CURRENT STATUS OF LANGUAGE DOCUMENTATION IN THE

CURRENT STATUS OF LANGUAGE DOCUMENTATION IN THE

CURRENT STATUS OF LANGUAGE DOCUMENTATION IN
THE ALOR ARCHIPELAGO
František KRATOCHVÍL
Nanyang Technological University
1
Friday, February 17, 12
OUTLINE OF THE PAPER
Introduction
Early sources (1500-1950)
•
•
•
Pigafetta (1512)
Dutch administrators and travellers (Van Galen)
Cora Du Bois and M. M. Nicolspeyer (1930’s)
1970’s
•
Stokhof and Steinhauer
2000+’s
•
•
•
•
•
Mark Donohue (1997, 1999), Doug Marmion (fieldwork on Kui), Asako Shiohara (Kui)
Haan 2001 (U of Sydney)
Linguistic Variation in Eastern Indonesia project
Gary Holton
EuroBabel project
2
Friday, February 17, 12
GEOGRAPHIC LOCATION
3
Friday, February 17, 12
LINGUISTIC SITUATION (NOT SUPPORTED IN HOLTON ET AL. 2012)
4
Friday, February 17, 12
LINGUISTIC SITUATION
5
Friday, February 17, 12
Historical characteristics of AP group
LINGUISTIC SITUATION
1. Papuan outlier (some 1000 km from the New Guinea mainland)
2. tentatively linked with Trans New Guinea (TNG) family - western
Bomberai peninsula languages (Ross 2005) based on pronominal
evidence
>>> not supported in Holton et al 2012
3. small languages (max. 20,000 speakers, some < 1,000)
4. surrounded by Austronesian languages
5. long history of genetic admixture (Mona et al. 2009)
6. possibly long-lasting language contact and linguistic convergence
(Holton et al. to appear)
Frantiöek Kratochvíl et al.
6
Friday, February 17, 12
Pronominal systems in AP languages
8/77
Diachronic development
Discussion and Conclusion
References
Historical profile
Typological profile
LINGUISTIC CHARACTERISTICS
Grammatical characteristics
of the AP group
1. head-final and head-marking
2. great variation in alignment types: ranging from nom-acc (Haan
2001; Klamer 2010) to fluid semantic alignment (Klamer 2008;
Donohue and Wichmann 2008; Kratochvíl to appear; Schapper
2011b)
3. lexical class-based case-patterns in Western Pantar (Holton 2010)
4. no nominal case, number, gender
5. clause chaining (de Vries 2006)
Frantiöek Kratochvíl et al.
Friday, February 17, 12
7
Pronominal systems in AP languages
10/77
EARLY SOURCES (1500-1950)
8
Friday, February 17, 12
Donohue, Mark. 1996. Inverse in Tanglapui. Language and Linguistics in Melanesia
27:101‒18.
Donohue, Mark. 2008. Bound pronominals in the West Papuan languages. Morphology and
language history: In honor of Harold Koch, ed. by Claire Bowern, Bethwyn Evans, and Luisa
Miceli, 43‒58. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Du Bois, Cora Alice. 1944. The people of Alor; a socio-psychological study of an East Indian
Island. Minneapolis and St. Paul: The University of Minnesota.
Fedden, Sebastian & Dunstan Brown. 2010. Pronominal marking in the Alor-Pantar
languages. A paper read at the Linguistic Association of Great Britain Annual Meeting 2010,
Leeds, September 1-4.
Fedden, Sebastian, Dunstan Brown, Greville G. Corbett, Gary Holton, Marian Klamer, Laura
C. Robinson & Antoinette Schapper. 2011. Conditions on prominal marking in the AlorPantar languages. Paper read at the annual meeting of the EuroBabel Project: Alor-Pantar
Languages: Origins and Theorectical impact, 26 January 2011, Leiden University, the
Netherlands.
Haan, Johnson. 2001. The grammar of Adang, a Papuan language spoken on the island of
Alor, East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia. PhD thesis, University of Sydney.
Hägerdal, Hans. 2010. Van Galen’s memorandum on the Alor Islands in 1946. An annotated
translation with an introduction. Part 1. HumaNetten 25:14-44.
Hägerdal, Hans. 2011. Van Galen’s memorandum on the Alor Islands in 1946. An annotated
translation with an introduction. Part 2. HumaNetten 27:53-96.
Holton, Gary. 2004. Report on recent linguistic fieldwork on Pantar Island, Eastern Indonesia.
Report to the National Endowment for Humanities. Washington, DC.
Holton, Gary. 2005. Grammatical relations in Western Pantar. Paper presented at the Annual
meeting of the Linguistics Society of America, Oakland, California.
Holton, Gary. 2007. Pronouns and pronominal prefixes in Alor-Pantar. Paper presented at the
Workshop on Papuan languages in Manokwari, West Papua, Indonesia, August 2007.
Holton, Gary. 2008. The rise and fall of semantic alignment in North Halmahera, Indonesia.
In The typology of semantic alignment, ed. by Mark Donohue and Søren Wichmann, 252‒76.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Holton, Gary. 2010. Person-marking, verb classes, and the notion of grammatical alignment
in Western Pantar (Lamma). In Typological and areal analyses: Contributions from East
Nusantara, ed. by Michael Ewing and Marian Klamer, 101‒21. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
MEMORIES VAN OVERGAVE (1850-1950)
moko’s - local currency
traditional art
9
Friday, February 17, 12
late colonialization
2
1970-1980
10
Friday, February 17, 12
1970-1980
Holle Lists
Stokhof, W. A. L. 1975. Preliminary notes on the Alor and Pantar languages (East Indonesia). Canberra: Dept.
of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University.
Blagar
Steinhauer, Hein. 1991. Demonstratives in the Blagar language of Dolap (Pura, Alor, Indonesia). In Papers in
Papuan linguistics, ed. by Tom Dutton, 177‒221. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
Steinhauer, Hein. 1995. Two varieties of the Blagar language (Alor, Indonesia). In Tales from a concave
world: Liber amicorum Bert Voorhoeve, ed. by Connie Baak, Mary Bakker, and Dick van der Meij, 269‒
96. Leiden: Projects Division Department of Languages and Cultures of South-East Asia and Oceania.
Kamang (Woisika)
Stokhof, W. A. L. 1977. Woisika I: An ethnographic introduction. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
Stokhof, W. A. L. 1979. Woisika II: Phonemics. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
Stokhof, W. A. L. 1982. Woisika riddles. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
Abui
Stokhof, W. A. L. 1984. Annotations to a text in the Abui language (Alor). Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en
Volkenkunde 140:106‒62.
11
Friday, February 17, 12
2000+
12
Friday, February 17, 12
LANGUAGE DOCUMENTATION RESULTS IN 2000+ PERIOD
Grammars:
Abui, Adang, Alorese, Klon, Teiwa
Dictionaries:
Abui, Kamang, Teiwa, Western Pantar
Story books:
Abui
Bible translations:
Blagar (AuSIL), Sawila, Kula, Wersing (ongoing, in different stages)
13
Friday, February 17, 12
3. THE DATA. There are over twenty Papuan languages spoken across Alor, Pantar, and the islands in the intervening straits.9 In this paper we present data from twelve
languages (listed in table 1), with representatives from across the entire geographical
DATA COLLECTED IN 2000+ PERIOD
TABLE 1. SOURCES CONSULTED FOR THIS PAPER
LANGUAGE ABBR.
Teiwa
(1975)
Tewa
ISO RESEARCHER YEAR(S) NO.
CODE
ITEMS
twe
Klamer
Robinson
Robinson
Klamer
Robinson
Holton
Nedebang NDB
Kaera
KER
Nedebang nec
—
—
Western
Pantar†
Blagar‡
Adang
WP
Lamma
lev
BLG
ADN
Blagar
Adang
beu
adn
Klon
KLN
Kelon
Kui
Abui
—
ABU
Kui
Abui
Kamang
Sawila
Wersing
KMN Woisika
woi Schapper
SWL Tanglapui tpg Kratochvíl
WRS Kolana
kvw Holton
†
‡
Friday, February 17, 12
TWA
STOKHOF
Robinson
Robinson
Baird
kyo Baird
Robinson
kvd Holton
abz Schapper
Kratochvíl
SOURCE(S)
2003 7, 1350 Klamer 2010a, forthcom2010
ing:a
2010
~400 fieldnotes
2010
~400 fieldnotes
2006 7 890
fieldnotes, Klamer 2010b
2010
~400 fieldnotes
2006 8 2500 Holton and Lamma Koly
2008
2010
~400 fieldnotes
2010
~400 fieldnotes
2003
419
fieldnotes
2003 7 ~1600 Baird 2008, fieldnotes
2011
~400 fieldnotes
2010
432
fieldnotes
2010
~400 fieldnotes
2003 9 1725 Kratochvíl 2007, Kratochvíl and Delpada 2008
2010
~1800 fieldnotes
2007 9 ~1800 fieldnotes
2010
432
fieldnotes
Western Pantar is a cover label first used by Holton (2004) for three mutually intelligible
dialects: Mauta, Tubbe, and Lamma
(labels
are2012
based on clan names). The name “Lamma”
Holton
et al.
is used in Stokhof (1975) for all varieties of the language.
Blagar exhibits significant dialect variation with respect to the consonants. Unless otherwise
noted, the data cited in this paper are from the Nuhawala “Nule” dialect spoken on Pantar.
14
114
OCEANIC LINGUISTICS, VOL.
51, NO. 1
FIGURE 2. SUBGROUPING
ALOR-PANTAR
BASEDET
ONAL.
SHARED
COMPARATIVE
METHODOFRESULTS
(HOLTON
2012)
PHONOLOGICAL INNOVATIONS
PAP
Alor
(*k,*q merge)
West Alor
(*s>h)
Straits
(*k> , *g> )
TWA NDB KER
WP
BLG
ADN KLN
East Alor
(*b>p, *s>t)
Kui
ABU KMN SWL
WRS
The tree based on shared phonological
differs in several ways from previHoltoninnovations
et al. 2012
ous classifications based on lexicostatistics. In particular, while the eastern languages
15 constitute primary branches from PAP, as
SWL and WRS form a subgroup, they do not
Friday, February
17, 12 suggested in several previous classifications (cf. Wurm 1982, Lewis 2009).
has been
defining a group we label Straits. The latter change is also shared with KLN, providing
weak support for an intermediate grouping that we label West Alor. The remaining changes
cross-cut these and do not provide additional subgrouping information. See figure 2.
COMPARATIVE METHOD RESULTS (HOLTON ET AL. 2012)
TABLE 45. SOUND CHANGES FOUND IN AT LEAST TWO LANGUAGES
CHANGE
LANGUAGES
*b > f
*b > p
*d > r
*g >
*k > / _#
*q > k
*s > h
*s > t
*h >
*m > / _#
*n > / _#
*l > i / _#
*l > / _#
*r > l / V_V
*r > / _#
*r > i / _#
TWA, NDB, ABU (in TWA and NDB only noninitially)
KMN, SWL, WRS
ABU, Kui (in Kui only finally)
BLG, ADN
BLG, ADN
WP, BLG, ADN, KLN, Kui, ABU, KMN, SWL, WRS (ADN < k < *q)
BLG, ADN, KLN
ABU, SWL, WRS
everywhere but TWA and WP
WP, BLG, ADN
NDB, KER, WP, BLG, ADN, ABU, KMN SWL, WRS
TWA, KER, ADN, KMN
NDB, WP, ABU
NDB, WP, ADN, KMN
TWA, KER, WP
BLG, Kui, ABU
Holton et al. 2012
16
Friday, February 17, 12
RECONSTRUCTED PROTOALOR-PANTAR VOCABULARY
Holton et al. 2012
Friday, February 17, 12
*-ain(i,u)
*aman
*aqana
*-ar
*araqu
*asi
*bagai
*balin
*baj
*bis
*bob
*bui
*bukan
*bunaq
*dar(a)
*dul(a)
*dumV
*dur
*dVl
*-ena
*ga*ge*gi*ha*hab(i)
*haban
*had(a)
*hami
*has
*hasak
*hawar
*hipar
*is(i)
‘name’
‘thatch’
‘black’
‘vagina’
‘two’
‘bite’
‘crocodile’
‘axe’
‘pig’
‘mat’
‘wave’
‘betel nut’
‘guard’
‘smoke’
‘sing’
‘slippery’
‘thick’
‘rat’
‘bird’
‘give (to s.o.)’
3SG
3GEN
3PL
2SG
‘fish’
‘village’
‘fire’
‘breast’
‘excrement’
‘empty’
‘lime’
‘dream’
‘fruit’
17
*jari
*jasi
*jibC
*jira
*jira(n)
*jiwesin
*kusin
*kVt
*-leb(ur)
*luk(V)
*lVsi
*madel
*mai
*mait
*mari
*mi
*mid
*-mim
*minV
*mis
*mogol
*mudi
*mudin
*-muk
*na*nai
*naN(a)
*nuk
*-od
*-or(a)
*p(i,u)nV
*pi*purVN
‘laugh’
‘bad’
‘star’
‘water’
‘fly’ (v.)
‘five’
‘fingernail’
‘flea’
‘tongue’
‘crouch’
‘monitor lizard’
‘bat’ (n.)
‘come’
‘betel vine’
‘bamboo’
‘(be) in/on’
‘climb’
‘nose’
‘die’
‘sit’
‘banana’
‘body hair’
‘plant’ (v.)
‘horn’
1SG
‘eat/drink’
‘sibling’
‘one’
‘throw’
‘tail’
‘hold’
1pl.incl
‘spit’
*pVr
*qaba(k)
*qar*qin
*siba
*talam
*tam
*tama
*-tan
*tapai
*tas
*tei
*temVk
*ten
*tia
*tiara
*-tiari(n)
*-tok
*tukV
*u:b
*-uaqal
*-uar(i)
*-uas
*uku
*Vde
*wad(i)
*wai
*war
*wat(a)
*weli
*wur
‘scorpion’
‘spear’
‘tens’
‘mosquito’
‘new’
‘six’
‘saltwater’
‘fat’
‘hand/arm’
‘pierce’
‘stand’
‘tree’
‘bedbug’
‘ripe’
‘recline’
‘expel’
‘close’ (v.)
‘stomach’
‘short’
‘sugarcane’
‘child’
‘ear’
‘teeth’
‘knee’
‘burn’
‘sun’
‘blood’
‘stone’
‘coconut’
‘bathe’
‘moon’
TABLE 47. PAP COMPARED WITH PTNG (Pawley n.d.)
PROTO-ALOR-PANTAR
COMPARED WITH PTNG
Holton et al. 2012
Friday, February 17, 12
PAP
*balin
*dVl
*wai
*hami
*mai
*minV
*-uar(i)
*nai
*has
*kusin
*had(a)
*jira(n)
*-ena
*-tan
*uku
*jari
*wur
*qin
*-ain(i,u)
*siba
*-mim
*tukV
*mis
*bunaq
*tas
*war
*wad(i)
*-or(a)
*-uas
*-leb(ur)
*tei
*araqu
*jira
*ha-
PTNG
*tu
*n[e]i, *jaka, *nVma
*ke(nj,s)a
*amu
*me*kumV*ka(nz,t)(i,e)[C], *tVmV[d]
*na*ata
*mbutuC
*kend(o,u)p, *inda
*pululu*mV
*sa(ªg,k)al
*( g,k)atuk
*ªgiti
*takVn[V], *kal(a,i)m
*kasin
*imbi, *wani
*kVtak
*mundu
*[ka]tumba[C], *tukumba[C], *kumb(a,u)
*m na*kambu(s,t)(a,u), *(kambu-)la(ªg,k)a
*t(a,e,i)k[V]*ka(mb,m)u[CV],*[na]muna
*kamali, *ketane
*a(mb,m)u
*maªgat[a], *(s,t)i(s,t)i
*mbilaª, *me(l,n)e
*inda
*ta(l,t)(a,e)
*ok[V], *nVk, nVL
18*ªga[k]
‘axe’
‘bird’
‘blood’
‘breast’
‘come’
‘die’
‘ear’
‘eat/drink’
‘excrement’
‘fingernail’
‘fire’
‘fly’ (v.)
‘give (to s.o.)’
‘hand/arm’
‘knee’
‘laugh’
‘moon’
‘mosquito’
‘name’
‘new’
‘nose’
‘short’
‘sit’
‘smoke’
‘stand’
‘stone’
‘sun’
‘tail’
‘teeth’
‘tongue’
‘tree’
‘two’
‘water’
2SG
Table 1 presents an overview with the reconstructions to proto-Alor-Pantar (pAP). The
PAP numerals ‘one’ to ‘five’ have been retained in most of its decedents. Only Sawila has
innovated numerals in this range (non-cognate forms are bracketed).
ALOR-PANTAR NUMERALS
Table 1: AP numerals ‘one’ to ‘five’
pAP
Pantar
Straits
W Alor
C&E Alor
Western Pantar
Deing
Sar
Teiwa
Kaera
Blagar-Bama
Blagar-Dolap
Reta
Kabola
Adang
Hamap
Klon
Kui
Abui
Kamang
Sawila
1
*nuku
anuku
nuk
nuk
nuk
nuko
nuku
nu
anu
nu
nu
nu
nuk
nuku
nuku
nok
(sundana)
2
*araqu
alaku
raq
raq
raq
raxo
akur
aru
alo
olo
alo
alo
orok
oruku
ayoku
ok
yaku
3
*(a)tiga
atiga
atig
tig
yerig
tug
tuge
tue
atoga
towo
tuo
tof
tong
siwa
sua
su
tuo
4
*{ /b}uta
atu
ut
ut
ut
ut
uut
uta
w/ uta
ut
ut
ut
ut
usa
buti
biat
(araasiiku)
5
*yiwesing
yasing
asan
yawan
yusan
isin
ising
ising
avehang
iweseng
ifihing
ivehing
eweh
yesan
yeting
iwesing
yooting
The correspondences in the numerals are for the most part regular, but there are a few
Klamer et al. 2011
developments in individual languages that
are note-worthy:
A non-etymological initial /a/ is present on Western Pantar ‘one’ and ‘four’ and Reta
‘one’. This development is apparently due to19analogy with the numerals ‘two’ and possibly
Friday, February
17, 12 Such analogical adjustments in numeral forms are cross-linguistically very
‘three’.
All AP languages have monomorphemic forms for ‘1’ to ‘5’, almost all of which are
cognate. Most AP languages also have a monomorphemic ‘6’. In the majority of languages,
the numerals ‘7’-‘9’ are constructed
with a quinaryNUMERALS
base, as shown in Table 6. This pattern
ALOR-PANTAR
is found in the geographically discontinous languages of Pantar, Central Alor, and East
Alor. We assume that these systems represent reflexes of the proto-AP numeral system.
The Straits and West Alor languages independently developed an additive base-10
system for the numerals 7-9. Next, they replaced the base of ‘7’ with an Austronesian ‘7’,
incorporating it as a base in the subtractive system.
Table 6. Summary of patterns of AP numerals ‘5’-‘9’, West to East
Western Pantar
Central East Pantar
Straits-West Alor
Kui
Central Alor
East Alor
‘5’
5
5
5
5
5
5
‘6’
6
6
6
6
6
5+1
‘7’
7+2
5+2 opaque
7[-]3
5+2
5+2 transparent
5+2 transparent
‘8’
7+3
5+3 opaque
[10]-2
[10]*4
5+3 transparent
5+3 transparent
‘9’
‘1 less’
5+4 opaque
[10]-1
5+4
5+4 transparent
5+4 transparent
11
Klamer et al. 2011
20
Friday, February 17, 12
Abui shows the greatest amount of irregularity between the forms of its basic, cardinal
numerals and its reduplicated, distributive numerals. We analyse the modern differences as
the result of fossilised changes which historically applied to numerals on reduplication.
These are overviewed in (1) with changes applying from left to right: (i) the basic cardinal
ABUI
‘N-times’
AND
‘in was
groups
N’
numeralREDUPLICATED
was first reduced byNUMERALS
its final V(C), where
the final
syllable
of theofshape
CV(C); (ii) the final segment of its reduced root form in some cases then underwent a shift
(a>i, k>t and m>n)10; (iii) this root was then reduplicated and suffixed with –da, which
subsequently fused to the root and changed shaped (da ~ na ~ ra).
(16)
The historical changes applying to Abui reduplicative numerals
Cardinal
Root reduction
Final segment shift Redup
nuku
>
*nuk
-nuk~
ayoku >
*ayok
-ayok~
sua
>
-*sui
sui~
buti
>
*but
*buk
buk~
yeting >
*yet
*yek
yek~
talaama >
*talam
*talan
talan~
+da
nukda
ayokda
suida
bukna
yekna
talanra
Abui has one further irregularity amongst its distributive numerals: aisaha ‘100’ from
the cardinal aisa ‘100’. Aisaha is itself never reduplicated, but it is required in the
formation of any distributive numeral including the base ‘100’. It possibly represents an
earlier form of the numeral (cf. Km asaka ‘100’).
In Kamang, there is also no regular pattern for the reduplication of numerals. In the
Klamer et al.with
2011 the shape (C)V(:) is reduplicated, while
numerals ‘one’ to ‘four’ and ‘six’ a morpheme
in the numeral ‘five’ and complex numerals built on it (i.e., ‘seven’ to ‘nine’), the
reduplicant has the shape CVCV.
21
Friday, February 17, 12
DEMONSTRATIVES
Demonstrative extended to various grammatical functions are found in at least Adang,
Abui and Bunaq and used with similar functions in Alor Malay (replication)
Extended also to cover various pragmatic functions
Kratochvíl. 2011, Schapper and San Roque 2011
22
Friday, February 17, 12
DEMONSTRATIVES
distance
proximal
medial
distal
viewpoint
speaker addressee
do
to
prx
prx.ad
o, lo
yo
md
md.ad
oro
dst
elevation
low
high
ò
md.l
wò
dst.l
ó
md.h
wó
dst.h
Table 1: Abui demonstratives
indicating the discourse location of the referent is probably secondary (marked
Kratochvíl. 2011, Schapper and San Roque 2011
with subscript a ). Abui np
template is given in (4):
23
(4) [dems / nmcs (poss-)n n/adj/v/quant/
ba + nmc dema ]NP
Friday, February 17, 12
PROXIMAL DEMONSTRATIVES ENCODING EVENT TIME
 František Kratochvíl
(29)
a.
di de-melang
da-wai
yaar
do
3 3.-village 3.-turn go. 
‘he just went back to his village’
b.
di de-melang
da-wai
yaar
to
3 3.-village 3.-turn go. .
‘you know that he just went back to his village’
The medial forms in (30) indicate a longer distance between the coding
temporal location of an event. Again, addressee-based forms are used to
addressee’s knowledge of the event. The completive stem of the verb yaar
Kratochvíl. 2011
with perfective suffix -i () to indicate that the event of going back is fi
(30)
Friday, February 17, 12
a.
di de-melang
24
da-wai
yaar-i
o
3 3.-village 3.-turn go. .
‘you know that he just went back to his village’
MEDIAL
ENCODING
TIME
The medial
forms inDEMONSTRATIVES
(30) indicate a longer distance
between EVENT
the coding
time and the
temporal location of an event. Again, addressee-based forms are used to appeal to the
addressee’s knowledge of the event. The completive stem of the verb yaar ‘go’ combines
with perfective suffix -i () to indicate that the event of going back is finished:
(30)
a.
di de-melang
da-wai
yaar-i
o
3 3.-village 3.-turn go.- 
‘he went back to his village some time ago’
b.
di de-melang
da-wai
yaar-i
yo
3 3.-village 3.-turn go.- .
‘you should know that he went back to his village some time ago’
The distal forms are used when the speaker is uncertain about the exact temporal
location of an event that occurred in the past.8 The temporal use of demonstratives
overlaps here with their evidential and mood use discussed in Section 3.3.2. This
is illustrated in (31b) where the addressee-based form hu (.) marks irrealis.
Kratochvíl. 2011
In natural speech, the ambiguity is resolved by the context; the elicited examples
illustrating the paradigm are ambiguous: 25
Friday, February 17, 12
The distal forms are used when the speaker is uncertain about the exact tempor
ocation of an event that occurred in the past.8 The temporal use of demonstrativ
verlaps here
with DEMONSTRATIVES
their evidential and mood
use discussed
in Section 3.3.2.
Th
DISTAL
ENCODING
EVENT
TIME
s illustrated in (31b) where the addressee-based form hu (.) marks irreali
n natural speech, the ambiguity is resolved by the context; the elicited exampl
llustrating the paradigm are ambiguous:
(31)
a.
di de-melang
da-wai
yaar
nu
3 3.-village 3.-turn go. 
‘he went back to his village (a certain time, long time ago)’
b.
di de-melang
da-wai
yaar
hu
3 3.-village 3.-turn go. .
‘it would be better if he had gone back to his village’
As (31) shows, Abui demonstratives do not only mark past tense. They indicate th
emporal ‘distance’ from the coding time. In (32), the medial demonstrative o (
efers to a nearby future event. Another example, illustrating the tense marking use
() is given in (56).
Kratochvíl. 2011
na o-pa=ng
marang o
26
1 2.-.= come.up 
Friday, February 17, 12
(32)
‘I couldn’t eat up (swallow) anything’
In (41),
A is not
aware of the poor ENCODING
health of B’s mother.
B considers
MEDIAL
DEMONSTRATIVES
EVIDENCE
obvious as he uses to (.) to indicate that A has sufficient evide
proposition.
(41)
A: mangmat,# ma
e-ya
yo?
foster.child be. 2.-mother .
‘child, what about your mother?’
B:
ni-ya
ha-rik
to!
1.-mother 3.-hurt .
‘my mother is sick (as you could see)’
The medial addressee-based demonstrative yo (.) is used when
based on earlier evidence available to the addressee; in (42), the spe
the addressee knew about theKratochvíl.
funeral:
2011
(42)
Friday, February 17, 12
pi
yaar-i
ni-ya
27
do
nabuk yo
‘hold it (a bow) so that it would become tight’
There areLAYERING
a few cases,INshowing
that evidentiality
and assertion
SENTENCE
FINAL POSITION
(ABUI)are encode
dently in distinct syntactic positions. In the surface structure it appears a
demonstrative is doubled, as in (48). In fact each of the demonstrative
different grammatical category. The addressee-based to encodes the e
while do indicates the assertion.
(48)
na-táng
do,# di namur
to
do!
1.-hand  3 wound. .e as
‘my hand really got hurt just a while ago (as you know)!’
The demonstrative in the slot closer to the  encodes the source of inform
sentence-final demonstrative marks assertion, proposing to the addres
the context. In (49), the first proximal do encodes the source as first-han
the second do marks assertion:
Kratochvíl. 2011
(49)
Friday, February 17, 12
ma
iti,# it
de-i
do
do
28
be. that lie.on 3.-put e as
‘you should calm down and sleep!’
3.4
Overview
ABUI PRONOMINAL DEMONSTRATIVES
Table 4 summarises functions of Abui pronominal demonstratives. The table
shows that each function is associated with a particular syntactic position.
domain
structure
function
np
dems (poss-) N n/adj/v/quant dema
dems space
clause
a dems u PRED demt
sentence
[. . . demrt ]SC [. . . demt ]MC deme demas
dema anaphora
dems space
demt temporal location
demrt relative temporal location
demt temporal location
deme evidentiality
demas assertion
Table 4: Functions of Abui demonstratives in various syntactic domains
We have seen, that addressee-based demonstratives allow Abui speakers to
point out to addressees’ viewpoint and interact with their stance. The default
speaker-based forms are used when Kratochvíl.
speakers’
viewpoint and stance is presented.
2011
Distal forms are use when speaker’s commitment is low and a generally valid
stance (culturally appropriate behaviour, etc.) is pointed out.
29
Friday, February 17, 12
by theABUI
Abui data
is the basic distinction between
reference and predication.
ADVERBIAL~VERBAL
DEMONSTRATIVES
While evidentiality is primarily a referential operation, epistemic modality is a
predication about a proposition.
Table 6 lists the functions of Abui adverbial demonstratives. English equivalents are given for the dynamic, deontic and epistemic modals.
form
ma
space
proximal
ta
proximalAD
la
medial
fa
ya
medialAD
distal
modaldyn
just
spontaneously
justAD
spontaneouslyAD
keep
suddenly
jointly
be forcedAD
happen to
somehow
modaldeo
modalepi
wantAD
probablyAD
need
apparently
obviously
needAD
might
actuallyAD
possibly
want
probably
Table 6: Functions of Abui adverbial demonstratives
Kratochvíl. 2011
The structure of the modal categories in Abui is quite unique. As mentioned
earlier, it has been reported in the literature, that different types of modality
show congruent marking (cf. Palmer302001:7-8). However, I have not been
Friday, February 17, 12
nu
dst
864
hu
ya 1630 (incl. seq)
359
Table 7: Corpus frequencies of Abui demonstratives (July 19, 2011)
ABUI DEMONSTRATIVES AND STANCE MARKING
Abui demonstratives interact with other grammatical categories, such as
vocatives, left-periphery and right-periphery discourse particles and evaluative
predicates, as well as with case marking.
stance type
evaluation
moral stance
commitment
interaction
solidarity
subjectivity
objectivity
distancing
disagreement
grammatical category
dem, right-periphery
dem, case
dem
dem, vocatives
vocatives
dem
dem
dem
dem, left-periphery
grammatical device
addressee-based dem, various verbs
pronominal dem, 3i pronouns
demepi , proximal sentence-final demas
addressee-based dem, kinship terms
kinship terms, proper names
proximal pronominal and adverbial dem
medial pronominal and adverbial dem
distal pronominal and adverbial dem
addressee-based dem, particle ma
Table 8: Stance marking strategies
The future research will focus in more detail on the remaining discourse
markers and clause linkers. I will also
attempt
Kratochvíl.
2011 to formulate definitions of Abui
demonstratives in the NSM metalanguage.
Abbreviations
Friday, February 17, 12
31
ANALOGICAL CHANGE IN ABUI
Abui tripartite verbs: exploring the limits of compositionality 219
(INNOVATED, ONOMATOPOEIA DRIVEN?)
Table 8. Complex verbs with a contrasting final generic verb k, l, ng, and i
THROW
a. t-u-k
LIE - LEAVE - THROW
‘stick out, measure’
b. t-a-k
LIE - AT- THROW
‘shoot, empty’
c. k-a-k
THROW- AT- THROW
‘stab’
d. l-u-k
GIVE - LEAVE - THROW
‘rub, wipe, bend’
e. m-o-k
IN - POINT- THROW
‘put together’
f. t-e-k
LIE - MOVE - THROW
‘slide’
g. k-e-k
THROW- MOVE - THROW
‘prod’
motion
LIE
TOUCH
t-u-tLIE - LEAVE - LIE
‘emerge, surface’
t-u-pLIE - LEAVE - TOUCH
‘stuck out’
t-a-pLIE - AT- TOUCH
‘shot (down)’
k-a-pTHROW- AT- TOUCH
‘stabbed (in)’
l-u-tGIVE - LEAVE - LIE
‘rubbed, bent’
t-e-tLIE - MOVE - LIE
‘slid on’
k-e-tTHROW- MOVE - LIE
‘prodded’
state, horizontal
m-o-pIN - POINT- TOUCH
‘(already) put together’
state, contact
Klamer and Kratochvíl 2010
Friday, February 17, 12
to a wall that collapsed during an earthquake. The final generic verb t ‘lie’
indicates the final horizontal position32of the wall has been reached. Tet is the
final verb of the sentence and has to be inflected for aspect, in this case with
218
ONOMATOPOEIA AND RHYMING IN ABUI
(KLAMER & KRATOCHVÍL 2010)
Marian Klamer & František Kratochvíl
Table 7. Complex verbs with a contrasting final generic verb k, l, ng, and i
THROW
a. d-a-k
GIVE
LOOK
PUT
d-a-l
d-a-i
HOLD - AT- THROW
HOLD - AT- GIVE
HOLD - AT- PUT
‘cover’
‘handle, grab’
‘cram(med)’
l-e-l
l-e-i
GIVE - MOVE - THROW
GIVE - MOVE - GIVE
GIVE - MOVE - PUT
‘point to’
‘threaten, almost do’
‘miss (not hit)’
b. l-e-k
c. t-u-k
t-u-l
LIE - LEAVE - THROW
LIE - LEAVE - GIVE
‘stick out, measure’ ‘stick into’
d. l-u-k
GIVE - LEAVE - THROW
‘rub, wipe, bend’
motion
caused event
t-u-ng
LIE - LEAVE - LOOK
‘perforate, pierce’
l-u-ng
GIVE - LEAVE - LOOK
‘be long-termed’
oriented to location accomplished
This system has probably developed quite recently, as the neighbouring languages don’t have
anything similar. Possibly similar patterns can result in non-concatenating moprhology, as in
Some more complex verbs with final generic verbs k ‘throw’, i ‘put’, l
Semitic languages (Hebrew, Arabic).
‘give’, and ng ‘look’ are given in Table 7. As was noted in Section 2, the
derivational patterns shown by the 33
paradigms are not always regular, and
combinations that are logically possible are not always attested. Note also that
Friday, February 17, 12
a
e
o
AT
MOVE
POINT
ONOMATOPOEIA
progressive
no boundary
ingressive
bounded at start
punctual
at start and end
AND
RHYMINGbounded
IN ABUI
(KLAMER & KRATOCHVÍL 2010)
Table 11. Derivations with contrasting generic verbs in medial position
a ( AT )
l-a-k
progressive GIVE - AT- THROW
‘mark, count’
k-a-k
o ( POINT )
punctual
l-o-k
k-o-k
i ( PUT )
l-i-k
terminative GIVE - PUT- THROW
‘bend’
k-i-k
e ( MOVE )
ingressive
k-e-k
THROW- AT- THROW
‘penetrate, stab’
t-a-k
LIE - AT- THROW
‘put down, shoot’
t-o-k
GIVE - POINT- THROW THROW- POINT- THROW LIE - POINT- THROW
‘prick’
‘prod (once)’
‘drop, pour’
l-e-k
THROW- PUT- THROW
‘sweep’
t-i-k
LIE - PUT- THROW
‘loosen, untie’
t-e-k
GIVE - MOVE - THROW THROW- MOVE - THROW LIE - MOVE - THROW
‘point to / at’
‘prod’
‘slide’
u ( LEAVE ) l-u-k
k-u-k
t-u-k
perfect
GIVE - LEAVE - THROW THROW- LEAVE - THROW LIE - LEAVE - THROW
‘rub, bend’
‘push out’
‘stick’
ble 11 is exmplified in (10)–(16). In (10), the verb t-a-k refers to shooting
down of a pig. The root a ‘at’ in the complex
verb t-a-k refers to the aktion34
sart of ‘lying’ and indicates that the event of ‘lying’ has no internal boundary.
Friday, February 17, 12
ONOMATOPOEIA AND RHYMING
bang
clang
bash
clash
ram
smash
clap
rap
bat
batter
clatter
smatter
slam
cram
slash
crash
slap
crap
spam
rat
spat
rattle
spatter
This pattern did not exist in Old English. The verb clatter is attested in the 13th century, and
the full pattern emerges only in the 14th century.
35
Friday, February 17, 12
object (de Swart 2007). Because there is no nominal case in Abui and the notions
of ‘subject’ and ‘object’ are problematic, I will use a more neutral term ‘differential
realisation of arguments’ here. I will explore manifestations of this phenomenon
in PERSON
Abui in the following
sections. ALTERNATIONS IN ABUI
MARKING
Table 3. Distribution of Abui pronominal prefixes
verb
a. fanga
‘say’
b. liya
‘fly’
c. faaling
pat
rec
loc
goal
ben
ha-fanga
do-fanga
he-fanga
noo-fanga
nee-fanga
‘request him’ ‘ask for himself ’
‘say it’
‘scold me’
‘say for me’
ha-liya
do-liya
he-liya
noo-liya
nee-liya
‘shoot it’
‘fly on his own’ ‘fly on it’
‘fly to me’
‘fly for me’
*ha-faaling
do-faaling
he-faaling
noo-faaling
nee-faaling
‘listen for
himself ’
‘listen to it’
‘listen to me’ ‘listen for me’
ha-wik
no-wik
he-wik
noo-wik
‘carry him’
(child)
‘carry for
myself ’
‘carry it’
‘let me carry’ ‘carry for me’
ha-rumai
no-rumai
he-rumai
noo-rumai
nee-rumai
‘listen’
d. wik
‘carry’
e. rumai
f.
‘strong’
‘strengthen it’ ‘I feel strong’
‘it is strong’
‘rely on me’
‘strong for me’
fahak
*ha-fahak
he-fahak
noo-fahak
nee-fahak
‘embrace it’
‘hug me’
‘hug for me’
he-dik
noo-dik
hee-dik
‘poke him’
‘stab for him’
noo-tang
hee-tang
*ho-fahak
‘embrace’
g. dik
‘stab’
Friday, February 17, 12
nee-wik
h. tang
ha-dik
no-dik
‘pierce it
(through)’
‘I am stabbing’ ‘stab (at) it’
ha-tang
?no-tang
Kratochvíl 2011
36
he-tang
Control [+ctrl] and affectedness [+aff] distinguish acting participants from
affected ones in Abui. Affectedness and control represent the most significant difference between the two participants and each of them is further subdivided in
SEMANTIC
FEATURES OF RELEVANCE FOR ABUI AGREEMENT
subtypes. I have shown that control entails instigation [+inst] (Section 3.6) and is
closely associated with volition [+vol] (Section 3.5). In Section 3.2 I have argued
Table 15. Semantic features of relevance for Abui argument realisation
type
feature
abbreviation
a. referential
specificity
[±spc]
b. actor
instigation
[±inst]
control
[±ctrl]
volition
[±vol]
affectedness (potential change)
[±aff]
individuation
[±ind]
change (non-quantised)
[±change]
change of state (quantised)
[±cos]
c. undergoer
Kratochvíl 2011
37
Friday, February 17, 12
that affectedness is a gradable notion and at least four degrees can be distinguished
in Abui: (i) unspecified affectedness [−aff], (ii) potential affectedness [+aff], (iii)
change [+change], and (iv) change of state [+cos].
SEMANTIC
OFcorresponds
ABUI ARGUMENTS
In my analysis,CHARACTERISTICS
each argument role in Abui
to a unique set of
semantic features, schematically represented in Table 16.
Table 16. Semantic characteristics of Abui arguments
feature
a
pat
rec
loc
goal
ben
n
specificity
+
+
+
+
+
+
±
control
+
−
−
−
−
−
−
volition
+
−
−
−
−
−
−
instigation
+
±
±
±
±
±
−
affectedness
−
+
+
+
+
+
−
+
+
−
+
−
−
individuation
change
−
+
+
+
−
−
−
change of state
−
+
−
−
−
−
−
Participants characterised by sets of semantic features not corresponding directly to any of the arguments types are expressed as multiple arguments and vari2011 discussion is beyond the scope of
ous multi-verb constructions can beKratochvíl
used (their
this paper). Examples of this were shown38in Sections 3.7 and 4.2.
Friday, February 17, 12
Introduction
Synchronic distribution
Diachronic development
Discussion and Conclusion
References
Reconstruction of the proto-AP pronominal inventory
Complexity
Alignment diachronic stability
ALOR-PANTAR ALTERNATIONS IN PERSON MARKING
Agreement alternations - Origin or end of the fluidity?
language
Adang
Teiwa
Abui
Kamang
Klon
Kula
Sawila
Western Pantar
o/u sets
3
1≥2
5
7
3
1≥2
2
1
alternation
+
+
+
+
+
unclear
+
function
animacy
animacy
affectedness, individuation
affectedness?
affectedness
unclear
n.a.
affectedness ≥ volition
Table: o/undergoer agreement alternations in AP languages
Coordinated experimental approach (Abui, Adang, Kamang, Sawila, Teiwa, Western Pantar)
Semantic motivation underlying the alternations (Fedden et al. 2011)
et al. 2011
Animacy and volitionality have an impactKratochvíl
on whether
an argument is indexed with a prefix, and if a prefix
is used, from which set it comes.
Both properties, reoccurring throughout the AP 39
family point to the personal (human reference) origin of
the pronominal forms.
Friday, February 17, 12
Introduction
Synchronic distribution
Diachronic development
Discussion and Conclusion
References
Reconstruction of the proto-AP pronominal inventory
Complexity
Alignment diachronic stability
ALOR-PANTAR ALTERNATIONS IN PERSON MARKING
roto AP pronominal forms - a reconstruction
pAP
*ga (3sg)
Tw
ga-
*gi (3pl)
gi-
Nd
ga-
*ge (3gen)
Ke
gV
ga-
WP
ga-
Bl
Pa-
gi-
Pi-
gai-
Pe-
*go (3loc)
Ad
Pa-
Kl
g
Ki
ga-
Ab
ha-
Km
ga
Pe
ge-
he-
ge-
Po-
go-
ho-
go-
Sw
ga-
We
gV-
TNG
*(y)a/ua
gi-
gi-
*i
ge-
*pi (1pl.incl)
pi-
pi-
pi-
pi-
pi-
pi-
pi-
pi-
pi-
*ha (2sg)
ha-
a-
a-
ha-
a-
a-
a-
a-
a-
a-
a-
e-
*Nga
*na (1sg)
na-
na-
na-
na-
na-
na-
na-
na-
na-
na-
na-
ne-
*na
*ni (1pl.excl)
ni
ni
n(g)i
ni
ni
ni-
Table:
ni-
*bi
Relevant AP family sound
correspondences
(Holton et al., to appear)
Kratochvíl
2011
40
Friday, February 17, 12
pi-
*ni
Q: ‘did you say (that) you would build a big house?’
[EMM08.089]
‘man, na wa xoran man, insi na-yaf waad wan karian man’
[not 1s say like.that not]C1 [fut 1s-house big be work not]C2
COMPLEMENT CLAUSES IN TEIWA (NEGATION)
A: ‘no, I didn’t say so, I wouldn’t build a big house’
[EMM08.091]
In (79), the mc contains the negated verb na-walas ‘tell me’ which is followed
by the cc-linking yi=wa ‘you say’. The cc and the cc-linking yi=wa are under
scope of negation in the mc.
(79)
yi’in la na-walas man yi wa,
yi-yaf
waad wan karian hasi,
[2p foc 1s-tell not 2p say]MC [2p-house big be work]CC part
yi wa,
insi yi-yaf
sam la wan karian
[2p say]MC [irr 2p-house small foc be work]CC
‘you didn’t tell me that you build a big house but you said you will build
a small house’
[EMM08.111]
The example (79) provides an important insight in the syntactic relationship
between the verb na-walas and the cc-linking yi=wa. Because the negator
man occurs
in between
verbs, the
verbs are
not only
joined
in a serialcue
verb
Ongoing
research,the
the two
importance
of prosody
- the
grammatical
of
construction.
The(LH%
prosodical
shapeverb
of subject.pronoun
the mc provides+ wa)
further clues. There
embedding
on the linker
is a pause after man and another one after yi=wa. Although the post-mc
complements are not syntactically embedded, the cc-linking verb yi=wa allows
semantic integration of the cc to the degree that it can be under the scope of
the negator located in the mc.
Appropriate grammatical and real-world
context had to be constructed to
41
obtain spontaneous production of the sentences like (79). In (80), a protocol of
Friday, February 17, 12
is ill’ lit. ‘(that) my brother told me that my mother is ill is not so, he
told (about it) my father is ill’
[E.026]
In fact, the negator naha can be used in the sentence above, but the conCLAUSES
IN ABUI
(NEGATION)
struction willCOMPLEMENT
have sequential reading
which makes
no sense
as illustrated in
(21a). The construction can be fixed by placing the negator naha in the cc, as
illustrated in (21b).
(21)
a. ? ne-nahaa do-wa
no-k
fangi
naha
[1s.al-y:bz 3i.rec-like.md.cnt 1s.rec-throw tell.cpl not
ba, ne-ya
ha-rik
haba, maama ha-rik
sim] [1s.al-mother 3ii.pat-ill but] [father 3ii.pat-ill]
sequential reading: ‘because my brother didn’t tell me my mother is
ill but my father is ill’
[E.029]
b. ne-nahaa do-wa
no-k
fangi
ba,
[1s.al-y:bz 3i.rec-like.md.cnt 1s.rec-throw tell.cpl say]MC
ne-ya
ha-rik
naha haba, maama ha-rik
[1s.al-mother 3ii.pat-ill not]CC but [father 3ii.pat-ill]CC
‘my brother told me that my mother is not ill but my father is ill’
[E.030]
It is not
clear,
whether
Abuibaspeakers
Abui
prosodical
contour:
LH%(#) ever allow for the negation in mc to
scope over the subsequent cc.
Summary.
Friday, February 17, 12
42
In Abui, ccs do not require any
marking. Optionally ccs can be
OTHER RESEARCH
43
Friday, February 17, 12
Author's personal copy
POPULATION HISTORY OF WALLACEA - LOCAL ADMIXTURE
264
J. Stephen Lansing et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 30 (2011) 262–272
Local admixture rates across the
Indo-Pacific region.
(A) Pie charts showing mean
regional admixture rates (Asian
component in white; Melanesian
component in black). Wallace’s
biogeographical line is shown as a
dotted line. Regional admixture
rates are shown for data reduction
purposes; admixture rates for all
60 populations (with confidence
intervals) are listed in the
Supplementary Information for
Cox et al. (2010). (B) Change in
Asian admixture rates calculated
from all SNPs combined (black
line). Asian admixture estimated
from
autosomal
and
X
chromosomal SNPs are indicated
by blue and red points,
respectively. Note the decline in
Asian admixture beginning in
Eastern Indonesia, as well as
preferential retention of X
chromosomal
(red)
versus
autosomal
(blue)
diversity.
Regions with no data indicated by
a dashed line; from other
evidence, the decline in the Asian
component
may
be
more
pronounced than this. Reproduced
unmodified from Cox et al.
(2010).
(source: Lansing et al. 2011)
Fig. 1. Local admixture rates across the Indo-Pacific region. (A) Pie charts showing mean regional admixture rates (Asian component in white; Melanesian component in
black). Wallace’s biogeographical line is shown as a dotted line. Regional admixture rates are shown for data reduction purposes; admixture rates for all 60 populations (with
confidence intervals) are listed in the Supplementary Information for Cox et al. (2010). (B) Change in Asian admixture rates calculated from all SNPs combined (black line).
Asian admixture estimated from autosomal and X chromosomal SNPs are indicated by blue and red points, respectively. Note the decline in Asian admixture beginning in
Eastern Indonesia, as well as preferential retention of X chromosomal (red) versus autosomal (blue) diversity. Regions with no data indicated by a dashed line; from other
44
Friday, February 17, 12
ORAL TRADITION
Texts from 1930s - Abui oral history (Emilie Wellfelt, Sweden)
Abui traditional discourse - bride price negotiations
•
Benediktus Delpada - running the recordings in the field
Abui traditional water management & agricultural practices
•
Lansing 1991, Palmer 2007, 2011, Rodemeier 2009
Abui emotion and cognition predicates
•
Benediktus Delpada
45
Friday, February 17, 12
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