicazione tra culture che hanno dialogato nel tempo e che continuano a dialogare, talvolta senza consapevolezza, proponendo tratti che nel dinamismo culturale consentiranno di proseguire nel rapporto di scambio di segmenti ritenuti importanti dalle rispettive comunità. Attraverso gli spazi dell'abitare di Himera, una 141 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 9 colonia greca fondata da fuggiaschi, è stato possibile avviare un percorso legato alla quotidianità del vissuto attraverso le forme dell'architettura, che ha finito per imprimere una impronta indelebile nel futuro della terra della comunità ospitante. Una impronte che nel dialogo con altri tratti, di altre comunità ha finito per raccontare una storia dove è difficile vedere i confini di una sola identità. Questa è la ragione per cui se l'antropologia di ieri puntava sull'affermazione dell'identità di ogni cultura per ogni comunità, oggi Marc Augè invita alla riflessione: guardare piuttosto quanto ogni comunità abbia accumulato in debito culturale da un'altra, quanto la storia di ogni uomo non possa perimetrarsi in un'unica area di appartenenza, quanto, finché ci sarà il mondo, non ci saranno confini per un dialogo inconsapevole. Quanto sia limitato e limitante, inoltre, cercare fittizie paternità di appartenenza, per individuare, come suggeriva Lévy Strauss, nella ricerca del dialogo quello che unisce, piuttosto che quello che separa popoli ed etnie. 10 11 12 9 - 12. Archi di pane, foto d’insieme e particolari, San Biagio Platani (Ag) 142 chap. IV Guidelines for sustainable development of coastlal and underwater archaeological sites Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites CHAP. 4.1 Sustainable development Introduction In the present rapidly evolving environment marked by climate change and economic turmoil, UNESCO's programmes in the natural sciences - with their emphasis on sound management of natural resources and building capacity in science, technology, engineering and innovation - have never been more crucial to the international community's response to the present and future challenges of ensuring the Earth's sustainable development. However, the potential or actual contribution of the UNESCO to a green economy, as well as to other emerging issues (e.g. the world financial crises) should be assessed in a systematic and holistic manner. Sustainable development, research, innovation and environmental transition has taken on increasing importance for all those institutions that intend to seriously address the environmental crisis and for which territorial and local community requalification is considered advantageous from a local and global point of view. Sustainable local development requires the presence of professionals possessing awareness of the local/global context and an understanding of the changing and increasingly complex transversal and interdisciplinary scenarios. Through specialized training, professionals can acquire competency in territory management, communication, promotion, improvement and conversion, based on the concept of sustainable development. Policy, planning and management must be improved by integrating decision-making and using all forms of knowledge. Moreover, nature must recognized as a crucial component for maintaining the planet's life-support system. This integrated policy also reveals the need for enhanced local and sub-regional data on trends and early warnings on critical disturbances and vulnerability. Such information can be obtained from the networks of UNESCO World Heritage sites. Among the specialized agencies, funds and programmes of the United Nations system, UNESCO is best suited to this task by virtue of its multi- and inter-disciplinary mandate. UNESCO's support represents an obvious added value, as the combined action of communication, culture, education and science brings to the management of natural resources the human dimension of adaptation to global change in addition to scientific-technical aspects, thus facilitating sustainable development. The UNESCO World Heritage List includes 890 properties possessing “outstanding universal value”. A quarter of these properties are located in Mediterranean region. The 1972 World Heritage Convention links in a single document the concepts of nature conservation and the preservation of cultural properties. In this way, the Convention recognizes the way in which people interact with nature, and the fundamental need to preserve balance between the two. The concept of World Heritage is particularly note worthy because of its universal application. World Heritage sites belong to all the peoples of the world, irrespective of the territory on which they are located, a symbol and a model of sustainable developpement for all of humanity. For this reason, these sites also benefit from the elaboration and implementation of comprehensive territory management plans that establish adequate preservation measures and monitoring mechanisms. To support these, experts provide technical training to the local site management strategy. The Mediterranean region is a nexus of cultural, environmental, political and social divergences, making it an ideal testing ground for exploring options for the future and constructing pilot projects intended to develop regional and global operational initiatives. Sustainable development is not merely a scientific, technological or economic question it is a response to a planetary social-economic and ecological crisis. The concept of sustainable development is particularly relevant in the 145 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies Mediterranean, which is: a rare and fragile ecoregion, where development is largely dependent on the environment, and where degradation has become a major concern; one of the main pilot laboratory in the world for North-South contacts, fracture and interdependency; a group of countries and an area where stability and prosperity highly depend on the capacity to implement development and cooperation policies and patterns that take heed of the environmental, social and economic components of development; the ecoregion is renowned for its climate, for the common sea that separates and links three continents, and for its ancient cultural and natural heritage. It is also one of the main hot spots of world biodiversity: 10% of known higher plants live on only 1.6% of land surface and 7% of marine species in less than 0.8% of total ocean surface; many of these species are endemic. Heavy constraints are hydric stress (summer water shortages), aridity in the South, natural hazards, limited expanse of plain surfaces and communication difficulties. The 22 riparian countries and territories accounted for: 5.7% of the planet's emerged surfaces, including deserts and mountain ranges; 7% of the world's population (stable share) with 427 million inhabitants; 32% of international tourism, with 218 million visitors; 13% of world gross domestic product (GDP) (decreasing); 60% of the world's “water-poor” populations; 8.3% of CO2 emissions (increasing). On the sea, 30% of international maritime freight traffic and some 20 to 25% of oil maritime transport transit through the Mediterranean. Global warming is expected to have strong longterm impacts on the Mediterranean Basin. Assumptions are the intensification of extreme climatic events and a warming of less than 1°C by 2025. Over 60 % of the world's people live within 60 kilometres of the sea. Coastal and marine environment is strongly influenced by human activities, via local pressure or climate change. Yet ecosystems of coastal areas have a crucial and an important economic value for local population living from terrestrial and marine resources. Yet, due to population growth and migration of people towards large urban centres, the number of people living in coastal zones is constantly expanding. Moreover, coastal zones are under permanent pressure for the needs of tourism. This situation leads to constant degradation of natural and cultural resources linked with social conflicts and environmental degradation. An integrated methodology for costal zone management in Mediterranean area is for UNESCO a special case for sustainable development and cultural and biological diversity valorisation. UNESCO sees the inter-relationship and interaction between scientific and local knowledge systems as an issue of major importance with respect to natural resource access, utilization, conservation and benefits-sharing - and hence for sustainable development. The recognition of local knowledge systems creates opportunities for establishing sustainable development and natural resource management processes that are rooted in social equity and relevance, local ownership and value systems, sound institutional partnerships and the valuation of both cultural and biological diversity. ARCHAEOMAP project proposes an interdisciplinary research agenda and capacity building aiming to improve the relationship of Mediterranean people with their marine environment. Its targets are the ecological, social and economic dimensions of maritime culture loss and the reduction of this loss. It uses its network of nine pilot sites as vehicles for knowledge-sharing, research and monitoring, education and training, and participatory decision-making. ARCHAEOMAP project wants to provide context-specific opportunities to combine scientific knowledge and governance modalities in an 146 Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites inter-disciplinary methodology. A number of ARCHAEOMAP pilot sites are recognized under UNESCO World Heritage List which innovative and demonstrative approaches to conservation and sustainable development. Recommendations The Mediterranean environment - including the seas and adjacent coastal areas forms an integrated whole that is an essential component of the global life-support system and a positive asset that presents opportunities for sustainable development. International law, as reflected in the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, sets forth rights and obligations of Mediterranean States and provides the international basis upon which to pursue the protection and sustainable development of the marine and coastal environment and its resources. This requires new approaches to marine and coastal area management and development, at the national, subregional, regional and global levels, approaches that are integrated in content and are precautionary and anticipatory in ambit, as reflected in the following programme areas: a) Integrated management and sustainable development of Mediterranean coastal areas, including exclusive economic zones (EEZ); b) Marine environmental protection; c) Sustainable use and conservation of marine living resources under national jurisdiction; d) Addressing critical uncertainties for the management of the marine environment and climate change; e) Strengthening international, including regional, cooperation and coordination; f) Sustainable development of small islands. The implementation by Mediterranean countries of the activities set forth below shall be commensurate with their individual technological and financial capacities and priorities in allocating resources for development needs and ultimately depends on the technology transfer and financial resources required and made available to them. Basis for action The Mediterranean coastal area contains diverse and productive habitats important for human settlements, development and local subsistence. More than half the world's population lives within 60 km of the shoreline, and this could rise to three quarters by the year 2020. Many of the world's poor are crowded in coastal areas. Mediterranean coastal resources are vital for many local communities. The exclusive economic zone (EEZ) is also an important marine area where the Mediterranean States manage the development and conservation of natural and cultural resources for the benefit of their people. For Mediterranean island or countries, like Malta and Sicily, these are the areas most available for development activities. Despite national, subregional, regional and global efforts, current approaches to the management of marine and coastal resources have not always proved capable of achieving sustainable development, and coastal resources and the coastal environment are being rapidly degraded and eroded in many parts of the Mediterranean area. Objectives Mediterranean States commit themselves to integrated management and 147 sustainable development of coastal areas and the marine environment under their national jurisdiction. To this end, it is necessary to, inter alia: a) Provide for an integrated policy and decision-making process, including all involved sectors, to promote compatibility and a balance of uses; b) Identify existing and projected uses of coastal areas and their interactions; c) Concentrate on well-defined issues concerning coastal management; d) Apply preventive and precautionary approaches in project planning and implementation, including prior assessment and systematic observation of the impacts of major projects; e) Promote the development and application of methods, such as national resource and environmental accounting, that reflect changes in value resulting from uses of coastal and marine areas, including pollution, marine erosion, loss of resources and habitat destruction; f) Provide access, as far as possible, for concerned individuals, groups and organizations to relevant information and opportunities for consultation and participation in planning and decision-making at appropriate levels. Activities A) Management-related activities. Each Mediterranean partner should consider establishing, or where necessary strengthening, appropriate coordinating mechanisms (such as a high-level science policy planning body) for integrated management and sustainable development of coastal and marine areas and their resources, at both the local and national levels. Such mechanisms should include consultation, as appropriate, with the academic and private sectors, non-governmental organizations, local communities, and resource user groups. Such national coordinating mechanisms could provide, inter alia, for: a) Preparation and implementation of science policies for sustainable development; b) Implementation of integrated coastal management and sustainable development plans and programmes at appropriate levels; c) Preparation of coastal profiles identifying critical areas, including eroded zones, physical processes, development patterns, user conflicts and specific priorities for management; d) Prior environmental impact assessment, systematic observation and follow-up of major projects, including the systematic incorporation of results in decision-making; e) Contingency plans for human induced and natural disasters, including likely effects of potential climate change and sea level rise, as well as contingency plans for degradation and pollution of anthropogenic origin, including spills of oil and other materials; f) Improvement of coastal human settlements, especially in housing, drinking water and treatment and disposal of sewage, solid wastes and industrial effluents; g) Periodic assessment of the impacts of external factors and phenomena to ensure that the objectives of integrated management and sustainable development of Mediterranean coastal areas and the marine environment are met; h) Conservation and restoration of altered critical habitats; i) Integration of sectoral programmes on sustainable development for settlements, agriculture, tourism, fishing, ports and industries affecting the coastal area; j) Infrastructure adaptation and alternative employment; k) Human resource development and training; 148 Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites l) Public education, awareness and information programmes; m) Promoting environmentally sound technology and sustainable practices; n) Development and simultaneous implementation of environmental quality criteria. Mediterranean partners, with the support of international organizations, upon request, should undertake measures to maintain biological and cultural diversity and productivity of marine species and habitats under national jurisdiction. Inter alia, these measures might include: surveys of marine biodiversity, inventories of endangered species and critical coastal and marine habitats, especially underwater archaeological sites; establishment and management of protected areas; and support of scientific research and dissemination of its results. B) Data and information. Mediterranean partners, where necessary, should improve their capacity to collect, analyse, assess and use information for sustainable use of resources, including environmental impacts of activities affecting the coastal and marine areas. Information for management purposes should receive priority support in view of the intensity and magnitude of the changes occurring in the coastal and marine areas. To this end, it is necessary to, inter alia: develop and maintain databases for assessment and management of coastal areas and all seas and their resources; develop governance, environmental and socio-economic indicators; conduct regular environmental assessment of the state of the environment of coastal and marine areas; prepare and maintain profiles of coastal area resources, activities, uses, habitats and protected areas based on the criteria of sustainable development; exchange information and data. Develop international cooperation, and, where applicable, subregional and regional mechanisms should be strengthened to improve their capacities to achieve the above. C) International and regional cooperation and coordination. The role of international cooperation and coordination on a bilateral basis and, where applicable, within a subregional, interregional, regional or global framework, is to support and supplement national efforts of Mediterranean partners to promote integrated management and sustainable development of coastal and marine areas. Mediterranean partners should cooperate, as appropriate, in the preparation of national guidelines for integrated coastal zone management and development, drawing on existing experience. Means of implementation A) Scientific and technological means. Mediterranean partners should cooperate in the development of necessary coastal systematic observation, research and information management systems. They should provide access to and transfer environmentally safe technologies and methodologies for sustainable development of coastal and marine areas to developing countries. They should also develop technologies and local scientific and technological capacities. B) Human resource development. Mediterranean partners should promote and facilitate the organization of education and training in integrated coastal zone management and sustainable development for scientists, technologists, managers (including community based managers) and users, leaders, local communities, fisherfolk, women and youth, among others. Management and development, as well as environmental protection concerns and local planning issues, should be incorporated in educational curricula and public awareness campaigns, with due regard to traditional ecological knowledge and socio-cultural values. International organizations, whether 149 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies subregional, regional or global, as appropriate, should support Mediterranean partners, upon request, in the areas indicated above, devoting special attention to developing countries. C) Capacity-building. Full cooperation should be extended, upon request, to Mediterranean partners in their capacity-building efforts and, where appropriate, capacity-building should be included in bilateral and multilateral development cooperation. Mediterranean partners may consider, inter alia: a) Ensuring capacity-building at the local level; b) Consulting on coastal and marine issues with different stakeholders, local administrations, the business community, the academic sector, resource user groups and the general public; c) Coordinating sectoral programmes while building capacity; d) Identifying existing and potential capabilities, facilities and needs for human resources development and scientific and technological infrastructure; e) Developing scientific and technological means and research; f) Promoting and facilitating human resource development and education; g) Supporting "centres of excellence" in integrated coastal and marine resource management; h) Supporting pilot demonstration programmes and projects in integrated coastal and marine management. Guidelines The ARCHAEOMAP Manual is based on two main components that should be considered together: A) A proposed indicator framework that integrates governance, ecological and socioeconomic dimensions, with a focus on outcomes or results rather than on processes; B) Proposed menus of indicators for ARCHAEOMAP based on previous experiences and literature review. Users can adapt the indicators to suit their specific needs by further developing, testing and refining them. Also incorporated are results, outcomes and lessons learned from the nine ARCHAEOMAP case studies (pilot sites). These studies provide examples of the development and application of ARCHAEOMAP indicators through their testing and validation in real situations. They serve as a reference for the adaptation of the approaches suggested in this Manual, use of which should be in conjunction with the companion collection of the case studies. A monitoring and evaluation plan and associated indicators served both as a corrective function for the ARCHAEOMAP International Committee during the project, enabling timely adjustments, and as a guide to structuring future projects more effectively. Sustainable use of Mediterranean coastal areas and their resources must involve the consideration of governance, ecological (including environmental) and socioeconomic dimensions, as well as the interaction between them; this must form the basis of ARCHAEOMAP project. While environmental indicators have long been used to monitor the state of the coastal and marine environment, socioeconomic indicators have seen very limited application, and governance indicators have been applied mainly in reporting of the management process. A great challenge lies in developing appropriate sets of governance, ecological and socioeconomic indicators that will allow decision-makers to determine whether ARCHAEOMAP interventions are achieving their intended goals. 150 Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites CHAP. 4.2 ENVIRONMENTAL INITIAL ANALYSIS for Underwater and Coastal Sites Introduction The Initial Environmental Analysis is performed both to identify significant environmental aspects that affect the site and to determine the indicators. The analysis includes a description of the site, its location, description of all activities within it, the analysis of environmental issues, their quantification and determination of the significance of them.The Initial Environmental Analysis is a crucial activity for the determination of indicators and the resulting definition of the objectives of sustainable development of the site. The Archaeomap project concerns both coastal and underwater archaeological sites, so this template of analysis was meant to be applied to these two type of sites. The template are linked together, the order of application is the following: 1. EIA phase 1 for both coastal and underwater archaeological sites 2. EIA phase 2 for underwater sites 3. EIA phase 2 for coastal sites These first three template can be used to assess the state of the site at the present and after they can be linked to the Indicator for Integrated Coastal Management (ICOM). These guidelines are useful to identify a certain number of indicators. The identified indicators, both qualitative and quantitative, will help to suggest the goals of sustainable management in the short, medium and long term. The same indicators will provide a measuring instrument to understand whether the management is improving the status of sites, if getting worse or if the situation remains unchanged. PHASE 1 - GENERAL SETTINGS AND AVAILABLE DATA ANALYSIS For coastal and underwater sites 1 – TERRITORY GENERAL SETTING AND PREVIOUS DATA ESTIMATION 1.1 General setting aim is to make available all the necessary information to mark out the territorial contest under Environmental Management System. Archaeomap GIS file (fig.1) 1.2 Area general features description through previous data collection or through studies carried on in site inside 1.2.1 Geo-territorial, geo-morphological and hydro-geological setting: contest short description possibly supported by data or maps available 1.2.2 Site historical setting: site historical-temporal short survey and documented relevant events description (accidents, pollutions, natural events like earthquakes, landslides, etc…) 1.2.3 Climatic and meteorological setting: short description of the local contest with particular reference to the relevant weather events (floods, tornadoes, tsunamis, water spouts, etc…) 1.2.4 Site socio-economic evaluation (brief description with available data on economic activities, especially tourism, in site or its environs) 151 1. GIS card for underwater archaeological sites Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 152 Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites PHASE 2 for Undewater Sites 1 – TERRITORY GENERAL SETTING AND PREVIOUS DATA ESTIMATION 1.1 General setting aim is to make available all the necessary information to mark out theterritorial contest under Environmental Management System. Archaeomap site GIS file. 1.2 Area general features description through previous data collection or through studies carried on in site inside 1.2.1 Geo-territorial, geo-morphological and hydro-geological setting: contest short description possibly supported by cartographic tools and synthetic data representation ones 1.2.2 Site historical setting: site historical-temporal short survey and documented relevant events description (accidents, pollutions, natural events like earthquakes, landslides, etc…) 1.2.3 Climatic and meteorological setting: short description of the local contest with particpular reference to the relevant weather events (floods, tornadoes, tsunamis, water spouts, etc…) 2 – CHECKLIST: THOROUGH ANALYSIS THEMES Fill in the spaces of interest, crossing the squares and giving a short as well as exhaustive description 2.1 Human activities linked to the Site. a. Human presence ¨ Public or private ownership of the area: ............... ¨ Public access to area: .......................................... ¨ Human settlements presence: .............................. b. ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ Activites Tourist activities: ……………………………............ Mining activities: ………………….......................... Aquaculture activities: ……………………………... Ichthyic activities: ……………................................ Other: ………………………………………………... 2.2 Naturalistic and ecological aspects a. Deterioration and pollution conditions: short description possibly supported by scientific contributions or monitoring activities references. b. ¨ ¨ ¨ Ecological aspects. Relevent vegetal species presence: description and normative references Relevent animal species presence: description and normative references Relevant habitats presence: description and normative references c. Hydrodynamic Site contest ¨ Estuary: …………………………………….............. ¨ Delta: …………………………................................ ¨ Beach: …………………………............................... ¨ Lagoon: …………………………............................. ¨ Archipelago: …………………………….................. 153 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies ¨ ¨ Coastal plain: …………………………………......... Coastal lake: ……………………………................. d. Substratum type ¨ Rocky coherent: …………………………................ ¨ Organogenic: …....................................................... ¨ Sedimentary: ……………………............................... ¨ Mixed: …………………….......................................... e. Depth ¨ 0 – 2 metres (inshore area): ……………………........ ¨ 2 – 20 metres (downshore area): ………………....... ¨ 20 – 30 metres (photic zone ): ................................. ¨ Over 30 metres (disphotic zone): ……………........... f. Distance from shore ¨ 0 – 30 metres (inshore area): …………………......... ¨ 30 – 200 metres (nearshore area): ……………........ ¨ Over 200 metres: ……………................................... g. Presence of risks ¨ Hydro-geological: ………………................................ ¨ Seismic: ………......................................................... ¨ Floods: …….............................................................. ¨ Failures ( landslides – rock falls): ……….................. ¨ Tsunamis / sea-quakes: ........................................... ¨ Eruptions : ................................................................ ¨ Tornadoes / Twisters: ............................................... ¨ Turbidity currents: ……………................................... 3 – REGULATIONS IDENTIFICATION Regulation system in force identification, listing and describing the set of rules of reference. 4 – ORGANIZATION IN CHARGE OF SITE MANAGEMENT a. Body/Organization general description. b. Management areas: ¨ Researches and surveys: …………………................ ¨ Opening/excavation: ………….................................. ¨ Movable finds recovery: …………………................... ¨ In situ irremovable finds treatment: ........................... ¨ In situ conservation and maintenance: ...................... ¨ Site closing: .............................................................. c. Activities/processes list. (For each selected management area, list the necessary operations or groups of operations necessary for works carrying out, using numbers or letter to mark them). 154 Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites 5 – ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS Environmental aspects are brought about the interaction between the activities/processes that take place in the Site and the different components of the eco-system in which the Site is situated. The aspect is the cause of the impact, that is the change of the environment, or the effect. The identification of environmental aspects develops into three correlated phases: Phase 1 – Identification of the interactions between activities and environment On the basis of the list of the activities carried out in the site, interactions of these latest ones with the environment, are identified. To this end, all environmental aspects listed in the “Environmental Aspects-Impacts Table”, used to identify the possible interactions of the activities with the environment, will be taken into consideration and carefully evaluated. The interactions of the activities with the environmental aspects can be inferred from the check-list “Environmental Aspects” and from the “Interactions Matrix”. The matrix reports the environmental aspects on every single line and the management area on every column; every single interaction must be marked at the intersection between the involved management area in the column and the corresponding environmental aspect on the line. Phase 2 – Identification and significance of the environmental aspects The environmental aspects singled out for every management area have to be reported in the “Identified environmental aspects list”. On this basis, the significance of the related impacts has to be evaluated. The list of the significant environmental impacts obtained will be the basis for an efficacious strategy of intervention aimed at improving the environmental sustainability. Phase 3 – Definition of the performance indicators set In relation with the significant environmental aspects identified, an indicators set, required for performance control and for the achievement of unbroken improvement both in efficiency and sustainability, has to be placed. 155 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 5.1 - ASPECTS – IMPACTS TABLE OPERATIVE DIVISIONS ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS LOCAL IMPACTS GLOBAL WARMING 101 Waste waters Sea and groundwater pollution > CO 2 in atmosphere 201 COx emission Air pollution, air quality 202 203 204 205 Air pollution, air quality Air pollution, air quality Smog and Air pollution, air quality Air pollution, life damages Greenhouse-Gas (GhG) GhG, acid rain GhG, acid rain 208 Dispersions (oils, fuel…) 209 Thermic contamination Air pollution, life damages Ecosystem, fishing damages, >CO2 (< O2 produced) biodiversity Ecosystem and economic damages > CO 2 in atmosphere Ecosystem damages, biodiversity > CO2 in atmosphere WASTE WATERS TRANSPORTS / LOGISTICS EXCAVATION AREA ENERGY WASTE TOURISM LOCAL PROBLEMS BIODIVERSITY NOx emission SOx emission Suspended particulate Greenhouse-Gas (CO2, CH4, N2O, HFCS, PFCS, SF6): 206 Benzene 207 Heavy metals (Pb, Cu, Ni..) 301 turbidity modification / normal sunlight supply 302 Occupation 303 Contamination 304 Distruction Ecosystem damages, biodiversity Biodiversity Ecosystem damages Ecosystem, fishing damages, biodiversity 305 Benthos modification Ecosystem damages, biodiversity 306 Off-shore structure introduction Occupation, contamination risks, biodiversity 501 Fuel consumption Non-renewable sources Empoverishment, gas-serra 502 Electric consumption Pollution. Indirect from power stations 601 Waste from working equipments Waste scarcerly recyclable 602 Solid waste Dioxine Pollution, energy and material loss 603 Packages Sea pollution Waste from consumption 604 materials Energy and material loss 601 Mass tourism Ecosystem alteration, damages to flora and fauna. Traffic impacts and means of transport overcrowiding, structures and visitors. 602 Niche tourism Ecosystem alteration, damages to flora and fauna. 603 Organized fruition Traffic impacts and means of transport overcrowiding, structures and visitors 604 Free fruition (not organized) Ecosystem alteration, damages to flora and fauna. Traffic impacts and means of transport overcrowiding, structures and visitors. Acoustic pollution, disturbance to 701 Noises fauna 702 Vibrations Flora and fauna disturbance 801 Sessile organism removal 802 Excavation operations 803 Protected area in proximity 804 Alien species introduction Local extinction risk Ecosystem damages Local extinction risk for protected flora and fauna Ecosystem damages, biodiversity 156 > CO 2 in atmosphere >CO2 (< O2 produced) > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 e GhG in atmosphere CH4 (GhG) deforestation, + CO 2 > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites 5.2 – Environmental aspects identification. Bar the items produced by the activities/processes carried out in the Site and described in Chapter 4. a. WASTE WATERS ¨ Waste waters b. ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ c. ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ TRANSPORTS / LOGISTICS COx Emission NOx Emission SOx Emission Suspended particulate Greenhouse-Gas ( CO2 ,CH4 ,N2 O,HFCS,PFCS,SF6 ) Benzene Heavy metals (Pb, Cu, Ni..) Dispersions (oils, fuel…) Thermic contamination EXCAVATION AREA Turbidity modification / normal sunlight supply Occupation Contamination Distruction Benthos modification Off-shore structure introduction d. ENERGY ¨ Fuel consumption ¨ Electric consumption e. WASTE ¨ Mechanical waste ¨ Solid waste ¨ Packages ¨ Waste from consumption materials f. TOURISM ¨ Mass tourism ¨ Niche tourism ¨ Organized fruition system ¨ Free fruition system (not organized) g. LOCAL PROBLEMS ¨ Noises ¨ Vibrations h. BIODIVERSITY ¨ Sessile organism removal ¨ Excavations operations ¨ Alien species introduction 157 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 6 - INTERACTIONS MATRIX OPERATIVE DIVISION WASTE WATERS TRANSPORTS / LOGISTICS OPERATIVE AREAS Excavation ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS SITE FINDS EXPOSITION EXCAVATION RECOVERY IN SITU CLOSING Sea and groundwater pollution > CO 2 in atmosphere 201 COx emission Air pollution, air quality 202 NOx emission 203 SOx emission 204 Suspended particulate 205 Greenhouse-Gas (CO 2, CH 4 , N 2 O, HFCS, PFCS, SF6 ) 206 Benzene 207 Heavy metals (Pb, Cu, Ni..) Air pollution, air quality Air pollution, air quality Smog and air pollution Air pollution, life dameges Greenhouse-Gas (GhG) GhG, acid rain GhG, acid rain Air pollution, life damages Ecosystem, fishing damages, biodiversity Ecosystem and economic damages Ecosystem damages, biodiversity Ecosystem damages, biodiversity 209 Thermic contamination 301 Turbidity modification / normal sunlight supply 302 Occupation 303 Contamination 304 Distruction 305 Benthos modification 306 Off-shore structure introduction 401 Fuel consumption ENERGY 402 Electric consumption 501 Mechanical waste WASTE 502 Solid waste 157 503 Packages 602 Niche tourism 603 Organized fruition 604 Free fruition (not organized) LOCAL PROBLEMS BIODIVERSITY Biodiversity Ecosystem damages Ecosystem, fishing damages, biodiversity Ecosystem damages, biodiversity Occupation, contamination risks, biodiversity Non-renewable sources Empoverishment, gas-serra Pollution. Indirect from power stations Less recoverable waste, pollution Dioxine Pollution, energy and material loss > CO2 in atmosphere >CO2 (< O2 produced) > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere >CO2 (< O2 produced) > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere CO2 e GhG CH4 (GhG) deforestation, + CO2 Sea pollution Energy and material loss > CO 2 in Ecosystem alteration, damages to flora and atmosphere fauna. Traffic impacts and means of transport overcrowiding, structures and visitors Ecosystem alteration, damages to flora and fauna Traffic impacts and > CO 2 in means of transport atmosphere overcrowiding, structures and visitors Ecosystem alteration, > CO 2 in damages to flora and atmosphere fauna. Traffic impacts and means of transport overcrowiding, structures and visitors Acoustic pollution, disturbance to fauna Flora and fauna disturbance Local extinction risk > CO 2 in Ecosystem damages atmosphere Local extinction risk > CO2 in atmosphere for protected flora and fauna Ecosystem damages, biodiversity 504 From consumption materials 601 Mass tourims TOURISM GLOBAL WARMING 101 Waste waters 208 Dispersions (oils, fuel…) EXCAVATION AREA LOCAL IMPACTS 701 Noises 702 Vibrations 801 Sessile organisms removal 802 Excavation operations 803 Protected area in proximity 804 Alien species introduction 158 Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites 7 – IDENTIFIED ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS LIST Insert, in the following list, the environmental aspects come out from the analysis of the interactions, the activities/processes in which they take place and the possible interventions to mitigate the impacts: IDENTIFIED ASPECTS 1 ACTIVITIES EXAMPLE 1: benthos modification Using sorbona (excavation) POSSIBLE MITIGATION ACTIONS Stricter limitation of the excavation area, Eco-compatible management of the site where operations takeplace 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 …. PHASE 2 for Coastal Sites 1 – TERRITORY GENERAL SETTING AND PREVIOUS DATA ESTIMATION 1.1 General setting aim is to make available all the necessary information to mark out the territorial contest under Environmental Management System. Link here Archaeomap site GIS file. 1.2 Area general features description through previous data collection or through studies carried on in site inside. 1.2.1 Geo-territorial, geo-morphological and hydro-geological setting: contest short description possibly supported by cartographic tools and synthetic data representation ones. 1.2.2 Site historical setting: site historical-temporal short survey and documented relevant events description (accidents, pollutions, natural events like earthquakes, landslides, etc…). 1.2.3 Climatic and meteorological setting: short description of the local contest with particular reference to the relevant weather events (floods, tornadoes, tsunamis, water spouts, etc…). 2 – CHECKLIST: THOROUGH ANALYSIS THEMES Fill in the spaces of interest, crossing the squares and giving a short as well as exhaustive description 2.1 Human activities linked to the Site. a. Human presence ¨ Public or private ownership of the area: ............... ¨ Public access to the area: .................................... ¨ Human settlements presence: ……...................... 159 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies b. Activities ¨ Tourist activities: ………………………………….... ¨ Mining activities: ………………….......................... ¨ Agricultural activities: ………………………………. ¨ Ichtyc activities: ……………................................... ¨ Other: ………………………………………………... 2.2 Naturalistic and ecological aspects a. Deterioration and pollution conditions: short description possibly supported by scientific contributions or monitoring activities references. b. Ecological aspects. ¨ Relevant vegetal species presence: description and normative references ¨ Relevant animal species presence: description and normative references ¨ Relevant habitats presence: description and normative references c. Hydrodynamic Site contest ¨ Estuary: …………………………………….............. ¨ Delta: …………………………................................ ¨ Beach: ………………………….............................. ¨ Lagoon: …………………………............................ ¨ Archipelago: …………………………….................. ¨ Coastal plain: …………………………………......... ¨ Coastal lake: ……………………………................. d. Substratum type ¨ Rocky coherent: …………………………................ ¨ Incoherent (cobbles, sand, etc…): ….................... ¨ Earthy: ……………………...................................... ¨ Mixed: ……………………....................................... e. Distance from sea ¨ 0 – 30 metres (inshore area): …………………….. ¨ 30 – 200 metres (nearshore area): ……………..... ¨ Over 200 metres: ……………................................ f. Presence of risks: ¨ Hydro-geological: ………………............................ ¨ Seismic: ………..................................................... ¨ Floods: ……........................................................... ¨ Failures ( landslides – rock falls): ………............... ¨ Tsunamis / sea-quakes: ........................................ ¨ Eruptions : ............................................................. ¨ Tornadoes / Twisters: ............................................ ¨ Turbidity currents: ...........………………………….. ¨ Coastline erosion: …………………………............. 3. – REGULATIONS IDENTIFICATION Regulation system in force identification, listing and describing the set of rules of reference 160 Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites 4. – ORGANIZATION IN CHARGE OF SITE MANAGEMENT a. Body/Organization general description b. Management areas: ¨ Researches and surveys: ............…………………... ¨ Opening/excavation (starting): ................………….. ¨ Movable finds recovery: ………………..................… ¨ Iin situ irremovable finds treatment: ......................... ¨ In situ conservation and maintenance: ...............….. c. Activities/processes list. (For each selected management area, list the necessary operations or groups of operations necessary for works carrying out, using numbers or letter to mark them.) 5 –ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS Environmental aspects are brought about the interactions between the activities/processes that take place in the Site and the different components of the ecosystem in which the Site is situated. The aspect is the cause of the impact, that is the change of the environment, or the effect. The identification of environmental aspects develops into three correlated phases: Phase 1 – Identification of the interactions between activities and environment On the basis of the list of the activities carried out in the site, interactions of these latest ones with the environment are identified. To this end, all environmental aspects listed in the “Environmental Aspects-Impacts Table”, used to identify the possible interactions of the activities with the environment, will be taken into consideration and carefully evaluated.The interactions of the activities with the environmental aspects can be inferred from the check-list “Environmental Aspects” and from the “Interactions Matrix”. The matrix reports the environmental aspects on every single line and the management area on every column; every single interaction must be marked at the intersection between the involved management area in the column and the corresponding environmental aspect on the line. Phase 2 – Identification and significance of the environmental aspects The environmental aspects singled out for every management area have to be reported in the “Identified environmental aspects list”. On this basis, the significance of the related impacts has to be evaluated. The list of the significant environmental impacts obtained will be the basis for an efficacious strategy of intervention aimed at improving the environmental sustainability Phase 3 – Definition of the performance indicators set In relation with the significant environmental aspects identified, an indicators set, required for performance control and for the achievement of unbroken improvement both in efficiency and sustainability, has to be placed 161 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 5.1 - ASPECTS – IMPACTS TABLE OPERATIVE DIVISION ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS LOCAL IMPACTS 101 Waste waters Sea and groundwater pollution 102 Systematic consumption 201 COx emission Local hydrologic modifications Air pollution, air quality 202 203 204 205 Air pollution, air quality Air pollution, air quality Smog and air pollution Air pollution, life damages 208 Thermic contamination Air pollution, life damages Ecosystem, fishing damages, biodiversity Ecosystem damages, biodiversity GLOBAL WARMING > CO 2 in atmosphere WASTE WATERS TRANSPORTS / LOGISTICS EXCAVATION AREA NOx emission SOx emission Suspended particulate Greenhouse-Gas (CO2 , CH 4 , N 2O, HFCS, PFCS,SF6) 206 Benzene 207 Heavy metals (Pb, Cu, Ni..) 301 302 303 304 305 Occupation Visual impact Deforestation Fertile Soils removal Hydro-geologic alteration 501 Fuel consumption ENERGY WASTE 502 Electric consumption 601 Waste from working equipments 602 Solid waste 603 Packages 604 Office supplies 601 Mass tourism TOURISM 602 Niche tourism 603 Organized fruition 604 Free fruition (not organized) LOCAL PROBLEMS BIODIVERSITY 701 Noises 702 Vibrations 801 Sessile organism removal 802 Excavation operations 803 Protected area in proximity 804 Alien species introduction Anthropogenic pressure increase Degraded landscape Ecosystem damages Ecosystem damages, biodiversity Hydro-geologic risk, ecosystem damages Non-renewable sources Empoverishment, gas-serra Pollution. Indirect from power stations Scarcerly recyclable waste Dioxin Pollution, energy and material loss Sea pollution Energy and material loss Ecosystem alteration, damages to flora and fauna. Traffic impacts and means of transport overcrowiding, structures and visitors Ecosystem alteration, damages to flora and fauna Traffic impacts and means of transport overcrowiding, structures and visitors Ecosystem alteration, damages to flora and fauna. Traffic impacts and means of transport overcrowiding, structures and visitors Acoustic pollution, disturbance to fauna Flora and fauna disturbance Local extinction risk Ecosystem damages Local extinction risk for protected flora and fauna Ecosystem damages, biodiversity 162 Greenhouse-Gas (GhG) GhG, acid rain GhG, acid rain > CO 2 in atmosphere >CO2 (<O2 produced) > CO2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere CO2 and GhG CH4 GhG Deforestation, > CO2 > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere > CO 2 in atmosphere Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites 5.2 – Environmental aspects identification. Bar the items produced by the activities/processes carried out in the Site and described in Chapter 4. a. CONSUMPTION/WASTE WATERS ¨ Waste waters ¨ Systematic consumption d. ENERGY ¨ Fuel consumption ¨ Electric consumption b. ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ TRANSPORTS / LOGISTICS COx Emission NOx Emission SOx Emission Suspended particulate Greenhouse-Gas ( CO2 ,CH4 ,N2 O,HFCS,PFCS,SF6 ) Benzene Heavy metals (Pb, Cu, Ni..) Dispersions (oils, fuel…) Thermic contamination e. ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ WASTE Mechanical waste Solid waste Packages Waste from consumption materials f. ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ TOURISM Mass tourism Niche tourism Organized fruition system Free fruition system (not organized) c. ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ ¨ EXCAVATION AREA Turbidity modification / normal sunlight supply Occupation Contamination Distruction Benthos modification Off-shore structure introduction g. LOCAL PROBLEMS ¨ Noises ¨ Vibrations h. ¨ ¨ ¨ BIODIVERSITY Sessile organism removal Excavations operations Alien species introduction 6 - INTERACTIONS MATRIX OPERATIVE AREAS OPERATIVE DIVISION Excavation FINDS IN SITU SITE RECOVERY EXPOSITION LOCAL IMPATS ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS 101 Waste waters Sea and groundwater pollution 102 Systematic consumption 201 COx emission Local hydrologic modifications Air pollution, air quality 202 203 204 205 Air pollution, air quality Air pollution, air quality Smog and air pollution, Air pollution, life damages 208 Thermic contamination Air pollution, and life damages . Ecosystem, fishing damages, biodiversity Ecosystem damages, biodiversity GLOBAL WARMING > atmospheric CO 2 WASTE WATERS TRANSPORTS / LOGISTICS EXCAVATION AREA NOx emission SOx emission Suspended particulate Greenhouse-Gas ( CO2 ,CH4 ,N2 O,HFCS,PFCS,SF6 ): 206 Benzene 207 Heavy metals (Pb, Cu, Ni..) 301 302 303 304 305 Occupation Visual impact Deforestation Ready soils (Podzol) removal Hydro-geologic alteration Ecological footprint improvement Degraded landscape Ecosystem damages Ecosystem damages, biodiversity Hydro-geologic risk, ecosystem damages 163 Greenhouse-Gas (GhG) GhG, acid rain GhG, acid rain Ozone damages, > atmospheric CO 2 >CO2 (< O2 produced) > atmospheric CO 2 > atmospheric CO 2 > atmospheric CO 2 > atmospheric CO 2 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies 501 Fuel consumption ENERGY WASTE Non-renewable sources Empoverishment, gas-serra Pollution. Indirect from power stations 502 Electric consumption 601 Waste from working equipments 602 Solid waste Waste scarcerly recyclable Dioxin Pollution, energy and material loss Sea pollution, Energy and material loss Ecosystem alteration, damages to flora and fauna. Traffic impacts and means of transport overcrowiding, structures and visitors Ecosystem alteration, damages to flora and fauna. Traffic impacts and means of transport overcrowiding, structures and visitors Ecosystem alteration, damages to flora and fauna. Traffic impacts and means of transport overcrowiding, structures and visitors Acoustic pollution, disturbance to fauna Flora and fauna disturbance 603 Packages 604 Office supplies 601 Mass tourism TOURISM 602 Niche tourism 603 Organized fruition 604 Free fruition (not organized ) LOCAL PROBLEMS 701 Noises 702 Vibrations 801 Sessile organisms removal 802 Excavation operations Local extinction risk Ecosystem damages Local extinction risk for protected flora and fauna Ecosystem damages, biodiversity BIODIVERSITY 803 Protected area in proximity 804 Alien species introduction 7 – IDENTIFIED ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS LIST Insert, in the following list, the environmental aspects come out from the analysis of the interactions, the activities/processes in which they take place and the possible interventions to mitigate the impacts: IDENTIFIED ASPECTS 1 EXAMPLE 1: COx Emission 2 EXAMPLE 2: deforestation ACTIVITIES Excavation by mechanic vehicles Site opening POSSIBLE MITIGATION ACTIONS Reduced use of excavators, increased efficiency, catalyst adoption, etc. Eco-compatible management, restoration ecc. 3 4 5 6 7 8 …. 164 > atmospheric CO 2 CO2 e GhG CH4 GhG deforestation, > CO2 > atmospheric CO 2 > atmospheric CO 2 > atmospheric CO 2 > atmospheric CO 2 > atmospheric CO 2 Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites Table 1. Matrix of relevance of ICOM governance indicators to goals and objectives (G1-15) CHAP. 4.3 coastal management (ICOM) Indicators for integrated 165 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies Table 2. Matrix of relevance of ICOM ecological indicators and parameters to goals and objectives (E1-9) 166 Table 3. Matrix of relevance of ICOM socioeconomic indicators to goals and objectives (SE1-6) Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites 167 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies Table 4. Matrix of relevance of ICOM socioeconomic indicators to goals and objectives (SE7-13) 168 Table 5. Worksheet of ICOM goals, objectives and indicators Guide lines for sustainable development of coastal and underwater archaeological sites 169 Archaeomap - Archaeological Management Policies Table 6. 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