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Este documento no tiene costo alguno, por lo que queda prohibida su reproducción total o parcial.
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9. Women's Autonomy in Rural India: Its
Dimensions, Determinants, and the Influence
of Context
SHIREEN J. JEJEEBHOY
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Introduction and objectives
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survey designed explicitly to measure women's status, and pertain to rural
women, both Hindu and Muslim, residing in two culturally distinct sites of
rural India—one in the highly patriarchal setting of Uttar Pradesh in North
India, and the other in the more egalitarian setting of Tamil Nadu, in the South.
The survey was conducted in 1993-4.
Defining autonomy
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Women's Autonomy: Dimensions and Context 205
•
Important in the concept of autonomy is whether women are in control of
their own lives—the extent to which they have an equal voice in matters affecting themselves and their families, control over material and other resources,
access to knowledge and information, the authority to make independent decisions, freedom from constraints on physical mobility, and the ability to forge
equitable power relationships within families. Unfortunately, these alternative
dimensions of female autonomy have rarely been measured in empirical
analyses. Analyses have tended to rely on such routinely used measures
as education or economic activity profiles or marriage age—measures that are
increasingly recognized to be inadequate proxies for these multifaceted
dimensions of wonten's autonomy (see for example, Mason et al., 1995). Not
,,,:y I.,,,.... i,,,,, ,L,..,:—.: .,,,,,,,,,1 ,:„.:, ,:;:nt.,,,,, u11J of auluit.illy empirically,
few have measured them in different cultural contexts. Exceptions include'
Basu's (1992) study comparing North and South Indian women residing in the
same Delhi slum, and Morgan and Niraula's (1995) study in Nepal; both
studies observe notable contextual effects on a variety of dimensions of their
autonomy.
This chapter has three objectives. First, it attempts to operationalize what is
meant by women's autonomy on the household level, a term that may be conceptually clear and increasingly used, but is difficult to measure; a range of
dimensiefi's of female autonomy and power are thus defined. Second, it aims
to assess the extent to which these indices of autonomy are influenced by
regional and communal differentials. And third, it examines the extent to
which these indicators are in fact explained by commonly available measures
of autonomy as education and economic activity, and such traditional
providers of status as age, and residente patterns. Data are drawn from a
This study is part of a larger study of five Asian countries (India, Malaysia, Pakistan, the
Philippines, and Thailand), and was supported by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. I am grateful to John Cleland, Brígida García, An-Magritt Jensen, and Zeba Sathar for suggestions, Mahesh
Naik for computer assistance, and Shantha Rajgopal for research assistance.
Autonomy and the more commonly used term `empowerment' attempt to
capture similar dimensions of women's situation and are often used simultaneously (see for example, ICPD, 1994, para 4.1). For example,~rjnent
has been defined as
the process by which the powerless gain greater control over the circumstances of
their lives. It includes both control over resources (physical, human, intellectual,
financial) and over ideology (beliefs, values, and attitudes). It means not only
greater extrinsic control, but also a growing intrinsic capability—greater selfconfidence, and an inner transformation of one's consciousness that enables one to
overcome external barriers to accessing resources or changing traditional ideology.
(Batliwala, 1994)
It has also been defined as:
a social action process that promotes participation of people, organisations, and communities in gaining control over their lives in their community and larger society. With
tisis perspective, empowerment is not characterised as achieving power to dominate
and
othe7;-. Hui rather power 13 a01 v.Ith uthers to eifect change (Wanerst.ein
Autonhas been variously defined as 'the ability ... to obtain information
and use it as the basis for making decisions about one's private concerns and
those of one's intimates' (Dyson and Moore, 1983); and 'the degree of women's
access to, and control over, material resources (including food, income, land
and other forms of wealth) and to social resources (including knowledge,
power and prestige) within the family, in the community, and in the society at,
large' (Dixon, 1978).
Definitions of women's empowerment and autonomy appear thus to converge as far as the end is concerned: gaining control over their own lives vis
á-vis family, community, society, and markets. Empowerment, however, is a
more dynamic term, encompassing both process and the result of that process
(Batliwala, 1994). What is also emphasized is the centrality of empowerment
as a collective or group process, as well as an individual one (Sen and Batli- ..
wala, this volume). The term, autonomy is used in this chapter to refiect its
more static focus, irielpéaiVe of process, on the extent to which women exert,
control over their own lives within the families in which they live, and at a'
given point in time.
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Women's Autonomy: Dimensions and Context - 207
206 Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
Table 9.1 Indicators of female autonomy: proxy and direct
Frequently used.prwies
Direct indicators of autonomv
Education
Economic activity:
lefore marriage
After marriage
Incomeiwagea cerned
Age at marriage
Post marital residence without in-laws
Economic decision-making
Child-related decision-making
Marriage related decision-maki ng
Freedom of movement
Power relations with husband .
Access to resources
Control over resources
Spousal age difference
Post-marital residence in close proximity to
natal family
Other marriage and demographic
characteristics hypothesized to enhance
autonomy:
Age
Marital duration
Children, sons
Marriage within kin network
Size of dowry
As Table 9.1 implies, the empirical measurement of this concept of
autonomy has relied on routinely available indicators, mainly educational
beri rissurneil tu proxy for such
attaintnent and economic activiy.Th,::;t
k.)f autonomy
1. knowledge autonomy, or awareness of new ideas, and exposure to the
outside world, the basis for informed choice;
2. decision-making autonomy, or say in family decisions and decisions concerning their own lives and well-being;
3. physical autonomy in interacting with the outside world, by way of
freedom from constraints on physical mobility and self-confidence in
dealing with the outside world and in extracting the most from available
services;
4. emotional autonomy, or more egalitarian power relations in the honre,
allowing for greater bonding or intimacy between spouses, greater selfesteem, and less self-denial among women;
5. economic and social autonomy and self-reliance, or greater access to
and control over economic resources, and greater economic selfreliance, rather than reliance on husbands, children, or other family
members.
Women's autonomy as individuals is conditioned largely by the extent of
gender stratification prevailing in their society. Highly gender-stratified cultures
have long been recognized to be characterized by patrilineal descent, patrilocal
residence, inheritance and succession practices which exclude women and hierarchical relations in which the father or his relatives has authority over family
me mbers (Radcliffe-Brown, 1952). In such cultures, gender relations are inegalitarian and women have little say in their own lives, and thus, limited autonomy. There is an increasing body of literature, both from within India and
in ternationally, that suggests that the extent to which women enjoy autonomy
iS indeed powerfully shaped by social institutions of gender within a community .
(Mason, 1984, 1993; Mason et a/., 1995; Dyson and Moore, 1983; Visaria, 1996;
Basu, 1992). These institutions dictate norms regarding the relative duties and
obligations of women and men, the legal and political structures in which
women and men operate, the ways in which marriages are formed and broken,
the sanctions that are imposed when norms are defied, and a variety of conditions that ultimately reflect the extent to which adult women have decisionmaking authority, freedom of movement, egalitarian relations, or access to and
si
control over resources within the household.
V( 09'A community's gender institutions thus can affect women's autonomy 111
directly, as well as more indirectly. For example, in relatively inegalitarian settings, girls may be unlikely to be educated, and may be married off at an early
age; contributing, perhaps, to constrained decision-making authority or strong
subjugation to the husband in adulthood. At the same time, the strength of
patriarchy may influence the extent to which such influences as education or
economic activity, per se, enhance female autonomy—presumably the effect
o
would be much weaker in a highly patriarchal setting where traditional forces
can offset the empowering impact of education or economic activity. than in &AA •
which women are ts)r
a more egalitarian une. `Tus. for example, in settings
highly secluded, educated women may not have greater mobility than other VI))
women (see for example, Sathar and Kazi, 1996). In highly patriarchal settings,
in contrast, relaxation of controls on behaviour may occur rather as a result
of their demographic and reproductive characteristics (age, marital duration,
size of dowry, number of children or sons borne).
Norms vary by region, religion, easte, and economic status. In order to
explore the conditioning impact of these structural factors, this study examines the situation of women in four sociocultural settings, distinguished by
region (North, Uttar Pradesh, and South, Tamil Nadu) and by religion (Hindu
and Muslim).
Background
linar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu lie at two extremes of the social and cultural
spectrum in India, although economically they are relatively similar. Both
states are poor, with about 37 per cent in Uttar Pradesh and 40 per cent in
Tamil Nadu (and 33 per cent in India) living below the poverty fine, and both
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208 Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
states are largely agricultural (Uttar Pradesh, 72 per cent, Tamil Nadu, 61 per
cent, India. 70 per cent). Yet there are huge differences in social develoPment
levels. For example, literacy rates are much higher in Tamil Nadu (63 per cent)
than in Uttar Pradesh (42 per cent), and fertility and mortality are much
lower--for example the infant mortality rate is 98 per 1,000 live births in Uttar
Pradesh to 58 in Tamil Nadu, and the total fertility rate is 5.1 in Uttar Pradesh
compared to 2.2 in Tamil Nadu. Within each state, Hindú-Muslim disparities
are evident in Uttar Pradesh but not in Tamil Nadu: Muslims expetience
higher total fertility rates than Hindus do in Uttar Pradesh (5.3 and 4.8 respectively), but identical rates in Tamil Nadu (2.5 each) (Population Research
Centre. Lucknow University, and International Institute for Population. Sciences, 1994; Population Research Centre, The Gandhigram Institute of Rural
Health and Family Welfare Trust, and International Institute for Population
Sciences, 1994). Both states are tvpically patriarchal and patrilocal, and the region is well
known for inegalitarian gender relations. But beyond these gross generalizations, kinship structures and the ways in which kinship norms affect women's
lives vary widely. Female powerlessness is much more acute in the North
than in the South of India. There is considerable ethnographic evidence, for
example. of regional differences in the situation of women (Karve, 1965;
Altekar, 1962). Women in the North have relatively little autonomy or
freedom of movement, limited inheritance rights in practice, limited support
from their natal family after marriage, and limited opportunities for control
over economic resources. The practice of marrying young girls into distant
villages and into families with which previous contact has been limited and
subsequent contacts usually infrequent is expected to heighten women's powerlessness. Women are perceived traditionally as temporary members
in their natal homes (Dube. 1988), who, like bottomless pits, can only
take from their natal familv's resources—not only in the form of huge
dowries but also after marriage. when the pattern and flow of resources is
strictly one way (Das Gupta, 1987). After marriage, a young woman is
expected to remain largely invisible and under the authority of her husband's
family. She has little say in domestic decisions and little freedom of movement.
About the only avenue available to enhance her prestige and even security in
her husband's honre is through her fertility, and particularly the number of
sons she bears. In contrast. women in South India have relatively more
autonomy in all these creas--they have closer natal family ties, and greater
decision-making authority; they are less secluded, and more likely to work
and control resources, and less likely to perceive sons as their only source
of prestige.
Less can he said about Hindu--Muslim differences. It has been argued that
Islam restricts women's freedom compared to other religions. In India, for
example. the general impression is that Muslim women are more likely than
c
Women's Autonomy: Dimensions and Context 209
Hindu women to be denied work opportunities, a secular education, control
over economic resources, recourse in case of abandonment or divorce, and
choice in reproductive behaviour, giving rise to. the hypothesis that Muslim
women are more vulnerable and powerless than Hindu women. However,
Muslim marriage patterns. at least in North India,*are less alienating from natal
kM than those of Hindus (see for example, Mandelbaum, 1986), a factor that
may enhance aspects of their autonomy.
Similarities in marriage practices between North and South, and between
1-lindus and Muslims also exist. In both regions marrying a daughter is expensive. involving often ruinous dowries in the form of gold, jewellery, cash, and
consumer goods.
The few available social indicators reflecting gender disparities make these
regional differences in women's situation and vulnerability clear. For example,
in Uttar Pradesh, life expectancy is about four years higher for males than for,
females (54. and 49. respectively); in Tamil Nado, life expectancy for both
females and males is 61 years. Moreover, the maternal mortality ratio is 931
in linar Pradesh and 319 in Tamil Nadu. And gender disparities in literacy are
far wider in Uttar Pradesh 125 per cent for females compared to 56 per cent
for males) than in Tamil Nado (51 per cent for females compared to 74 per
cent for malos).
Data
The data set employed in chis study is one of the first to try and operationalize autonomy among rural Indian women—both North and South Indian, and
both Hindu and Muslim women. The main objective of the survey, conducted
in 1993-4, was to operationalize the concept of autonomy, and to assess its
relationships to reproductive behaviour. The study also inquired whether
measures of autonomy do in fact differ between North and South Indian
women, and between Huido and Muslim women. Similar studies were conducted in four other Asian countries, namely Pakistan, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand (Mason el al.. 1995).
Uttar Pradesh in North India and Tamil Nadu in South India were selected
deliberately to represent a range of gender and sociocultural conditions.
Within each state, similarly. two districts were purposively selected (on the
basis of an índex of development, measured from such indicators as income,
percentage of roads surfaced, and other economic criteria) so as to maximize
differences in socio-economic conditions, while at the same time allowing for
comparisons of Hindu and Muslim women. And from each district, one taluka
(sub-district) was selected similarly. The four sites thus selected included: from
Tamil Nadu, Pollachi taluka from Coimbatore district (ranked 1 of 21) and
Mudukulathur taluka from Ramnathpuram district (ranked 18 of 21); and
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212
Women's Autonomy: Dimensions and Context 213
Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
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Women's Autonomy: Dimensions and Context 211
210 Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
from Uttar Pradesh, Kunda taluka from Meerut district (ranked 2 of 63), and
Baghpat taluka from Pratapgarh district (ranked 51 of 63).
From each of the four sites, a cluster of contiguous villages of roughly
1,000-2,000 households was randomly selected, and about 800 currently
married women aged 15-39 were randomly selected for interview. flusbands
who were present were also interviewed.1 In each setting, on the assumption
that sociocultural norms governing female autonomy vary widely among
Hindus and Muslims, about half of all respondents- selected -were. Hindú and
the other haif Muslim. As a result, a total of eight communities are covered:
four geographical sites, and within each site, two distinct religious groups,
Hindus and Muslims. A total of 1,842 women, aged 15-39, constituted the
sample.
In the course of interviews with women, respondents were asked not only
about their education and their work status but also about a variety of dimensions of autonomy within their married lives, including their decision-making
authority, their personal freedom of movement, control over economic
resources, wife—husband power relations, and other attitudel. The inclusion of
these dimensions of female status in this data set allows for a better understanding of women's status and the extent to which education and economic
activity are reliable proxies for autonomy more generally.2
A profile of the eight communities highlights considerable heterogeneity. In
Uttar Pradesh, Pratapgarh in the east is a poor, largely wheat-producing arca,
In each selected taluka, village lists were drawn up; these included information on the total
number of households in each village by religion and caste. In order to . adequately represent
hib!,iims and schednled 1F h~ehotds ronngnons villages were merged lato sampting units of
roughly 1,000-2,000 households, in a way that would allow for adequate representation of the different groups in our design. As a result, in Tamil Nadu, where there are generally few Muslims.
clusters of villages were much larger than in Uttar Pradesh where Muslims represent a substantial proportion of the population. The PSU included in the sample was then selected randomly.
In Tamil Nadu, the selected PSU contained a total of 12 villages from Pollachi (Coimbatore district) and 15 from Mudukulathur (Ramnathpuram district). The selected PSUs in Uttar Pradesh
contained fewer villages: 7 from Kunda (Pratapgarh district) and two large villages (with many
`petis' or identifiable clusters) in Baghpat (Meerut district). Each household in the selected cluster
of villages was usted and this list constituted the sampling frame. The difference in the number
of villages selected in each state is attributed to the following: (a) village sizes tend to be larger
in Uttar Pradesh than in Tamil Nadu, and (b) since Muslims constitute less than 10 per cent of
the population of Tamil Nadu, a larger number of villages were required in order to reach our
target respondents. A household-listing exercise was carried out ha each of the selected PSUs prior
to data collection. House listing was conducted on every structure in the PSU and comprised:
assigning numbers to structures (SWAFNOs), recording the addresses of each structure and listing
the names, religion, and caste of each household head. Households to be interviewed were selected
randomly from the household lists of each religion and caste list.
2 The survey comprised a household questionnaire, an eligible respondent's questionnaire, and
a husband's questionnaire. Also fielded were community questionnaires of each village site and
a total of 25 focus group discussions (FGDs) held in different sites and different religion and caste
groups. A total of six FGDs were conducted per site: 2 among Muslims, 2 among the dominant
Hindu caste and one each among the high- and low-caste groups. Groups were restricted to
women aged up to 39 but not to respondents to the questionnaire (about 75 per cent were
respondents). One FGD was conducted among men (Jats of Meerut district).
with few amenities; while theoretically available, health and educational
facilities function only sporadically. Brahmins comprise the dominant Hindu
caste. In contrast, Meerut district is very well off: its main crop is sugar
cane, although wheat, millet, and maize are also produced. Sites fie in relatively close proximity to the main town, and less than 100 km from New Delhi.
Amenities and services are largely available, and there are a host of private
health and educational facilities available as well. Jats comprise the main
..
Rinda caste.
In Tamil Nadu, Ramnathpuram lies on the south-eastern coast. Palmyra is
the main crop, and occupations revolve around tending plantations, cutting
down and marketing coconuts, and processing fibre, etc. Villages tend to be
poorly connected by roads, have huge water problems and are often reduced
to depending on rain and river water. School and health facilities exist in, or
in walking distance of, most villages, and, by and large, do function regularly.
In contrast, the other district, Coimbatore is one of the richest districts of Tamil
Nadu: its main crops are cotton, and secondly, groundnut. Transport, communication, and other amenities are of good quality: piped water is available in
a large number of villages. The main Hindu castes of Ramnathpuram and
Coimbatore are, respectively, Nadars and Gounders, both from the upper
castes.
Table 9.2 highlights socio-economic differences between the households in
the eight communities. Economic status appears to be relatively similar across
states, although Meerut Hindus (Uttar Pradesh), followed by Coimbatore
Hindus (Tamil Nadu) are typically wealthier than other communities. Meerut
Hindus, for example, are more likely than other groups to live in pukka and
large houses. and have a separate room for cooking: they also own more consumer goods, and have larger incomes. While Muslims are clearly worse ott
than Hindus in Uttar Pradesh, wealth disparities are less evident in the South,
partly the result of an influx of wealth among Muslims from Ramnathpuram
as a result of Gulf migration.
The occupational profile of the husband suggests clear differences by religion: Hindus are, by and large, more likely to be engaged in agriculture than
are Muslims, both as cultivators and, to a lesser extent, labourers. Conversely,
Muslims are more likely to be engaged in non-agricultura) activities: as sales
workers, mostly petty, skilled workers, and unskilled labourers.
Female autonomy
The statement that Tamilian women have greater autonomy than women from
Uttar Pradesh must be interpreted in light of the fact that autonomy levels in
India remain among the poorest in the world. Hence while on a relative scale,
South Indian women certainly have more autonomy than their Northern
sisters, their autonomy is far more limited than that of women in other parts
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214
Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
of Asia (Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, for example), and certainly more
limited than that of men in their own settings.
Usually used indicators
As Table 9.1 suggests, studies of female autonomy have usually relied on such
available indicators as education, work status, spousal age difference, marital
age, and family structure. Table 9.3 suggests that, in contrast to relatively
similar socio-economic conditions, the situation of women using many of there
indicators varíes consistently between the two regions. For one, even age distributions are dífferent, wíth Tamilian women being moderately older than
North Indian women, largely a result of later marital age.
As far as access to education is concerned, large proportions of women in
both Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh- have never been to school, and few have
completed primary school. Even so, compared to women from Uttar Pradesh,
larger proportions of Tamilian women have ever attended school: 70 and 54
per cent among Tamilian Muslims and Hindus respectively, compared to 19
per cent and 39 per cent among UP Muslims and Hindus respectively. On the
district level. schooling rates range from as little as 2 per cent among the
Muslims of Meerut to 61 per cent and 76 per cent among the Hindus and
Muslims of Coimbatore. Unexpected is the finding that Muslíms in Meerut,
the more developed district, are distinctly worse off in terms of educational
attainment than are those in Pratapgarh. While the typical Tamilian woman,
both Hindu and Muslim. had three or more years of schooling, the typical
Hindu woman from Uttar Pradesh had slightly less than three years and the
Muslim woman about one year.
Although women are almost universally involved in unpaid household
work, economic independence is usually measured in terms of waged econornic activity at various points in the woman's life. In settings such as India,
however. where wage work for women is often unacceptable, and povertyinduced, working for wages is not necessarily an indicator of autonomy. Wageearning women are not necessarily likely to have made the decision to work
on their own, nor do they always have control over their earnings. Nevertheless, even in situations of dire need, cultures in which women are secluded
may he less willing than other cultures to allow women to work. Work
histories suggest that in the last twelve months, well over half of all women
were engaged in any work (excepting unpaid household work)—either wageearning activities, or unpaid labour on the family farm or plantation, in the
family business, or tending family livestock—about three-quarters of all Hindu
women and far fewer Muslim women (two-thirds and two-fifths of Northern
and Southern women respectively). Regional profiles suggest that working
women in 'Jitar Pradesh are largely occupied in tending animals and working
on family farms; in Tamil Nadu, in contrast, agricultura! labour occupies the
majority of working women, followed by working on the family farm in the
Women's Autonomy: Dimensions and Context 215
rase of Muslims. and at skilled and unskilled non-agricultural work among
Hindus. Yet, comparatively few women worked for wages, and here it is largely
t h e Tamilian Hindus who stand out compared to the others: 56 per cent of
them were engaged in wage work, compared to a fifth or fewer.of the other
groups. Almost all wage-earning women, irrespective of region or religion have
some say in the disbursal of their income.
•
Many authors have suggested that women whodelay marriage are more
independent and have more autonomy and self-confidence than those who
marry early. As Table 9.3 shows, there is not much variation in marital age in
Uttar Pradesh, where 90 per cent of all respondents are married between 14
and 18, and the average age at effective marriage is 16. In the South, marital
age is somewhat higher: here, about three-quarters of Tamilian Muslims and
three-fifths of Tamilian Hindus are married by age 18; the mean age at marnage is 17 among Muslims and 18 among Hindus.
Other indicators occasionally used to capture female autonomy include
spousal age difference (Cain, Khanam, and Nahar, 1979), parity, joint family
residence. village endogamy, and so on. Results suggest that spousal age differences are wider among Tamilian women than women from Uttar Pradesh,
with differences somewhat wider among Muslims than Hindus in each setting.
Tamilian women, moreover. are far more likely to reside within or in close
proximity to their natal homes than women from Uttar. Pradesh. And,
Tamilian women are far less likely than women from Uttar Pradesh to
co-reside with their mothers-in-law.
The importante of dowry in securing a woman in her husband's home is
increasingly apparent in India. hoth through the alarming numbers of dowry
harassment and death cases recorded, and studies that suggest that women
whose dowries are large are less likely to have suffered domestic violente than
other women (Rao and Bloch, 1993). Available in this data set is information
obtained from the respondent on the size and contents of her dowry: in jewellery and gold, cash, and a variety of other property including expensive
consumer goods (vehicle, refrigerator, stereo, utensils) and land (very rare).
Approximate rupee values have been imputed for each of the items in the
dowry, and an approximate value in rupees of the dowry assessed. Clearly, this
is an approximation, since women—particularly those from Uttar Pradeshappear to have been less than fully aware of the exact amounts of their dowry.
Results suggest now that the size of the dowry is generally large (averaging
Rs. 31,000) in all contexts, but that Tamilian women's dowries are uniformly
higher than those of women from Uttar Pradesh.
Indicators of female autonomy
Aside from the more usually measured dimensions of women's status
described aboye, women in this survey were asked a battery of questions
cerning their autonomy and powcr within the household. As previously noted,
•
▪
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216 Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
Women's Autonomy: Dimensions and Contéxt 217
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Este documento no tiene costo alguno, por lo que queda prohibida su reproducción total o parcial.
El uso indebido de este documento es responsabilidad del estudiante.
218 Shireen J Jejeebhoy
these correspond largely to those emanating from the literature and are usted
in Table 9.1. From these responses, four dimensions of autonomy have been
selected, and indices for each created: economic and child-related decision•
making; mobility; freedom from threat from husband; access to economic
resources; and control over economic resources.
• Zconomic decision-making authority
is represented by information on th
'Ilparticipation of women in three economic decisions: the purchase of food,e
major household goods, and jewellery. The index sums the number of these
three purchases in which the woman participates, assigning a score of 1 if she
only participates in the decision and 2 if she also has the major say. The index
thus ranges from O to 6.3
Net
• Child-related decision-making authority is represented by information on
whether the woman is the main decision-maker on such issues as what to do
if a child falls di, discipline, how much to edúcate children, and what type of
school children should attend. The index refers only to women who have al
least one surviving child. and sums the number of these four behaviours in
which the woman is the main decision-rnaker, and ranges from O if the woman
is not a major decision-maker in any of these concerns, to 4 if she is the major
decision-maker in all four.
• Mobility. The mobility index sums the number of five places—the health
centre, community centre, the home of a•relative or friend, a fair, and the next
village—to which the woman can go unescorted. The index thus ranges from
O if the woman must be escorted to every place, to 5 if she can move about
unescorted to every place.
• Freedom from threat. The index of freedom from threat ranges from O to
3: a zero is assigned if women both fear their husbands and are beaten by them;
1 if they are beaten but do not fear their husbands; 2 if they fear but are not
beaten; and 3 if they neither fear nor suffer beating at the hands of their husbands.4
ji • Access to economic resources.
The index of access to economic resources
"skurns responses to four questions: (a) having a say in how household income is spent; (b) getting cash to spend; (c) being free to purchase small items
of jewellery; and (d) being free to purchase gifts. The index ranges from
Oto 4.
A limitation of the index of decision-making authority is that it weights women's participation. raising equivalence problems with certain scores where it could he interpreted to suggest
that having the major say in fewer decisions yields more autonomy than merely participating (but
not having the major say) in many.
The decision to assign a value of 1 (lower autonomy) to women who fear but are not beaten
by their husbands, and 2 to those who are beaten but do not fear their husbands (more autonomy)
was made on the basis of focus-group discussions: women spoke of fearing husbands as a way
of showing respect to their husbands, as a desire not to displease or disobey them. Beating was
described however, as a humiliating experience, in which husbands demonstrate their displeasure about the failings of their wives, and the community labels women as disobedient and
bad.
c
Women's Autonomy: Dimensions and Context 219
. .C,ontrol over economic resources. Fewer questions were asked about
women's actual control over economic resources. The index ranges from O to
2 and includes (a) whether any of the family's valuables (landijewellery/vessels) belong to the woman (that is, are in the woman's own name) and are
controlled by her; and (b) whether she expects to support herself in old age
through her own savings.
Results presented in Table 9.4 list communities by region and religion,
from Muslims of Pratapgarh, hypothesized to be the community with the least
autonomy, to Coimbatore Hindus, hypothesized to be the community with the
most. Mean values on each of the variables constituting each indicator are presented in Appendix Table 9A. Results of both Table 9.4 and Appendix Table
9A generally confirm the limited autonomy of women in all its spheres. but
suggest strong regional differences in alniost every dimension of autonomy.
Women from Uttar Pradesh fall significantly below Tamilian women in almost
every measure of autonorny, a finding that strongly supports the argument
that the North-South cultural divide described earliér powerfully conditions
the extent of women's autonomy. Tamilian women have significantly more
decision-making authority and mobility than women from Uttar Pradesh;
considerably greater access to and control over economic resources, and somewhat more balanced power relations with the husband.
What is far less olear is the commonly held assumption that Muslim women
have less autonomy than Hindu women, or that women in the more developed district exhibit greater autonomy than those in the lesser developed one
within each state. Religious differences, for example, are generally modest. and
do not necessarily support the hypothesis that Muslim women are more constrained than Hindu women.
For example, women in general have limited decision-making authority:
large numbers of women are excluded from even the most routine decisions,
and even fewer have the major say in any decision. There is also a definite
pattern to the kinds of decisions in which women participate: they are far more
likely to be involved in decisions that are not perceived as threatening to the
family economy, that is, those relating to children and child tare, than those
pertaining to the household economy and particularly, those relating to major
purchases. South Indian women exhibit far more decision-making authority
than Northern women, especially in the area of economic decisions (2.8 compared to 0.7 among Northern women) and less so in the case of child-related
decisions (1.5 compared to 0.9 among Northern women); there are no
Hindu-Muslim differences within each region.
Focus group discussions reiterate regional disparities in decision-making
authority. Women in Uttar Pradesh are far more likely than Tamilian women
to recognize and justify their exclusion from household decisions:
'In our Pratapgarh, the woman does not have any value, so most of the decisions are
taken hy men only.' (Brahmin, Pratapgarh)
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Women's Autonorny:Dimensions and Context 221
Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
Control over
220
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together--three-quarters of the time, decisions are taken by men and onet ime, they are taken by women and men together.' (R amnathpuram, scheduled caste)
`ft is we who look after them (children) at home, they (husbands) go out to work, they
don't have the time to look after children, therefore it is the mother who should take
decisions.' (Coimbatore, Gounder)
We [women] know more ahout the difficulties [of child rearing], we have the ability
to think and see. men don't see, so we should take the decision regarding children,
thinking that tomorrow our children should not be like us, they should be more than
us.' (Coimbatore. Gounder)
included in the index, the average woman can visit fewer than two
places unescorted. Second. as expected, there is greater freedom to visit such
relatively unthreatening places as the health centre or the home of a relative
or friend in the village than other more remote places, such as a fair or an
adjoining village. Third. results point strongly to the North—South dichotomy:
whereas of the five places included in the index, the average Tamilian woman
can visit 2.4 unescorted, the average respondent from Uttar Pradesh can visit
only 1.4 places without an escort. And finally, while among North Indian
respondents, Hindus and Muslim women's freedom is about equally constrained, Tamilian Hindus have moderately more mobility than Tamilian
Muslims.
Women's access to household resources is also limited. While relatively large
proportions of women have a say in how household income is spent, and get
cash to spend, relatively few of them feel free to make small purchases of jewellery or gifts on their own. Regional variation persists: Tamilian women are
somewhat more likely to have a say in the disbursement of household income
and get cash to spend compared to North lndian women (about 90 per cent
compared to about 70 per cent); they are, however, about as unlikely to feel
free to spend the household's resources on themselves without clearing it with
trhei
eh griohnu.sbands or mothers-in-law. Again, the major divide is by region and not
1)
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Ta milian women, in contrast, are not only more involved in decision-making,
particularly those relating to child rearing, but are also more likely to believe
that they are entitled to this authority:
That women have limited mobility is evident by the finding that of the five
'4
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Child-related
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me do not have any ri ght to make decisions. The one who is uneducated, what decision could she Cake? she could only fight and quarrel. So it is right that the man alone
takes decisions.' (Jat, Meerut)
22cGcCt.:):_
a
Control over economic resources is extremely limited. Tamilian women are,
as expected, more likely than women from Uttar Pradesh to exert some
control: average scores range from 0.4 (of a possible 2) in Uttar Pradesh, to
0.7 in Tamil Nadu. For example, about 25 per cent of Tamilian women compared to about 15 per cent of women from Uttar Pradesh report that they own
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Este documento no tiene costo alguno, por lo que queda prohibida su reproducción total o parcial.
El uso indebido de este documento es responsabilidad del estudiante.
Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
Women's Autonomy: Ditnensions and C'ontexi 223
e
e
11
5
E
Associations between measures of women's autonomy
It has been observed that in patriarchal contexts, tight controls are exerted on
women in every sphere of their lives: their free movement. their voice in family
affairs, their economic independence and their relations with their husbands.
But there is not much evidence on whether gains in one dimension of autonomy are associated with gains in others. Table 9.5 presents associations
between the five indices of women's autonomy, by way of partial correlation
coefficients controlling for site and religion. These models thus
give an estimate of how strong
ly pairs of autonomy measures are related to each other
in each of the four state and religion groups.
By and large, the results suggest a fairly consistent picture across states and
religious groups. In each, associations between the various dimensions of
women's autonomy are almost always in the expected direction, usually significant, but for the most part. moderate, exceedin g 0.25 in only 10 of the 105
coefficients presented.^nsions of autonomy that appear to be most closely
associated are decision-makin g
, mobility, and access to resources. Other
associations—notably those with freedom from threat, and
control over
resources are weaker, and less consistent. What is strikin
g is that this pattern
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`If it is a great rnistake, then the husband is justified in beating bis wife. Why not? A
cow will not be obedient without beatings.' (Ramnathpuram. Muslim)
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to resources
and have control of some family valuables (utensils. gold and jewellery, rarel
y
land); 44 per cent compared to 27 per cent have savin
gs upon which they
expect to rely in the future (Appendix Table 9A).
In comparison to the regional disparities recorded for decision-maki
ng
freedorn of movement, and access to and control over economic resource
s,
regional variation in women's freedom from threat is relatively muted. The
index of freedom from threat suggests that South lndian women are mildly
freer from threat (1.9) than are Northern women (1.5).
Focus group discussions underscore the extent to which women in both settings accept these unequal power relations, and accept beatin
g as the
husband's prerogative (see Jejeebhoy, 1998; Jejeebhoy and Cook, 1997). Th
e
general impression is that women who are disobedicnt or `mis-behave' deserve
to be beaten..
Autonomy ind icators
222
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Este documento es proporcionado al estudiante con fines educativos, para la crítica y la investigación respetando la reglamentación en materia de derechos de autor.
Este documento no tiene costo alguno, por lo que queda prohibida su reproducción total o parcial.
El uso indebido de este documento es responsabilidad del estudiante.
224 Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
*
coefficients,
of association is similar across states, and within each state, for both Muslims
and Hindus. These kinds of associations suggest thAt three of the five measures
of autonomy may in fact tap a common underlying dimension of autonomy;
but that freedom from threat from husbands on the one extreme, and inde.
pendent control over resources at the other extreme, are not closely related
to this dimension of autonomy.
Women's Autonomy: Dimensions and Context 225
* * *
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Table
In the absence of direct data on women's autonomy, previous studies have
relied on a number of available measures—years of education, work-force
participation, marital age, and spousal age difference in particular—as proxies
for autonomy.bn a policy level, moreover, it is often assumed that enhancing
women's educational attainment, economic activity status, or marital age can
directly enhance their autonomy, and the extent to which they have a say in
matters concerning their own lives. This data set allows us to assess the impact
on the various dimerisibris of women's autonomy of these proxies. Table 9.6
presents the bivariate relationships between each indicator of female autonomy and three sets of factors assumed to measure this, controlling for the
effect of site. The first set include indicators usually assumed to measure
women's autonomy, that is, education, work status, and marital age. The second
include other factors that may affect women's status in the gender-stratified
settings of South Asia: age, marital duration, parity and the number of sons,
spousal age difference, co-residence with mother-in-law, marriage endogamy,
and the size of the dowry (in equivalent rupees). The third is household economic status (as measured by the number of consumer goods owned).
Table 9.6 also creates a summary measure of autonomy, tentatively labelled
the index of autonomy. This index sums values in five of the six indices discussed thus far. (The child-related decision-making index is excluded since it
does not pertain to all women.) Values on each index are standardized to vary
between zero and one; the index then sums each of these values and thus
ranges from O to 5.
The associations reported in Table 9.6 point out that (a) the various determinante do not affect each indicator of autonomy in the same way: and (b)
relationships vary quite markedly by region. We see the following:
• Education has a much stronger effect on freedom from threat and control
over resources than on other indices, in both states; in general, however, its
effect is more consistent, and considerably stronger in Tamil Nadu than in
Uttar Pradesh.
• The effect of waged work on autonomy varíes widely with both site and
type of index. In Uttar Pradesh, where women are so much more secluded,
waged work powerfully enhances women's mobility; in Tamil Nadu, this effect
is more muted. While in both states, working women have greater decisionmaking authority, and access to resources than other women, they also are,
surprisingly, significantly less free from threat.
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226 Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
oE
Women 's Autonomy: Dimensions and Context 227
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Delayed marriage by itself does not automatically enhance autonomy. For
exa mple, in Uttar Pradesh, its effect on three of the five measures of autonomy are marginal, but mobility and decision-making authority appear to be
more—rather than less—constrained among women who married late than
among other women. In Tamil Nadu, a more expected pattern emerges:
*
delayed marriage makes for increased freedom from threat, and greater
control over economic resources. For the most part, however, the evidence sugCS. 0 0 e 4 d
gests that it is the traditional influence of longer durations of marriage rather
I I
than delayed marital age that confers greater autonomy on women.
• Autonomy continues to be influenced by other traditional demographic
* * *
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in this data set are residence patterns and size of dowry. As expected, co—oo
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both states, but particularly in Uttar Pradesh where gender relations are much
more stratified. A disturbing finding is that the size of the dowry appears to
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e e. Ñe
• Two traditional forces often argued to influence autonomy find no
support
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*
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now resides in or close to her natal village; see for example, Vlassoff, 1992);
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the absence of the expected effect has been noted also in Pakistan (Sathar
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support for the argument (Cain, Khanam, and Nahar, 1979) that women
r
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49
married to men closer in age to themselves have more autonomy than other
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threat, and control over and access to resources (Uttar Pradesh only).
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household economic status. In each case, community-level factors (district,
religion, state) are included among the set of explanatory variables. Results
▪
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▪
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El uso indebido de este documento es responsabilidad del estudiante.
228
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Este documento no tiene costo alguno, por lo que queda prohibida su reproducción total o parcial.
El uso indebido de este documento es responsabilidad del estudiante.
232 Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
women experience greater constraints on their autonomy than Hindu women
is not borne out, and statewise variation is considerable. In Tamil Nadu, for
example, Hindu women do indeed experience more autonomy than Muslim
women in such areas as decision-making, and mobility. In Uttar Pradesh, jo
contrast, Hindu and Muslim women are about equally constrained in terms of
decision-making and mobility, but Muslim women are significantly freer from
threat, and experience significantly greater access to resources than Hindu
women. lt appears that the greater familiarity between natal and post-marital
kin experienced by Muslims may have resulted in less domestic violence perpetrated by, and less fear of, the husband among Muslim than among Hindu
women.
Evidente on whether residence in the more developed district of each state
has any relevante for autonomy is mixed, as suggested in sections I and 2 of
Table 9.7. in Tamil Nadu. the influence of district-level development is negligible. In Uttar Pradesh, its influence is mixed—women residing in the more
developed district (Meerut) experience greater mobility and access to and
control over resotu-ces, but more threatening relations than women resident
in the lesser developed district (Pratapgarh).
Summary and conclusions
The objectives of this chapter were to explore the dimensions of female
autonomy, and the linkages of traditional proxies for female autonomy to
these dimension of autonomy in rural India, and more specifically, in two culturally distinct sites, namely, Uttar Pradesh in the North and Tamil Nadu in
the South. Several conclusions can he drawn from this study, some very clear,
and others tentative and suggestive.
First, results suggest that severa] distinct dimensions of autonomy can be
operationalized and measured in surveys. These include women's decisionmaking authority, mobility, freedom from threat by the husband, and access
to, and control over, economic resources. Results suggest that while women's
54.9912py is indeed 12›,idimJaájanal, at least three dimensions—decisionmaking, mobility, and access to economic resources—are closely related in all
•1
settings, irrespective of region or religion.
Second, findings confirm that the extent to which women enjoy autonomy§1in terms of decision-making, mobility, threatening relations with husband, and
>> access to and control over economic resources—is powerfully shaped by social
...iiistitt
„19911qusader„within each community, as defined here by jetga.There
is a clear regional divide, net of individual and houschold level characteristics,
in almost every index of autonomy: decision-making authority, mobility, access
to and control over resources, and to a lesser extent, freedom from threat by
husbands, with Tamilian women experiencing far greater autonomy than their
North Indian counterparts.
Women's Autonomy: Dimensions and Context 233
At the same time, this analysis finds little support for the argtiment that
Muslim women are ata disadvantage in terms of women's autonomy, at least
when compared to Hindu women from the same region. Once region is controlled, levels of autonomy are not very different among Hindus and Muslims.
In South India, however, there is mild support for the argument that Hindu
women have greater autonomy than Muslim women. in Uttar Pradesh, in contrast, there is less support, and in fact. Muslim women appear to have an edge
over Hindu women in the area of relations with husband. What is very olear
when women from both states are considered is that for every indicator,
Tamilian Muslims exhibit far greater levels of autonomy than do Hinchi
respondents from Uttar Pradesh.
Third, and perhaps most important, results demonstrate the extent to which
social institutions of gendcr powerfully shape the effects of various individual
vomitan leve] factors on autonomy. The evidente suggcsts that in the more
stratified setting of Uttar Pradesh, autonomy is largely the result of factors
that traditionally confer status, notably, co-residence with mother-in-law,
size of dowry, age and parity, along with economic activity, and to a lesser
extent, secondary education. In contrast. in the more egalitarian setting of
Tamil Nadu, education, and to a lesser extent economic activity, but not marital
age are powerful detcrminants of almost every indicator of autonomy. 121jili..
tional forces such as co-residence with mother-in-law, and dowry, continue to
afléZrsevéfal mensures of autonomy, but these effects are generally mild. In
short, the implication is that in the highly stratified setting of rural Uttar
Pradesh, autonorny continues to he shaped by traditional factors; although
education and especially economic activity do tend to enhance autonomy
also, their effects are less consisten!, so that they mas' be poor proxies for
autonorny. In Tamil Nado. in contrast, education, and to a less extent, economic
activity do indeed tend to raise almost every indicator of autonomy, and the
use of education in particular as a proxy for women's autonomy is more
justified.
These findings also have implications for policy. In particular, the findings
that education or employment (a) do not necessarily enhance every dimension of autonomy; and (h) behave particularly erratically in highly genderstratified settings, suggest that strategies to enhance women's autonomy need
to expand beyond education or employment or delayed marriage. More comprehensive, direct, and context specific strategies that enhance women's autonomy must also be sought, such as raising women:s gender consciousness,
enabling women to mobilize community resources and public services, providing support for the challenge of traditional norms that underlie gender
inequity, providing for the acquisition of usable vocational and life skills, and
enhancing women's real access to, and control over economic resources. At
the same time, such strategies need to enable women to establish and realize
their rights (see for example. United Nations, 1994; Batliwala, 1994; Mahmud
and Johnston, 1994; World Health Organisation and UNICEF, 1994).
j
-7/0
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230
Women's Autonomy: Dimensions and Context
Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
m inant of autonomy: relatively milder are the effects of age, and waged-work
status.
authority on
In short. re4dits suggest that traditional factors conferring
nuclear
family
residence,
and
dowry—continue
to have a
women---sons,
powerful effect on women's autonomy in Uttar Pradesh, the setting with wide
gender disparities, but a largely insignificant effect in Tamil Nadu, where
gender rclations are more egalitarian. In contrast, in Tamil Nadu, education,
and even a primary education, plays a prominent role in enhancing almost
eve ry dimension of autonomy; waged-work has a positive but less consistent
effect. lo Uttar Pradesh, while both education and, especially, waged-work
status do enhance aspects of autonomy, their effect is less consistent.
are presented for all women combined, and separately for women from Uttar
Pradesh and Tamil Nadu.
The most striking result of Table 9.7 is the quite different pattern of correlates affecting dimensions of autonomy in Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu,
respectively. Also notable within each setting is that each indicator of autonomy appears to be explained by a somewhat different set of determinants.
And third, sociocultural context does indeed appear to condition the relationship of severa! correlates with autonomy.
Different patterns
A comparison of relationships observed for Uttar Pradesh (section 1) and
Tamil Nadu (section 2) suggests that:
• Determinants of autonomy indicators are far more likely to include education in the case of Tamil Nadu than Uttar Pradesh. In Tanta Nadu, for
example; education, and particularly a secondary education affects almost
every indicator of autonomy. In Uttar Pradesh, however, the influence of educanon is either entirely absent, or mildly significant only among secondaryschoolcd women; the familiar empowering effect of education is hardlv
observed.
• In contrast, in Uttar Pradesh, traditional factors such as ca-residence with
mother-in-law and size of dowry are more likely to be prominent determinants
of autonomy indices. Co-residence with mother-in-law is a strong determinant
constraining almost every dimension of autonomy—decision-making authority. mobility, and access to resources—a finding also noted in Pakistan (Sathar
and Kazi, 1996). Moreover, the size of the dowry significantly enhances
decision-making authority, mobility, and control over resources. In Tamil
Nadu, these effects are less prominent: the presence of the mother-in-law does
impede decision-making authority, and access to resources, but the influence
of the size of the dowry is mild and insignificant for every indicator.
• Economic activity exerts a significant influence on autonomy in both settings. but its influence is far stronger in Uttar Pradesh, where relatively small
proportions of women worked, than in Tamil Nadu. The most significant effect
of economic activity is predictably on enhancing women's mobility, highly significant in both states. While it influences decision-making authority and access
to resources in both states, this effect is far more powerful in Uttar Pradesh
than in Tamil Nadu.
• Determinants of the summary measure of autonomy highlight the different patterns in the two states. In Uttar Pradesh, significant determinants of
this summary measure include co-residence with mother-in-law, the size of
the dowry, and household economic status; also significant, but less powerful,
are economic activity, the number of living sons, and secondary education. In
Tamil Nadu in contrast, education, and this time even a primary education,
is. along with household economic status, the single most powerful deter-
231
Determinants of each indicator vary
The aboye discussion has suggested considerable statewise variation in the
determinants of autonomy indicators. Within each state, however, a relatively '1.t14common set of socio Rural fa ors is important in defining at least three of the
five indicators of autonomy: decision-making authority, mobility. and access to
resources. These sociocultural factors are economic activity, co-residence with
mother-in-law and size of dowry in Uttar Pradesh; and education, work. status,
and, to a lesser extent, co-residence with mother-in-law in Tamil Nadu.
The remainin two indicators of autonomy are defined by a somewhat difI ce,
rent group of sociocult al factors. For example, in Uttar Pradesh, parity
c).`
appears to enhance reedom from thr.eat; in Tamil Nadu, whcre low fertility
norms 'aré Ildespread, in contrast, women with large numbers of children, tf
n otably daughters, have more unequal relations with their husbands than low
parity women. However, age and marital duration do appear to encourage less " ')
....„.. 1
threatening relations. Education has a similar but moderate effect on encour- 11%.„1
aging less threatening relations in both states, as does household economic \liv
status. prestunably capturing the role of the husband.
l Kirtitver cronornic resources is defined by few of the sociocultural influCbil
Imaces,in Table 9.7: secondary education in Tamil Nadu, and such traditional
indicators of status as age, and size of dowry in Uttar Pradesh; again, in both
states. economic status is an important determinant.
Influence of context
\rl`
Also notable is the influence of community leve! indicators. Section 3 of Table
9.7 indicates that one of the most powerful influences on women's autonomy
red Even after individual and household level factors are controlled,
region plays a leading role in influencing almost every single index of autonomy, with larnilian women experiencing significantly greater autonomy than
vsomen from Uttar Pradesh.
Sections 1 and 2 show that within each-state; the hypothesis that Muslim
Este documento es proporcionado al estudiante con fines educativos, para la crítica y la investigación respetando la reglamentación en materia de derechos de autor.
Este documento no tiene costo alguno, por lo que queda prohibida su reproducción total o parcial.
El uso indebido de este documento es responsabilidad del estudiante.
Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
E
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Este documento es proporcionado al estudiante con fines educativos, para la crítica y la investigación respetando la reglamentación en materia de derechos de autor.
Este documento no tiene costo alguno, por lo que queda prohibida su reproducción total o parcial.
El uso indebido de este documento es responsabilidad del estudiante.
236
Women's Autonomy: Dirnensions and Context 237
Shireen J. Jejeebhoy
Appendix Table 9B Distribution of women by scores on indices of decision-making
autonomy. freedom of movement, economic independence, and freedom from threat,
by region and religion: Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu
Uttar Pradesh
Indices
Number
Muslims
Tamil Nadu
Hindus
421
438
A. Economic decision-making index:
53.7
53.4
27.9
27.2
2
11.8
14.6
3-4
6.1
4.6
5-6
0.5
0.3
B. Child-related decision-making index:
0
42.0
40.4
1
331
34.0
2
18.4
20.1
3-4
6.4
5.6
C. Mobility index:
O
54.8
52.1
1
13.2
11.7
2
6.6
9.0
3
5.5
7.3
4
6.4
4.1
5
13.5
15.8
D. lndex of access to resources:
0
14.8
17.9
1
11.4
14.7
2
57.5
51.3
3
5.9
6.8
4
10.4
9.3
E. lndex of control over resources:
0
67.3
64.8
1
23.8
26.1
2
9.0
9.3
r. Index of freedom from threat:
0
35.8
38.1
1
5.7
9.6
2
22.7
21.0
3
35.7
31.3
Muslims
547
Hindus
436
TOTAL
1,842
8.5
7.9
33.3
44.5
„ 6.1
5.5
7.1
29.6
48.7
9.3
30.3
17.5
22.3
26.0
4.0
23.6
22.1
38.3
16.0
25.4
28.6.
31.9
14.2
32.8
29.4
27.2
10.5
.14.8
29.2
25.0
12.1
10.2
8.7
6.6
14.5
22.8
18.5
16.3
21.4
32.0
17.2
15.9
10.8
9.2
14.9
5.0
8.3
63.6
7.0
16.1
3.0
4.1
71.1
6.8
15.1
10.2
9.6
60.9
6.6
12.7
43.5
43.1
13.5
45.2
43.1
11.6
55.2
34.0
10.8
15.7
20.1
20.0
44.2
18.7
20.0
18.1
43.3
27.1
13.9
20.5
38.6
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