METHODS IN EMPIRICAL PROSODY

Transcripción

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METHODS IN EMPIRICAL PROSODY RESEARCH
ROMANISTENTAG 2015
Universität Mannheim | July 26th – 29 th, 2015
Our section on Methods in Empirical Prosody Research within the 34th Congress of the
Association of German Philologists (DRV) brings together different methodological
approaches to our common endeavor to better characterize the acoustic reality of Romance
Languages and, thus, to understand the forces that drive their form. We think that in doing so
we tackle a very exciting and rapidly developing field of contemporary linguistics that can
shed new light on linguistic theory. The amount of high quality papers we have received
seems to corroborate this impression. We are very proud to have talks on many different
Romance Languages and we are convinced that we will not only be able to learn about the
techniques you used to achieve new insights on the prosodic systems of these languages, but
also about these insights themselves.
We wish you all rich exchanges of facts and ideas and, of course, a very pleasant stay in
Mannheim!
Ingo, Uli, and Maria
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ROMANISTENTAG 2015
ORGANIZERS
INGO FELDHAUSEN (GOETHE-U. FRANKFURT)
ULI REICH (FU BERLIN)
MARIA DEL MAR VANRELL BOSCH (FU BERLIN)
SUNDAY JULY 26
14 h
16 h
18 h
Registration
Meeting of the section organizers
Opening celebration
MONDAY JULY 27
8h
9h
10.10 h
10.40 h
11.10 h
11.45 h
12.15 h
14 h
Registration
Invited speaker
Unimodal and multimodal analyses of prosody: some methods and issues
Barbara Gili-Fivela (Università del Salento)
High pre-tonic falls in Pescara and Recife: a hypothesis of prosodic
reanalysis
Marco Barone (U. Federal de Pernambuco, U. Pompeu Fabra)
Coffee break
Methodology for the study of prosody in language contact: Occitan and
French
Rafèu Sichel-Bazin (U. Pompeu Fabra & U. Osnabrück) & Trudel
Meisenburg (U. Osnabrück)
Pronunciación de oraciones declarativas simples en español (L1) y en inglés
(L2) de hispanohablantes venezolanos: un análisis acústico-entonativo
José Alberto Romero Ortega (U. Pedagógica Experimental Libertador)
Lunch break
Análisis Melódico del Habla: una aplicación metodológica para el análisis
contrastivo de las interrogativas absolutas del castellano y del alemán
Dolors Font-Rotchés (U. de Barcelona) & José Torregrosa (U. de Barcelona)
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14.35 h
15.10 h
15.40 h
16.30 h
19.30 h
Using Discourse Completion Tests to investigate the interaction of politeness
and intonation
Lluïsa Astruc (U. of Cambridge)
Elicitation of Rural Spanish Intonation in Querétaro’s Sierra Gorda
Eduardo-Patricio Velázquez Patiño (U. Autónoma de Querétaro) & Eva
Patricia Velásquez Upegui (U. Autónoma de Querétaro)
Coffee break
Panel discussion
Cultural program
TUESDAY JULY 28
8.30 h
9h
10.10 h
10.40 h
11.10 h
11.45 h
12.15 h
14 h
15.40 h
16.10 h
16.45 h
17.30 h
19.30 h
Registration
Invited speaker
Analyzing prosodic variation in European French – Data, Methods and
Results
Mathieu Avanzi (U. of Cambridge)
El uso de construcciones gramaticales marcadas para la elicitación de
patrones entonativos específicos
Wendy Elvira-García (U. de Barcelona), Ana Maria Fernández-Planas (U. de
Barcelona). Paolo Roseano (U. de Barcelona) & Eugenio Martínez-Celdrán
(U. de Barcelona)
Coffee break
F0 contours in data from picture-based elicitation experiments: Evidence
from the intonational realization of contrastive cleft sentences in Yucatecan
Spanish
Melanie Uth (U. zu Köln)
The Role of Prosody in the Study of the Use of Pronominal Subjects in
Spanish
Andrea Pešková (U. Hamburg)
Lunch break
Poster session (see details below)
Coffee break
Researching voice quality variation in spontaneous free speech data of AfroYungueño Spanish
Danae Maria Perez-Inofuentes (U. of Zurich) & Lena Zipp (U. of Zurich)
ProDis: una herramienta para la aproximación geolingüística al estudio de
la entonación
Simone Balocco (U. de Barcelona), Wendy Elvira-García (U. de Barcelona,
Ana Maria Fernández-Planas (U. de Barcelona), Paolo Roseano (U. de
Barcelona) & Eugenio Martínez-Celdrán (U. de Barcelona)
Meeting of the members of the German Society of Romance Philology
Cultural program / Closing celebration
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WEDNESDAY JULY 29
8.30 h
9h
9. 35 h
10.10 h
10. 40 h
Registration
Beyond means across subjects
Francesco Cangemi (U. zu Köln) & Martine Grice (U. zu Köln)
Intonational patterns of five directive speech acts in Brazilian Portuguese
João Antônio de Moraes (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro)
Psycholinguistic investigations on the prosody of wh-exclamatives and whquestions
Caterina Petrone (Aix-Marseille Université), Daniele Panizza (U. Göttingen)
& Olga Kellert (U. Göttingen)
Coffee break
11.10 h
Invited speaker
Using large corpora and computational tools to describe prosody: an
exciting challenge for the future with some (important) pending problems to
solve
Juan María Garrido Almiñana (U. Pompeu Fabra)
POSTER
Truncated vocatives in Sardinian: an example of multiple interfaces
Teresa Cabré (U. Autònoma de Barcelona), Francesc Torres-Tamarit (Vrije
Universiteit Amsterdam) & Maria del Mar Vanrell (Freie Universität Berlin)
SESSION
Acoustic analysis of Bribri prosody
Sofía Flores (Universidad de Costa Rica) & Maria del Mar Vanrell (Freie
Universität Berlin)
Respondre i preguntar en català com a llengua estrangera amb el mètode
anàlisi melòdica de la parla
Dolors Font-Rotchés, Agnès Rius-Escudé & Francina Torras Compte (U. de
Barcelona)
Análisis de algunas características prosódicas en textos leídos producidos
por hablantes bilingües de vasco y español
Iñaki Gaminde, Gotzon Aurrekoetxea & Leire Gandarias (UPV/EHU)
Corpus data and tools for the analysis of spoken Haitian Creole prosody
Alexander M. Kalkhoff (U. Regensburg)
Análisis de la entonación de las declarativas del español hablado por suecos
Laura Martorell & Dolors Font-Rotchés (U. de Barcelona)
Prosodie und Fremdsprache: Eine phonetisch-phonologische Untersuchung
der Rhythmusinterferenzen spanischund portugiesischsprachiger
Deutschlerner
Sarah Waldmann (U. Complutense de Madrid)
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INDEX
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PROGRAM
3
INDEX
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ABSTRACTS
9
INVITED SPEAKERS
10
Analyzing prosodic variation in European French – Data, Methods and Results
Mathieu Avanzi (University of Cambridge)
11
Using large corpora and computational tools to describe Prosody: an exciting
challenge for the future with some (important) pending problems to solve
Juan María Garrido Almiñana (Pompeu Fabra University)
13
Unimodal and multimodal analyses of prosody: Some methods and issues
Barbara Gili Fivela (Università del Salento)
15
ORAL PRESENTATIONS
17
Using Discourse Completion Tests to investigate the interaction of politeness
and intonation
Lluïsa Astruc (Cambridge University, The Open University)
18
ProDis: una herramienta para la aproximación geolingüística al estudio de la
entonación
Simone Balocco, Wendy Elvira-García, Ana Ma. Fernández Planas, Paolo
Roseano, Eugenio Martínez Celdrán (Universitat de Barcelona)
19
High pre-tonic falls in Pescara and Recife: a hypothesis of prosodic reanalysis
Marco Barone (UFPE Recife, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona)
21
Francesco Cangemi, Martine Grice (Universität zu Köln)
23
El uso de construcciones gramaticales marcadas para la elicitación de
patrones entonativos específicos
Wendy Elvira-García (Universitat de Barcelona), Ana Ma. Fernández Planas
24
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(Universitat de Barcelona), Paolo Roseano (Universitat de Barcelona,
Universitat Pompeu Fabra) and Eugenio Martínez Celdrán (Universitat de
Barcelona)
Análisis Melódico del Habla: una aplicación metodológica para el análisis
contrastivo de la entonación de las interrogativas absolutas del castellano y
del alemán
Dolors Font-Rotchés, José Torregrosa (Universidad de Barcelona)
26
Psycholinguistic investigations on the prosody of wh-exclamatives and whquestions
Olga Kellert (Universität Göttingen), Daniele Panizza (Universität Göttingen),
Caterina Petrone (Univ. Aix en Provence)
28
João Antônio de Moraes (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro/CNPq)
30
Researching voice quality variation in spontaneous free speech data of AfroYungueño Spanish
Danae Maria Perez, Lena Zipp (University of Zurich)
32
The role of prosody in the study of the use of pronominal subjects in Spanish
Andrea Pešková (Universität zu Köln)
34
Pronunciación de oraciones declarativas simples en español (L1) y en inglés
(L2) de hispanohablantes venezolanos: un análisis acústico-entonativo
José Alberto Romero Ortega (Universidad Pedagógica Experimental
Libertador)
36
Methodology for the study of prosody in language contact: Occitan and French
Rafèu Sichel-Bazin (Universität Osnabrück, Universitat Pompeu Fabra),
Trudel Meisenburg (Universität Osnabrück)
38
F0 contours in data from picture-based elicitation experiments: Evidence from
the intonational realization corrective focus in Yucatecan Spanish
Melanie Uth (Universität zu Köln)
40
Eduardo Patricio Velázquez Patiño, Eva Patricia Velásquez Upegui
(Universidad Autónoma de Querétaro)
42
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POSTER PRESENTATIONS
Teresa Cabré (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona), Francesc Torres-Tamarit
(Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam), Maria del Mar Vanrell (Freie Universität
45
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Berlin)
Sofía Flores (Universidad de Costa Rica), Maria del Mar Vanrell Bosch (Freie
Universität Berlin)
47
Respondre i preguntar en català com a llengua estrangera amb el mètode
anàlisi melòdica de la parla
Dolors Font-Rotchés, Agnès Rius-Escudé, Francina Torras Compte
(Universitat de Barcelona)
49
Análisis de algunas características prosódicas en textos leídos producidos por
hablantes bilingües de vasco y español
Iñaki Gaminde (UPV/EHU), Gotzon Aurrekoetxea (UPV/EHU), Leire
Gandarias (UPV/EHU)
51
Alexander M. Kalkhoff (Universität Regensburg)
53
Análisis de la entonación de las declarativas del español hablado por suecos
Laura Martorell (Laboratorio de Fonética Aplicada), Dolors Font-Rotchés
(Universidad de Barcelona)
55
Prosodie und Fremdsprache – Eine phonetisch-phonologische Untersuchung
der Rhythmusinterferenzen spanischund portugiesischsprachiger
Deutschlerner
Sarah Waldmann (Universität Potsdam, Universidad Complutense de Madrid)
57
8
ABSTRACTS
9
INVITED SPEAKERS
10
Analyzing prosodic variation in European French – Data, Methods and Results
Mathieu Avanzi
University of Cambridge
Until fairly recently, annotation of continuous French speech was either relatively
rudimentary, or the province of a group of specialists working within the framework of
phonologic theories. On the one hand, specialists of spoken French (e.g. Groupe de Fribourg
2012) transcribe prosodic events using a reduced set of symbols, which does not reflect the
actual complexity of prosodic phenomena. On the other hand, phonologists who work in the
Autosegmental-Metrical framework (see Jun & Fougeron 2000; Delais-Roussarie et al., to
app.), use or develop annotation systems which are not really applicable to spontaneous
speech, since the data they deal with mostly consist of sentences recorded in laboratories,
material that is "light years ahead of the complexity of spontaneous speech" (Lacheret 2003).
However, in the past few years, mostly thanks to automatic processing advances, the
situation has been changing. Protocols and tools designed to annotate French prosodic
structure (semi)automatically are emerging. An increasing number of projects aim to create
available and public annotated corpora (Goldman et al. 2014; Lacheret et al. to app.).
In this context, the aim of this talk is not to make an inventory of existing systems and
resources, but (i) to present a 13h long corpus, prosodically annotated and designed to study
regional and stylistic variation in French; (ii) to summarize the perceptually-based and
computer-assisted procedure used to annotate accentuation (calculation of the position and
strength of primary and secondary stress) and phrasing (identification of the minor prosodic
groups in the prosodic hierarchy) in this corpus; and (iii) to discuss what such annotations
learn us about French speech prosody variation.
The corpus consists in a subpart of the material recorded within the Phonologie du
Français Contemporain framework (Durand et al. 2009). It includes 15 regional varieties of
French, recorded in 3 different countries of Europe (Belgium, France, Switzerland). For each
of the 15 locales, 4 female and 4 male speakers were selected; they were born and raised in
the city in which they were recorded. Participants were broadly categorized as belonging to
the working class (WC) or a higher class (HC) according to whether their occupation was
manual or non-manual [15]. As for the age of the speakers, it ranges from 19 to 82 years, and
is controlled for each of the 15 groups. Each of the 120 speakers was recorded in a reading
text task (the text is 398 words-long) and in semi-directed sociolinguistic interviews, in
which the informant had minimal interaction with the interviewer. The entire reading text
and a stretch of 3 minutes of spontaneous speech for each speaker were orthographically
transcribed and automatically aligned within Praat (Boersma & Weeninck 2015) with the
EasyAlign script, which provides a 3-layer annotation in phones, syllables and words (see
Goldman (2011) for a detailed description of the tool). The phonetic transcription and its
alignment were manually verified and corrected when necessary, by inspecting both
spectrogram and waveforms (e.g. boundary adjustments, segments deletion or addition
especially in the case of schwas, liaisons and liquid consonants). The orthographic
transcription was then annotated in part-of-speech (PoS) tags using the DisMo software
(Christodoulides et al. 2014). Prominent syllables (initial- and final-word stressed syllables)
and syllables associated with a disfluency (fillers, lengthened syllables due to hesitations,
false starts, repairs, etc.) were identified independently by two experts on the basis of their
perceptual judgment only, following the C-PROM methodology, which is presented in detail
in Avanzi et al. (2013). A third expert intervened in cases of disagreement between the two
annotators and decided the final value of the syllable (+/- prominent, +/- associated to a
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disfluency), saving this annotation on a dedicated tier. Data labelling was performed over a
period of almost three years. Four couples of annotators (every team included the author)
took turns. Kappa statistics (Cohen 1969) were used to assess the reliability for each pair
regarding prominence annotation. The resulting Kappa values vary between 0.61 and 0.88,
with a mean of 0.72, which is considered as fair agreement according to Landis & Koch
(1977). Finally, Accentual Phrase (AP) boundaries were manually identified and annotated
on a separate tier. AP boundaries were derived from prominent syllables, and were inserted
at the end of any clitic group, whose last metrical syllable is prominent (Avanzi 2014).
Praat scripts were created to extract different information in order to account for a
multifactorial analysis of some current “hot topics” regarding French prosodic variation:
secondary stress, articulation rate and liaison. (Generalized) linear models (Baayen et al.
2008) were then used to assess the significant effects of a bunch of predictor on the
dependent variables. Their results will be presented during the conference.
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Using large corpora and computational tools to describe Prosody: an exciting challenge
for the future with some (important) pending problems to solve
Juan María Garrido Almiñana
Computational Linguistics Group (GLiCom) – Pompeu Fabra University
In the era of the ‘big data’ approach to collect information in almost any field of knowledge,
the use of large amounts of speech material for Prosody research seems a natural and
promising way to explore, with lots of evident advantages but some drawbacks too. This talk
will discuss the advantages and disadvantages of applying corpus-based techniques to the
analysis of Prosody, with a special (but not exclusive) emphasis on examples of current work
at our research group. Several methodological issues related to this approach will be
reviewed, such as the design and collection and large corpora (Escudero et al, 2009; Garrido
et al., 2013), the development and use of automatic tools for the annotation of prosodic
events and prosodic units (Garrido, 2010; Yao and Garrido, 2010; Garrido, 2013), or the
automatic analysis of large amounts of acoustic data for the description of prosodic
phenomena (Garrido. 2011, Garrido and Rustullet, 2011; Garrido, 2012a, 2012b).
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References
Escudero, D. - Aguilar, L. - Bonafonte, A. - Garrido, J. M. (2009). On the definition of a
prosodically balanced corpus: combining greedy algorithms with expert guide
manipulation. Procesamiento del lenguaje natural, 43, 93-101.
Garrido, J. M. (2010). A Tool for Automatic F0 Stylisation, Annotation and Modelling of
Large Corpora. Speech Prosody 2010, Chicago, May 2010.
Garrido, J. M. (2011). Análisis de las curvas melódicas del español en habla emotiva
simulada. Estudios de Fonética Experimental, XX, 205-255.
Garrido, J. M. (2012a). Análisis fonético de los patrones melódicos locales en español:
patrones acentuales Revista Española de Lingüística, 42, 1, 79-107.
Garrido, J. M. (2012b). Análisis fonético de los patrones melódicos locales en español:
patrones entonativos. Revista Española de Lingüística, 42, 2, 95-125.
Garrido, J. M. (2013). SegProso: A Praat-Based tool for the Automatic Detection and
Annotation of Prosodic Boundaries. Proceedings of TRASP 2013, 74-77.
Garrido, J. M., Escudero, D., Aguilar, L., Cardeñoso, V., Rodero, E., de-la-Mota, C.,
González, C., Rustullet, S., Larrea, O., Laplaza, Y., Vizcaíno, F., Cabrera, M.,
Bonafonte, A. (2013). Glissando: a corpus for multidisciplinary prosodic studies in
Spanish and Catalan. Language Resources and Evaluation, 47, 4, 945-971.
Garrido, J. M. and Rustullet, S. (2011). Patrones melódicos en el habla de diálogo en
español: un primer análisis del corpus Glissando. Oralia: Análisis del discurso oral,
14, 129-160.
Yao, J. and Garrido, J. M. (2010). Validación perceptiva de un sistema de anotación
automática de contornos de F0 aplicado al chino mandarín, Actas del IX Congreso
Internacional de Lingüística General, Universidad de Valladolid, 21-23 junio 2010,
2422-2437.
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Unimodal and multimodal analyses of prosody: Some methods and issues
Barbara Gili Fivela
CRIL-DReAM – Università del Salento
The increasing interest devoted to prosody in the past decades has offered the scientific
community a number of investigations performed with reference to various theoretical
frameworks and with several goals and methods. Although these latter are often tightly
related to the former, they also change over time, due to technical advancements and crossfertilization from different scientific fields or subfields. In this work, specific attention is
devoted to some of such methods, which are nowadays used in quite a number of empirical
studies concerning prosody, and intonation in particular.
The topic is addressed by taking into account both investigations in which prosody is
studied by means of unimodal analyses and investigations in which multimodal analyses are
performed. Among the former, most of acoustic and perception works can be considered,
even those accounting for aspects concerning context (just to make few examples,
concerning acoustics see the contributions in Frota and Prieto, in press; for perception, see
Wichmann 2000; Woodland et al. 2011); among the latter, investigations are included that
overtly acknowledge the fact that prosody is usually found in multimodal communication
(e.g. Cavé et al. 1996, Swerts 2009). Given such partitioning, a discussion is then offered in
relation to the most interesting issues and recently-applied methods in both production and
perception studies. Thus, investigations on both speech acoustics and articulation will be
considered (e.g., D'Imperio et al. 2007; Mucke et al. 2009) as well as researches involving
(also) the analysis of body gestures and facial expressions produced in prosodically relevant
contexts (e.g. Crespo et al 2013; see also Gili Fivela and Bazzanella 2014). As for the
perception side, innovative aspects related to traditional identification and discrimination
tests will be discussed, by considering investigations on both auditory and visual cues (Gili
Fivela 2012, Borràs-Comes et al. 2012, Nadeu and Prieto 2011, Crespo et al 2013).
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References
Borràs-Comes J., Costa-Faidella J., Prieto P., Escera C. (2012). “Specific neural traces for
intonational discourse categories as revealed by human evoked potentials”, in
Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 24, 843-53.
Cave´ C., Guaıtella I., Bertrand R., Santi S., Harlay F., Espesser R. (1996). “About the
relationship between eyebrow movements and F0 variations”. Proceedings of the
International Conference on Spoken Language Processing (ICSLP), Philadelphia,
PA, 2175-2179.
Crespo Sendra V., Kaland C., Swerts M., Prieto P. (2013). “Perceiving incredulity: The role
of intonation and facial gestures”, in Journal of Pragmatics, 47, 1-13.
D’Imperio M., Espesser R., Loevenbruck H., Menezes C., Nguyen N., Welby P. (2007).
“Are tones aligned with articulatory events? Evidence from Italian and French”, in J.
Cole & J. I. Hualde (eds.) Laboratory phonology 9, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 577–
608.
Frota S., Prieto P. (eds) (in press). Intonational variation in Romance, Oxford University Press.
Gili Fivela B. (2012). “Testing the perception of L2 intonation”, in Methodological
Perspectives on Second Language Prosody. Papers from ML2P 2012, Busà M.G.,
Stella A., Padova: CLEUP, 17-30.
Gili Fivela B., Bazzanella C. (2014). “The relevance of prosody and context to the interplay
between intensity and politeness. An exploratory study on Italian”, in Journal of
Politeness Research, 10, 1, 97–126.
Mücke, D., Grice M., Becker J., Hermes A. (2009). “Sources of variation in tonal alignment:
Evidence from acoustic and kinematic data”, in Journal of Phonetics, 37, 321–338.
Nadeu M., Prieto P. (2011). “Pitch range, gestural information, and perceived politeness in
Catalan” in Journal of Pragmatics, 43, 841–854.
Swerts M. (2009). “The relevance of visual prosody for studies in language and speechlanguage pathology”, in International Journal of Speech-Language Pathology, 11, 4,
282–286.
Wichmann A. (2000). “The attitudinal effects of prosody, and how they relate to emotion",
in SpeechEmotion-2000, 143-148
Woodland J., Voyer D. (2011). “Context and Intonation in the Perception of Sarcasm”, in
Metaphor and Symbol, 26, 227–239.
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ORAL PRESENTATIONS
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Using Discourse Completion Tests to investigate the interaction of politeness and
intonation
Lluïsa Astruc1
1
Cambridge University, The Open University
[email protected]
This study examines the interaction of politeness and intonational phonology encoding of
politeness in a corpus of offers and requests in Mexican Spanish. Whereas requests have
been widely studied, especially from a cross-linguistic perspective (from García 1993 and
Koike 1994 to Orozco 2010, among many others), offers have received scant attention in the
literature, with only a few studies in Spanish (Chodorowska-Pilch 2002, 2003, Ruiz de
Zarobe 2001, Barros García 2010), and no study so far that includes intonation. The main
research question is: which sociolinguistic factors determine the choice of pragmalinguistic
and intonational strategies in offers and requests in Spanish?
To answer this question, we designed and applied a Discourse Completion Test (DCT,
e.g. Kasper and Dahl 1991, Cohen 1996, Beebe and Cumings 1996, Prieto 2001, Nurani
2009). Participants were 12 speakers of Mexican Spanish. The DCT had 16 situations (eight
offers and eight requests) and controlled for the following factors:
(a) Social distance between participants (D)
Low social distance (sibling, - D) vs. high social distance (stranger, +)
(b) Power of the hearer over the speaker (P)
Equal power (your colleague, - P) vs. power imbalance (your boss, + P)
(c) Cost of the face-threatening act (D)
Little cost (passing over small items, -C) vs. high cost (car ride, + C)
Although we expected to find that all three factor affect the choice of intonational pattern,
we found that cost is the only statistically significant factor: low cost offers were associated
with a low rise and high cost offers with a high rise. We thus argue that there is a trade-off
between the use of morpho-syntactic and intonational strategies (e.g. Prieto and Rigau 2007).
18
ProDis: una herramienta para la aproximación geolingüística
al estudio de la entonación
Simone Balocco1, Wendy Elvira-García1, Ana Ma. Fernández Planas1,
Paolo Roseano1, Eugenio Martínez Celdrán1
1
Universitat de Barcelona
[email protected], [email protected], [email protected],
[email protected], [email protected]
La preocupación por la necesidad de medir de manera objetiva las distancias entre
variedades lingüísticas surgió en los años 70 del siglo XX y ha llevado al nacimiento de la
disciplina conocida como dialectometría (v. entre otros, Séguy 1971; Goebl 1982), que
consiste en aplicar varios tipos de técnicas de análisis estadístico a bases de datos muy
extensas (normalmente atlas lingüísticos). Las bases de datos sobre las cuales se suelen
aplicar las técnicas dialectométricas incluyen datos fonético-fonológicos segmentales,
morfológicos, léxicos o sintácticos, pero no incluyen información acerca de la entonación.
De hecho, sólo en la última década se han creado las bases de datos entonativas – los atlas
prosódicos como AMPER (Contini 1992; Contini et al. 2003) o IARI (Prieto et al. 20102014) – que constituyen el material imprescindible para el análisis geolingüístico de la
entonación. Este retraso en la creación de bases de datos prosódicos ha comportado que hoy
en día sean aún muy escasos los estudios que aplican métodos estadísticos para valorar las
diferencias y semejanzas entre la entonación de diferentes dialectos o lenguas (Hermes
(1998), Romano (1999), Moutinho et al. (2011), Rilliard y Lai (2008), Romano y Miotti
(2008), Fernández Planas et al. (2011), Sullivan (2011), Romano et al. (2011), Roseano
(2012), Fernández Rei et al. (2013), Prieto y Cabré (2013)).
Este trabajo, tras presentar una reseña de los diferentes métodos propuestos en estudios
anteriores, se concentra en ProDis, el instrumento de análisis geolingüístico creado en el
Laboratori de Fonètica de la Universitat de Barcelona. ProDis permite calcular las distancias
prosódicas entre diferentes puntos de encuesta a partir de los datos acústicos de las curvas
entonativas de frases obtenidas mediante elicitación textual.
Además de las bases metodológicas de la herramienta y de sus aspectos técnicos, se
presentan los resultados de su aplicación a unos casos de estudio concretos, así como su
validación a través de la comparación con resultados de análisis dialectométricos basados en
materiales segmentales o en interpretaciones fonológicas de los datos acústicos entonativos.
19
References
Contini, M., Lai, J.P., Romano A. & Roullet, S. (2003). Vers un Atlas prosodique des
variétés romanes. En Bouvier, J.C., Gourc, J. & Pic, F. (eds.). Sempre los camps
auràn segadas resurgantas, Mélanges offerts a Xavier Ravier, 73-84.Toulouse:
CNRS.
Contini, M. (1992). Vers une géoprosodie romane. In Aurrekoetxea, G., & Videgain. X.
(eds.). Nazioarteko Dialektologia Biltzarra Agiriak, 83-109. Bilbo: Euskaltzaindia.
Fernández Planas, A.M., Roseano, P., Martínez Celdrán, E. & Romera Barrios, L. (2011).
Aproximación al análisis dialectométrico de la entonación en algunos puntos del
dominio lingüístico catalán. Estudios de Fonética Experimental 20. 41-178.
Fernández Rei, E, de Castro Moutinho, L., & Lídia Coimbra, R. (2013). Abordagem
dialectométrica das variedades prosódicas do Galego o do Português. Presentación
en las II Jornadas de Ciências da Linguagem, Universidade de Aveiro, 12 de junio
de 2013.
Goebl, H. (2013). La dialectometrització dels quatre primers volums de l’ALDC: Una breu
presentació. Estudis Romànics 35. 87-116.
Hermes D.J. (1998). Auditory and visual similarity of pitch contours. Journal for Speech,
Language, and Hearing Research 41. 63-72.
Moutinho de Castro, L., & Lídia Coimbra, R., Rilliard, A. & Romano, A. (2011). Mesure de
la variation prosodique diatopique en portugais européen. Estudios de Fonética
Experimental 20. 33-55.
Prieto, P. & Cabré, T. (eds.). (2013). L’entonació dels dialectes catalans. Barcelona:
Publicacions l’Abadia de Montserrat.
Prieto, P., Borràs-Comes, J. & Roseano, P. (eds.). 2010-2014. Interactive Atlas of Romance
Intonation. http://prosodia.upf.edu/iari/ (accessed 13 January 2015).
Rilliard, A. & Lai, J.P. (2008). La Base de Données AMPER et ses interfaces: Structure et
formats de données, exemple d’utilisation pour une analyse comparative de la
prosodie de différents parlers romans. En Moutinho de Castro, L., & Lídia Coimbra,
R. (eds.). Actas das I Jornadas Científicas AMPER-POR, 127-139. Aveiro:
Universidade de Aveiro.
Romano, A. & Miotti, R.. (2008). Distancias prosódicas entre variedades románicas. En
Turculeţ, A. (ed.), La variation diatopique de l’intonation dans le domaine roumain
et roman, 231-249. Iaşi: Editura Universităţii A.I. Cuza.
Romano, A., Contini, M., Lai, J.P., & Rilliard, A.. (2011). Distancias prosódicas entre
variedades románicas en el marco del proyecto AMPER. Revista Internacional de
Linguística Iberoamericana 1(17). 13-26.
Romano, A. (1999). Analyse des structures prosodiques des dialectes et de l’italien régional
parlés dans le Salento (Italie): Approche linguistiique et instrumentale. Tesis
doctoral, Université Stendhal (Grenoble III).
Roseano, P. (2012). La prosòdia del friülà en el marc de l’Atles Multimèdia de Prosòdia de
l’Espai Romànic. Tesis doctoral, Universitat de Barcelona.
Séguy, J. (1971). La relation entre la distance spatiale et la distance lexical. Revue de
Linguistique Romane 35. 335-357.
20
High pre-tonic falls in Pescara and Recife: a hypothesis of prosodic reanalysis
Marco Barone1,2
1
2
UFPE Recife, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona
[email protected]
The intonation of northeastern Brazilian Portuguese shows a nuclear falling pitch accent in
statements, with a salient high-pretonic rise, which was labeled in literature as ¡H+L*
(Morães, 2008). A recent study on the Italian variety of Pescara (Barone, to appear), using
the Discourse Completion Task methodology (Blum-Kulka et al., 1989), finds this accent in
broad focus and narrow noncontrastive focus affirmative SVO statements. For further
investigation, sentences with a compound postverbal object phrase were added to the DCT
and a hat pattern was systematically found, with a prenuclear rise to a high pitch target on
the prenuclear tonic syllable which spreads (Gussenhoven, 2004) until the nucleus, followed
by a nuclear fall, so as to form a high plateau. This shows that the high pre-tonic fall is
nothing but a degenerating plateau of length zero in absence of segmental material between
the first and last tone bearing units of the narrowly focused salient constituent (“beve [una
tAZZA DI Latte]” vs “bevE-[IL Latte]” in Table 1a; compare Figures 1a vs 2a).
This pattern stays identical in broad focus statements, because in absence of an
informational focused phrase, a rule applies, with a mandatory “default” prosodic
focalization on the post-verbal stretch, not necessarily corresponding to informational focus
value, in the sense of Selkirk (1984). It was possible to assess this, by a comparative analysis
with the local Vernacular (Pescarese) which has transferred his intonation to Italian: in
Pescarese this rule is reinforced by the fact that narrow focalization in situ in a nonfinal
position is not allowed. This method may be used to distinguish morphological vs syntactic
(and most likely recent vs old) compound toponyms: (pESCOCOSTanzo vs pescASSeroli,
roccARaso vs rOCCASecca).
As to Recife, 4 female and 2 male speakers from Recife were interviewed, between 23
and 31, with high school completed. A questionnaire was prepared, aimed at eliciting 20
target statements with object phrase varying in syntactic complexity (e.g. compound name,
syntactically articulated phrases, phrases with an embedded relative clause) and in number or
tone bearing units, distinguishing simple object (1 TBU) from compound object (2 to 5
TBU). For each sentence the subject was given a strip of paper with the target sentence
written, and a 1 to 2 minute conversation was started, between the participant, the
interviewer and an assistant interviewer, from Recife, acting so as to make the participant at
some point utter, in a pertinent context, the required sentence. This was aimed at catching a
spontaneous intonation.
Results show that on compound object phrases Recife speakers may use either the hat
pattern (39%) or the pre-tonic rise (61%), which is allowed in Pescara only for simple object
phrases (see Fig. 1). The use of pretonic rise instead of a hat pattern has proven to be
sensitive to gender: 79% for women and 37% for men. We believe that a productive rule
PLATEAU > PRETONIC RISE / (only 1 TBU),
similar to Pescara, exists in Recife but its memory is being lost in time and a process of
prosodic reanalysis is occurring, led by young female speakers: as the simple object
constituents are more frequent, the pre-tonic rise is being applied by analogy to all
statements, independently of the number of TBUs, with the reinterpretation of the rightward
spreading of the trailing tone of a L+H* prenuclear accent as the leading tone of a nuclear
accent. Future research on female older speaker could help confirming this hypothesis.
21
Tables 1a,b The hat pattern and the high pretonic rise in Pescara (1a) and Recife(1b)
Figure 1a.b The pretonic rise on simple object phrases in Pescara (1a: beve una bibita “she is
having a drink”) and Recife (1b: acho que eu vou pra Recife “I think I am going to Recife”)
Figures 2a,b Compound constituents: the hat pattern (mandatory strategy in Pescara, 2a: Maria
beve il latte di mandorle “Maria is drinking almond milk”) and the pretonic rise (preferred strategy in
Recife, 2b: ele veio pra comprar cadeia de rodas “He came to buy a wheelchair”)
22
Francesco Cangemi1, Martine Grice1
1
IfL Phonetik – Universität zu Köln
Phonetic research has recently stepped away from the brutal averaging of data points
collected across subjects, be it in perception or production. Developments in theory (e.g.
category structure), collection practices (e.g. stimulus presentation software) and quantitative
analysis (e.g. mixed-effects modelling) have stimulated an interest in closely examining a)
dispersion measures as a complement of central tendencies (e.g. variance in addition to
averages) and b) individual-specific behaviour (e.g. speaker- or listener-specific strategies in
the encoding and decoding of linguistic units). The aim of this contribution is to illustrate the
relevance of such developments to prosody, a domain in which an understanding of the
notions of variation and categoriality is crucial. To achieve this we carry out a detailed
exploration of corpora of Italian and German read speech.
In the first study, on Neapolitan Italian, we show that intonational categories –
specifically, pitch accents used in the encoding of sentence modality contrasts – might
display different degrees of internal complexity. This is ascribed to differences in both
dispersion (tokens to type relation) and sub-clustering (sub-types to type relation). We
speculate on the possible origins of such differential variability across sentence modalities,
and illustrate its implications for a number of issues, ranging from convergence phenomena
to transcription practices and phonological theory.
In the second study, on German, we investigate the interaction of speaker- and listenerspecific behaviour in the encoding and decoding of focus structures. We show that a given
contrast might be encoded by individual speakers with different degrees of robustness (i.e.
how many cues are mobilized) and distinctiveness (i.e. how fine-grained is the partitioning
of the phonetic space). However, this variation does not translate directly into a ranking of
speakers in terms of intelligibility: when decoding contrasts, listeners also vary with respect
to how they weight the available cues, yielding an intricate pattern of interactions.
After a brief illustration of the statistical techniques employed in the quantification of
such phenomena, we conclude by sketching our understanding of phonetic cues as
dimensions along which prosodic categories cluster in an individual-specific network of
phonological knowledge.
23
El uso de construcciones gramaticales marcadas para la elicitación
de patrones entonativos específicos
Wendy Elvira-García1, Ana Ma. Fernández Planas1, Paolo Roseano1, 2,
Eugenio Martínez Celdrán1
1
Universitat de Barcelona, 2Universitat Pompeu Fabra
[email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]
En las últimas dos décadas se han mejorado notablemente y de manera constante los recursos
técnicos para el estudio de la entonación. Probablemente el caso más paradigmático sea el de
Praat, (Boersma & Weenink, 2015) al que se añaden mejoras como mínimo una vez al mes.
Sin embargo, mientras la metodología de análisis acústico se actualiza constantemente,
los sistemas de elicitación de datos prosódicos no presentan la misma velocidad de cambio y
novedad. Las técnicas más populares siguen siendo la lectura, el Map Task (Anderson et al.,
1991), la grabación de monólogos o entrevistas y el Discourse Completion Task (DCT)
(Blum-Kulka, 1982). De estos el único que obtiene producciones con la variable de la
función discursiva controlada es el DCT.
En este trabajo proponemos un nuevo método con el mismo objetivo del DCT: obtener
contornos entonativos que tienen una función discursiva específica. Este método, a
diferencia del citado DCT, consigue controlar la variable función a partir de los propios
enunciados de las oraciones que conforman el corpus y no a partir de su contexto. La
gramática de construcciones (Goldberg, 1995, 2006; Kay & Fillmore, 1999) ofrece el marco
teórico propicio para lograr nuestro objetivo. En ella se define la construcción gramatical
como un conjunto de patrones sintácticos y entonativos, vinculados a ciertos significados y a
ciertos usos discursivos (Garachana Camarero & Hilferty, 2005, p. 385). Siguiendo esta
tesis, la elección de una construcción determinada que codifique un único uso discursivo
aseguraría la aparición del patrón prosódico de interés para el investigador.
En este trabajo se analizan 216 producciones pertenecientes a 4 hablantes de español de
Cataluña, las cuales conforman dos tipos de datos. Por una parte, cláusulas independientes
introducidas por “que” con valor citativo que muestran una especialización pragmática baja
(Gras, 2012) y, por tanto, admiten varios patrones prosódicos (principalmente L* L% y
L+H* L%). Y por otro, de dos construcciones gramaticales, “ni que” + subjuntivo y “como
si”+ subjuntivo, que tienen una función discursiva bien definida (Gras, 2011) y sólo permiten
una configuración nuclear (L+H* L%).
Los resultados indican que el uso de las construcciones gramaticales adecuadas permite
controlar la función discursiva de los enunciados y, por tanto, obtener los patrones
entonativos deseados.
24
References
Anderson, A., Bader, M., Bard, E., Boyle, E., Doherty, G. M., Garrod, S., Isard, S., Kowtko,
J., McAllister, J., Miller, J., Sotillo, C., Thompson, H. S., Weinert, R. (1991). The
HCRC Map Task Corpus. In: Language and Speech 34(4), pp. 351–366.
Blum-Kulka, S. (1982). Learning to Say What You Mean in a Second Language: A Study of
the Speech Act Performance of Learners of Hebrew as a Second Language. In:
Applied Linguistics 3(1), pp. 29–59.
Boersma, P., & Weenink, D. (2015). Praat: doing phonetics by computer.
<http://www.praat.org/>
Garachana Camarero, M., & Hilferty, J. (2005). ¿Gramática sin construcciones? In: Verba,
32, pp 385–396.
Goldberg, A. E. (1995). Constructions: a construction grammar approach to argument
structure. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Goldberg, A. E. (2006). Constructions at work: the nature of generalization in language.
New York: Oxford University Press.
Gras, P. (2011). Gramática de Construcciones en Interacción. Propuesta de un modelo y
aplicación al análisis de estructuras independientes con marcas de subordinación en
español. PhD thesis. Universitat de Barcelona.
Gras, P. (2012). Entre la gramática y el discurso: valores conectivos de que inicial átono en
español. In: Autour de QUE/ El Entorno de QUE. Frankfurt: P. Lang.
Kay, P., & Fillmore, C. J. (1999). Grammatical Constructions and Linguistic
Generalizations: The What’s X Doing Y? Construction. In: Language, 75(1), pp. 1–
33.
25
Análisis Melódico del Habla: una aplicación metodológica para el análisis contrastivo
de la entonación de las interrogativas absolutas del castellano y del alemán
Dolors Font-Rotchés1, José Torregrosa1
1
Universidad de Barcelona
En esta comunicación nos hemos planteado dos objetivos. El primer objetivo consiste en
presentar el método de Análisis Melódico del Habla (AMH) para el análisis de la entonación.
El AMH ha sido desarrollado por Cantero (2002), revisado y ampliado en Font-Rotchés
(2007), sistematizado en forma de protocolo en Cantero y Font-Rotchés (2009) y aplicado
con éxito en numerosos trabajos experimentales en los que se analizan las características
melódicas y entonativas de diferentes lenguas y variantes lingüísticas (castellano, catalán,
portugués, italiano, francés, alemán, neerlandés, sueco, húngaro, chino).
Se trata de una metodología de carácter empírico y experimental que permite estudiar la
entonación a diferentes niveles de descripción lingüística -nivel prelingüístico, nivel
lingüístico y nivel paralingüístico- y obtener resultados objetivos y generalizables a partir de
muestras orales espontáneas de un gran número de informantes con independencia de la edad
y del sexo. En el nivel de análisis prelingüístico se analizan y se describen los rasgos que
caracterizan la melodía de una determinada lengua o variante lingüística. En el lingüístico se
describen y se clasifican formalmente los patrones entonativos atendiendo al desarrollo que
describe la inflexión final, el primer pico y el cuerpo del contorno. Finalmente, en el nivel
paralingüístico se analizan y se describen desde un punto de vista pragmático las diferentes
variantes semánticas de los patrones entonativos.
El AMH ha incorporado recientemente una implementación técnica que permite obtener
de forma semiautomática los datos tonales a partir del etiquetado en Praat de las muestras
analizadas, realizar el cálculo para la estandarización de los valores y la representación
gráfica de la melodía de los enunciados (Mateo, 2010a, 2010b).
El segundo objetivo que nos proponemos es exponer un ejemplo de aplicación del
método AMH en el que se realiza un análisis comparativo entre las melodías de las
interrogativas absolutas del castellano y del alemán en habla espontánea. Presentaremos los
cinco patrones melódicos por los que se caracterizan las interrogativas absolutas del alemán
con los cuatro que caracterizan los del español (Cantero y Font-Rotchés, 2007 y FontRotchés y Mateo, 2013), analizaremos las coincidencias, divergencias y posibles
interferencias entre los dos sistemas entonativos.
El AMH es un método sólido, fiable e idóneo para la realización estudios contrastivos de
la entonación, ya que se rige por un procedimiento de análisis riguroso en el tratamiento de
datos precisos y concretos a partir de los cuales es posible obtener configuraciones
entonativas objetivas, generalizables y comparables.
26
References
Boersma, P.; Weenink, D. (1992-2012): PRAAT. Doing Phonetics by Computer. Amsterdam:
University of Amsterdam 1992-2012. http://www.praat.org. [09/07/2014].
Cantero, F. J. (2002): Teoría y análisis de la entonación. Barcelona: Edicions de la
Universitat de Barcelona.
Cantero, F. J.; Font-Rotchés, D. (2007): “Entonación del español peninsular en habla
espontánea: patrones melódicos y márgenes de dispersión”. Moenia, 13, 69-92.
Cantero, F. J.; Font-Rotchés, D. (2009): “Protocolo para el análisis melódico del habla”.
Estudios de Fonética Experimental, XVIII, 17-32.
Font-Rotchés, D. (2007): L’entonació del català. Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadía de
Montserrat.
Font-Rotchés, D.; Mateo, M. (2013): “Entonación de las interrogativas absolutas del español
meridional en habla espontánea”. Onomázein, 28, 256-275.
Mateo, M. (2010a): “Protocolo para la extracción de datos tonales y curva estándar en
análisis melódico del habla (AMH)”. Phonica 6, 49-90.
http://www.publicacions.ub.edu/revistes/phonica6/. [08/06/2015].
Mateo, M. (2010b): “Scripts en Praat para la extracción de datos tonales y curva estándar”.
Phonica
6,
91-111.
http://www.publicacions.ub.edu/revistes/phonica6/.
[08/06/2015].
27
Psycholinguistic investigations on the prosody of wh-exclamatives and wh-questions
Olga Kellert1, Daniele Panizza1, Caterina Petrone2
1
Universität Göttingen, 2Univ. Aix en Provence
[email protected], [email protected],
[email protected]
Our main contribution to the workshop is to present the results of a perception experiment on
prosody, based on reaction time measurements in an identification task. For this matter, we
used a user-friendly open source script that exploits Pygame (a module for Python). The
theoretical issue addressed here concerns morpho-syntactically identical root whquestions
and wh-exclamatives in Italian in (1):
(1) Quanti
panini
hai
preparato!/?
how many sandwiches
have
prepared
‘How many sandwiches you have made! (exclamative interpretation)
How many sandwiches have you made? (question interpretation)’
According to Portner & Zanuttini 2003, wh-exclamatives and wh-questions have the
same semantics, namely they denote a set of propositions and have an existential
presupposition. In this paper, we test whether wh-exclamatives and wh-questions in Italian
can be distinguished by means of prosody. We investigate the existence of specific prosodic
features, which might be used both at the production and perception level in order to
differentiate between exclamatives and questions. In production, we mainly examined the
intonation contour and the duration pattern of both sentence types (for a similar
investigation, see Gyuris et al. 2013 on Hungarian wh-exclamatives, Sorianello 2011 on
Italian exclamatives spoken in Cosenza, D'Imperio 2002 on Italian questions, Gussenhoven
2002 on dutch sentence types). The experiment consists in a reading task on five speakers
from the Southern Italin variety spoken in Cosenza.
We found sentence type differences in the tonal composition and at the durational level.
In the prenuclear section, a higher H target on the wh-word quanti was observed in both
sentence types (but is analyzed as %H in exclamatives and H* in interrogatives, cf.
Sorianello 2011). A nuclear rise was only in wh-exclamatives, while a fall was typical of whquestions. At the durational level, the stressed syllable on the noun and on the participle is
significantly longer in the exclamative sentence type. As to phrase boundary differences,
some speakers (mostly female) produced a terminal f0 rise in questions in contrast to the
terminal f0 fall in exclamatives.
Concerning the perception of the sentence types, we have been carrying out a perception
test in which stimuli were presented by means of open-source and user-friendly python based
toolkit. Subjects were asked to identify the sentence type of non-manipulated utterance as a
wh-question or wh-exclamative as soon as possible. We simultaneously measured reaction
times of the identification judgements. Our hypothesis is that listeners use prosodic
(phonological/phonetic) information in order to differentiate the two sentence types.
Moreover, if phonetic cues located in prenuclear section of the contour matter, listeners
should be able to identify the two sentence types even before hearing the nucleus. When
listening to the nucleus, identification scores will be higher and RT will be faster, since the
nuclear contour contains information about sentence type differences.
28
References
D'Imperio, M. (2002). Italian intonation: An overview and some questions. In: Probus. 14
(1), 37–69.
Gyuris, B. et al. (2013). Experimental investigations on the prosody of Hungarian
exclamatives. Ms.
Gussenhoven, C. (2002). Intonation and interpretation: phonetics and phonology.In:
Proceedings of Speech Prosody 1, Aix-en-Provence, France, 47-57.
Portner, P. & Zanuttini, R. (2003). Exclamative clauses: At the syntaxsemantics interface. In:
Language 79 (1): 39-81.
Sorianello, P. (2011). Aspetti prosodici e pragmatici dell'atto esclamativo. In: Studi
Linguistici e Filologici Online 9, 287-332.
29
João Antônio de Moraes
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro/CNPq
[email protected]
In Brazilian Portuguese, the intonation, in the absence of other indices, distinguishes various
types of directive speech acts, including order, request, suggestion, challenge and warning.
These pitch patterns present quite different melodic shapes (Fig. 1), and can hardly be
explained by distinct phonetic implementations of the same basic pattern, based on the
exploitation of biological codes (paralinguistic meaning) (Gussenhoven 2002, Post, B. et al.
2007). Identification tests with 30 subjects were undertaken and showed a high score of
correct identification, even under extreme compression condition (i.e. on one syllable
utterances).
a
b
c
d
e
Figure 1. Stylized pitch contours of the sentence Destranca a gaveta (Unlock the drawer)
uttered as (a) order, (b) challenge, (c) request, (d) suggestion and (e) warning.
The aim of this paper is to describe these melodic contours in sentences produced by four
speakers.
Close copy versions of the pitch contours (‘t Hart et al. 1990) and their manipulations
with resynthesis techniques (using Praat) show that the relevant features of these contours in
“normal” (not compressed) length condition are (i) the melodic level (low, high or extra
high) in prenuclear position, (ii) the configuration of the nuclear accent – mainly the contrast
between the final stressed syllable and its preceding syllable and (iii) the presence or absence
of the declination line between the two positions.
30
References
Gussenhoven, C. (2002). Intonation and interpretation: Phonetics and phonology. In: Bel,B.
and Marlien, I.(eds.) Proceedings of the Speech Prosody 2002 Conference, Aix-enProvence, France.
‘t Hart, J. Collier, R. & Cohen, A. (1990). A Perceptual Study of Intonation: An
experimental-phonetic approach to speech melody. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Post, B., D’Imperio, M. & Gussenhoven, C. (2007) Fine phonetic detail and intonational
meaning. In: Trouvain,J. & Barry, W. (eds.) Proceedings of the 16th International
Congress of Phonetic Sciences (ICPhS XVI), pp.191-196.
31
32
Researching voice quality variation in spontaneous free speech data of Afro-Yungueño
Spanish
Danae Maria Perez1, Lena Zipp1
1
University of Zurich
This paper focuses on the methodological challenges of researching voice quality variation
in spontaneous, ethnographically sampled free speech from non-laboratory conditions. We
work with legacy data of Afro-Yungueño Spanish Creole (Lipski 2007, Perez fc.) collected
in the context of an anthropological study in the rural villages of Mururata, Chijchipa, and
Tocaña, Bolivia. The data consists of spontaneous face-to-face interactions (casual
conversations) of multiple speakers, recorded by community members in and outside of the
home environment. This procedure allowed the researcher to elicit more basilectal data; it
presents, however, several methodological challenges for the evaluation of voice quality
variation.
We investigate the pragmatic functions of non-modal phonation type (falsetto, breathy
voice, creaky voice) in middle-aged and older speakers, such as its use to index emotional
distance, indignation, humour, intensification, or reported speech (cf. Gobl & Chasaide 2003,
Podesva 2007, Nielsen 2010, Sicoli 2010, Hidalgo Navarro 2011). For example, the use of
falsetto (underlined) in the intensification
Comían pue. Y nohotro ganai pescau, grave!
<Sp. ‘Comían pues. Y nosotros [teníamos] una [gran] gana de [comer] pescado, [era]
grave!’>
‘They ate. And we were craving fish, it was severe!’
Due to the particularities of the data, automatized acoustic measurements are difficult,
and the evaluation has to rest on auditory detection, and manual manipulation and
measurement of spectral tilt in the sound signal in Praat. In particular, we would like to use
the opportunity of participating in this section to discuss and assess the potential of different
methods in using legacy data for the investigation of phonation type with regard to pragmatic
indexicality, sociolinguistic stance taking, and syntactic organization.
33
References
Gobl, C. & Ní Chasaide, A. (2003). The role of voice quality in communi-cating emotion,
mood and attitude. In: Speech Communication 40, pp. 189-212.
Hidalgo Navarro, Antonio. (2011). Humor, prosodia e intensificación pragmática en la
conversación coloquial española. In: VERBA 38, pp. 271-292.
Lipski, John M. (2007). Afro-Yungueño speech. The long-lost ‘black Spanish’. In: Spanish
in Context 4(1), pp. 1-43.
Nielsen, Rasmus. (2010). ‘I ain’t never been charged with nothing!’: The use of falsetto
speech as a linguistic strategy of indignation. In: University of Pennsylvania
Working Papers in Linguistics 15(2), pp. 110-121.
Perez, Danae Maria. (forthcoming). Traces of Portuguese in Afro-Yungueño Spanish? In:
Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages.
Podesva, Robert J. (2007). Phonation type as a stylistic variable: The use of falsetto in
constructing a persona. In: Journal of Sociolinguistics 11(4), pp. 478-504.
Sicoli, Mark A. (2010). Shifting voices with participant roles: Voice qualities and speech
registers in Mesoamerica. In: Language in Society 39, pp. 521-553.
34
The role of prosody in the study of the use of pronominal subjects in Spanish
Andrea Pešková
Universität zu Köln
[email protected]
This paper presents and discusses methodological issues concerning the definition of
different discourse-pragmatic functions of (overt) pronominal subjects (PS) in spoken
Porteño (Buenos Aires) Spanish. The basic question is whether the PS with different
information-structural (IS) functions have correlates in phonology, in syntax (word order) or
in both (cf. Frascarelli & Hinterhölzl 2007). As will be shown, intonation is very important
to distinguish between topics and focus and is particularly useful in contexts which may
cause disputes or doubts.
The use of PS in a language whose grammar omits PS is one of the most discussed
phenomena within the Generative framework (see e.g. Luján 1999; Biberauer et al. 2010,
and many others) as well as in the Variationist and Functionalist research (see e.g. Otheguy
et al. 2007; Adli 2011; Posio 2012). Whereas grammarians assume that the PS must be
obligatorily realized if interpreted as a focus or a contrastive topic (see e.g. RAE 2009-2011),
empirical (corpus-based) research demonstrates that also non-focal and non-contrastive PS
can be overtly realized. However, there are two general methodological problems that arise
in studies based on spoken Spanish: (1) a non-uniform definition of IS notions, and (2) a lack
of prosodic analysis, which could be useful for distinguishing different IS categories of the
PS. A right classification of the function of PS is essential for separating obligatorily
expressed PS (focus, disambiguating and contrastive topic) from optionally expressed
subjects (new topic, familiar topic) and for investigation the variation (see e.g. Otheguy et al.
2007).
Thus, one methodological question is whether we should rely on context, syntax or
prosody when it comes to reconstructing information structure of a PS in the spoken data.
Another problem is that whereas we know quite much about the “sound” of focus in the
variety under study (e.g. Gabriel 2010 et al. 2010; Feldhausen et al. 2011), we know very
little about the prosodic features of different kind of topics (aboutness/new t.; familiar/given
t.; contrastive t., and so-called disambiguating t.; see Pešková 2015). We also know quite
little about prosodic features of different pragmatic categories in spontaneous speech.
Interestingly, Frascarelli (2007) found a clear correlation between different types of topics
and their prosodic properties in spoken Italian: this, however, could be confirmed only
partially for the studied Spanish variety. Another point for discussion is the applicability of
ToBI system, which was used for describing intonational properties of the pronominal
subjects, to spoken data: As the ToBI system is based on a phonological approach to
prosody, the problem is the treatment of the phonetics-phonology interface (cf. Breen et al.
2012).
Based on 976 sentences, the present investigation described IS functions of PS in context
after having characterized their syntactic and prosodic properties. As for the prosody, the
study limited to taking in account only pitch accents and boundary tones associated with the
PS, and ignored prosodic phenomena such as intensity, duration and/or pitch range, which
should be included in further research. The acoustic analysis was carried out using Praat
(Boersma & Weenink 2010) and applying the labeling system Sp_ToBI for the prosodic
annotation (as suggested by Aguilar et al. 2009; Estebas Vilaplana & Prieto 2009; Gabriel et
al. 2010). The results show a clear intonational difference between focus and topic. Whereas
right-shifted as well as preverbal focal PS have mostly a rising-falling tone with its peak
located within the accented syllable, the prevailing tonal realization of all types of topics is a
35
rising tone. The only observed distinction (among topics) is that the subject as a contrastive
topic cannot be realized with a low tone, in comparison with other topics.
In conclusion, the study is the first investigation that provides a systematic tonal analysis
of overtly realized PS in one Spanish variety. It shows that an intonation analysis, which has
been largely ignored in previous studies, can fill the gap in the research regarding the
meaning of realized pronominal subjects in languages such as Spanish.
References
Adli, A. (2011). Gradient Acceptability and Frequency Effects in Information Structure: A
Quantitative Study on Spanish, Catalan, and Persian. [Habilitationsschrift].
Universität Freiburg.
Aguilar, L., de-la-Mota, C. & Prieto, P. (2009). Sp_ToBI. Training materials.
http://prosodia.upf.edu/sp_tobi/en/.
Biberauer, T., Holmberg, A., Roberts, I. & Sheenan, M. (2010). Parametric Variation: Null
Subjects in Minimalist Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Boersma, P. & Weenink, D. (2010). Praat. Doing phonetics by computer.
http.//www.praat.org.
Breen, M., Dilley, L. C., Kraemer, J. & Gibson, E. (2012). Inter-transcriber Reliability for
Two Systems of Prosodic Annotation: ToBI (Tones and Break Indices) and RaP
(Rhythm and Pitch). In: Gries, S. T. (ed.). Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory
8(2), pp. 277–312.
Estebas-Vilaplana, E. & Prieto, P. (2009). La notación prosódica en español. Una revisión
del Sp_ToBI. In: Estudios de Fonética Experimental XVIII, pp. 263–283.
Feldhausen, I., Pešková, A., Kireva, E. & Gabriel, C. (2011). Categorical Perception of
Porteño Nuclear Accents. In: Proceedings of the 17th International Congress of
Phonetic Sciences (ICPhS 17, Hong Kong), pp. 17–21.
Frascarelli, M. (2007). Subjects, Topics and the Interpretation of Referential Pro: An
Interface Approach to the Linking of (Null) Pronouns. In: Natural Language and
Linguistic Theory 25(4), pp. 691–734.
Frascarelli, M. & Hinterhölzl, R. (2007). Types of topics in German and Italian. In: Winkler,
S. & Schwabe, K. (eds.). On information structure, meaning and form. Amsterdam /
Philadelphia: John Benjamins, pp. 87–116.
Gabriel, C., Feldhausen, I., Pešková, A., Colantoni, L., Lee, S. A., Arana, V. & Labastía, L.
(2010). Argentinian Spanish Intonation. In: Prieto, P. & Roseano, P. (eds.).
Transcription of Intonation of the Spanish Language. München: Lincom, pp. 285–
317.
Luján, M. (1999). Expresión y omisión del pronombre personal. In: Bosque, I. & Demonte,
V. (eds.). Gramática descriptiva de la lengua española. Madrid: Espasa Calpe, pp.
1275–1315.
Otheguy, R., Zentella, A. C. & Livert, D. (2007). Language Contact in Spanish in New York
toward the Formation of a Speech Community. In: Language 83(4), pp. 770–802.
Pešková, A. (2015, accepted). Sujetos pronominales en el español porteño: Implicaciones
pragmáticas en la interfaz sintáctico-fonológica. In: Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für
romanische Philologie 394: De Gruyter Mouton.
Posio, P. (2012). Pronominal Subjects in Peninsular Spanish and European Portuguese.
Semantics, Pragmatics, and Formulaic Sequences. Helsinki: University of Helsinki
Press.
RAE=Real Academia Española (2009-2011): Nueva gramática de la lengua española.
Madrid: Espasa Calpe.
36
Pronunciación de oraciones declarativas simples en español (L1) y en inglés (L2)
de hispanohablantes venezolanos: un análisis acústico-entonativo
José Alberto Romero Ortega
Universidad Pedagógica Experimental Libertador
[email protected]
El aprendizaje de la pronunciación de una lengua extranjera requiere un esfuerzo
articulatorio y cognitivo por parte de los hablantes. Para ello, se deben dominar aspectos
segmentales y suprasegmentales de la lengua meta con el fin de alcanzar inteligibilidad en el
proceso de comunicación. En esa interacción, la entonación, como rasgo prosódico, juega un
papel fundamental en el aprendizaje de una lengua extranjera (Cortés Moreno, 2002). Esta
investigación tiene como propósito analizar, desde un punto de vista acústico, la entonación
de oraciones declarativas simples en español (L1) y en inglés (L2) de hispanohablantes
venezolanos. El presente trabajo se fundamentó teóricamente en los postulados de frecuencia
fundamental (f0) y de movimiento entonativo (Pierrehumbert, 1980; Beckman y
Pierrehumbert, 1986; Prieto, Shih y Nibert, 1996 y Estebas Vilaplana, 2008). Este estudio se
basó en una investigación de campo de carácter descriptivo y explicativo. El corpus es oral
de tipo ad-hoc, conformado por noventa y seis (96) enunciados declarativos simples, de los
cuales cuarenta y ocho (48) son en español y cuarenta y ocho (48) en inglés, pronunciados
por aprendices del inglés como lengua extranjera. Como resultados, la configuración
tonemática predominante fue L*L%, patrón descendente con escalonamiento progresivo que
inicia mayormente en la primera sílaba acentuada y se extiende hasta el final del contorno. El
escalonamiento descendente se debe al fenómeno de downstep (descenso) o final lowering
(descenso final). Se concluye que la entonación del enunciado declarativo simple en español
y en inglés por parte de los hispanohablantes venezolanos presenta similitudes y diferencias
por la forma del contorno de la frecuencia fundamental y por las características que posee
toda la curva.
Palabras clave: aprendizaje de lenguas extranjeras, fonología entonativa, frecuencia
fundamental (f0), movimiento entonativo.
37
References
Beckman, M. E. y Pierrehumbert, J. B. (1986). Intonational Structure in Japanese and
English. Phonology Yearbook [Anuario en línea], 3. Disponible:
http://falculty.wcas.northwestern.edu/~jbp/publications/intonation_japanese_english.
pdf [Consulta: 2009, Agosto 14].
Cortés Moreno, M. (2002). Didáctica de la prosodia del español: la acentuación y la
entonación. Colección E. Serie Estudios. Español Lengua Extranjera.
Estebas Vilaplana, E. (2008). Modelling final declarative intonation in English and Spanish.
En Estudios de Filología Inglesa [Libro en línea]. Homenaje a la Dra. Asunción
Alba
Pelayo.
Madrid:
Ediciones
UNED.
Disponible:
http:www.prosodia.upf.edu/home/arxiu/publications/estebas/estebas_modelling_fina
l_d eclarative.pdf [Consulta: 2012, Diciembre 15].
Pierrehumbert, J. B. (1980). The Phonology and Phonetics of English Intonation [Versión
completa en línea]. Tesis doctoral, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Disponible:
http://
faculty.wcas.northwestern.edu/~jbp/publications/Pierrehumbert_PhD.pdf [Consulta:
2009, Agosto 14].
Prieto, P., Shih, C. y Nibert, H. (1996). Pitch Downtrend in Spanish. Journal of Phonetics,
(24), 445-473.
38
Methodology for the study of prosody in language contact:
Occitan and French
Rafèu Sichel-Bazin1,2, Trudel Meisenburg1
1
Universität Osnabrück, 2Universitat Pompeu Fabra
[email protected]; [email protected]
In our research project, we investigated the consequences of language contact on the prosody
of Occitan and French, two Gallo-Romance languages that have been coexisting for
centuries in Southern France. Occitan is an endangered minority language, which counts no
monolinguals and is usually neither read nor written by its native speakers. Moreover,
Occitan speakers are mainly elderly people, with little education and restricted mobility.
This situation represented a methodological challenge. Reading tasks were excluded from
the beginning, obliging us to deal only with (semi-)spontaneous speech, which had to be
gathered at speakers’ homes. To achieve a certain comparability, the procedure for data
collection had to be replicable in all linguistic varieties. Our corpus mainly consists of two
data types, intonation questionnaires and fables summaries, recorded in both languages from
bilingual speakers.
The intonation questionnaires are adapted translations of the ones used for the Intonation
Atlases coordinated by Prieto & Cabré (2007-12) and Prieto et al. (2010-14). They are based
on the Discourse Completion Task methodology: speakers were presented with a set of
everyday-life situations and prompted to react as spontaneously as possible. Thanks to these
contexts, the illocutionary force and semantic-pragmatic meaning of the utterances are
constrained, making their intonational comparison possible between varieties.
For the summaries, our speakers listened to two versions of the fable The North Wind and
the Sun recorded in each of their varieties, and were asked to sum them up in their own
words. The recorded narrations consist of short more or less coherent stretches of speech,
displaying similar lexical items and internal organization. Their qualitative comparison
enabled us to explore the consequences of language contact on phrasing and accentual
systems, which were quantitatively validated by statistical analysis of acoustic
measurements.
39
References
Prieto, Pilar & Cabré, Teresa (Coords.) (2007-2012). Atles interactiu de l'entonació del
català. Web page: <http://prosodia.upf.edu/atlesentonacio/>.
Prieto, Pilar; Borràs-Comes, Joan & Roseano, Paolo (Coords.) (2010-2014). Interactive Atlas
of Romance Intonation. Web page: <http://prosodia.upf.edu/iari/>.
40
F0 contours in data from picture-based elicitation experiments:
Evidence from the intonational realization corrective focus in Yucatecan Spanish
Melanie Uth
Universität zu Köln
[email protected]
This paper discusses the design of semi-spontaneous picture-based experiments
elaborated in order to elicitate the syntactic and prosodic realization of different focus types
(broad, narrow and contrastive) in Spanish (cf. e,g, Buitrago 2013, Gabriel 2007, 2010;
Heidinger 2013, 2014, Feldhausen & Vanrell 2014, Vanrell & Fernández Soriano 2013).
Based on data from a picture-based elicitation experiment carried out in Yucatán, Mexico,
with slightly differing elicitation materials, it is shown that the intonational realization of
certain elicited focus constructions highly depends on the exact design of the experiment,
especially as regards the complexity of the elicitation story and the kind of elicitation
questions.
The line of reasoning is as follows. First, we show that Yucatecan Spanish corrective
focus is indicated by means of a left high tone followed by a falling pitch contour, which
descends until the stressed syllable of the contrasted constituent (cf. figure 1). This analysis
is in line with a recent intonational analysis put forward by Grice & Uth (in preparation),
according to which Yucatecan Spanish corrective foci are generally signaled by a high pitch
at the left edge of the corresponding Intonational Phrase, followed by a lowering until the
stressed syllable of the contrasted lexical item (figure 2). Secondly, we describe the main
results of Uth (2015), where the original design of Gabriel’s (2007, 2010) elicitation
experiment is compared to a slightly differing design relying on both, a more complex
elicitation story and unequivocal contexts of narrow information focus. The main result of
the study is that, while non-contrastively focused subjects in prefinal position do indeed
occur in all conditions, the more complex condition with the unequivocal contexts of narrow
information focus helped to considerably increase the liveliness and naturalness of the data
both in terms of intonational realization and in terms of word order. Thirdly, a detailed
prosodic analysis of certain elicited focus constructions in the different conditions of Uth
(2015) reveals that the speakers uniformly realize the typical Yucatecan Spanish corrective
pitch pattern (left high tone + falling contrastive pitch accent) in the answers related to the
more elaborated elicitation story, whereas the focus constructions related to the scarcer
conditions are prosodically indistinguishable from their non-contrastive counterparts (both
being characterized by a L+>H* realization of the focused constituent).
Our analysis clearly reveals that at least in the case of Yucatecan Spanish corrective focus
realization, the intonational realization of the constructions highly depends on the exact
design of the elicitation experiment. It is argued that this difference in intonational
realization might be conceived of as a further piece of evidence in favor of the need for more
elaborated contexts and unequivocal triggers in the realm of focus elicitation.
41
Fig. 1: Es [F DonˌGato y su pan.ˈdi.lla] que están
jugando golf.
(‘It is Don Gato and his gang who are playing golf.’)
Fig. 2: No, está [F sa.ˈlien.do] de su casa.
(‘No, (she) is leaving the house’)
References
Buitrago, N. (2013). Types of focus in Spanish: Exploring the connection between function
and realization. MA thesis, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York.
Feldhausen, I. & M. del Mar Vanrell (2014). Prosody, Focus and Word Order in Catalan and
Spanish - An Optimality Theoretic Approach. Proceedings of the 10th International
Seminar on Speech Production (ISSP), 5-8 May 2014, Köln (Germany).
Gabriel, Chr. (2007). Fokus im Spannungsfeld von Phonologie und Syntax: Eine Studie zum
Spanischen. Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert.
Gabriel, Chr. (2010). On Focus, Prosody, and Word Order in Argentinean Spanish.: A
Minimalist OT Account. Revista Virtual de Estudos da Linguagem (Special issue 4
“Optimality-theoretic Syntax”). 183–222.
Grice, M. & M. Uth (2015). Early high pitch and contrastive focus in Yucatecan Spanish.
Poster presentation at Phonetics and Phonology in Europe, Cambridge, UK, 29 June
2015.
Heidinger, St. (2014). El foco informativo y la posición sintáctica de los depictivos
orientados al sujeto en español. In Verba: Anuario galego de filoloxia 41. 51-74.
Heidinger, St. (2013). Information focus, syntactic weight and postverbal constituent order in
Spanish. In Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 2:2, 159-190.
Uth, M. (2015). Spanish preverbal subjects in contexts of narrow information focus: Noncontrastive focalization or epistemic-evidential marking? Grazer Linguistische
Studien 80.
Vanrell, M. del Mar & O. F. Soriano (2013). Variation at the interfaces in Ibero-Romance.
Catalan and Spanish Prosody and Word Order. Catalan Journal of Linguistics 12, 130.
42
Eduardo Patricio Velázquez Patiño1, Eva Patricia Velásquez Upegui1
1
Universidad Autónoma de Querétaro
Spanish intonation studies are based on different kinds of data obtained from a) spontaneous
speech (sometimes by means of the use of hidden recorders, see e.g. Monroy Casas 2002), b)
secondary corpora originally planned for other purposes, such as sociolinguistic studies (see
e.g. Ávila 2003, Martín Butragueño & Lastra 2005), c) laboratory speech elicited through
text reading (see e.g. Alarcón Cornejo et al. 2008, Martín Butragueño 2003) or isolated
sentences (see e.g. Prieto et al. 1996, Martín Butragueño 2005), d) semi-spontaneous speech
elicited through questionnaires of pragmatic situations (see e.g. Pradilla & Prieto 2002), and
e) recordings where the informant is the researcher himself or herself.
Truly spontaneous speech yields authentic natural data, but the diversity of uncontrollable
data quality, communicative contexts and linguistic structures complicates a systematic and
generalizable comparison of melodic patterns. Similarly, data obtained from sociolinguistic
interviews are diverse and relatively natural in more controlled spaces and contexts, but
speaker’s thematic and linguistic preferences are expected to vary. Laboratory speech, on the
other hand, is more controllable, but those data are neither natural nor spontaneous (see
Ballesteros Panizo 2012), since the previously designed sentences could be considered
unfamiliar by the informants, who could in turn be better or worse actors, and it would be
impossible to describe the linguistic reality as it is, while the data would probably just
reproduce the researcher’s theoretical presuppositions (see Cantero 2009).
A questionnaire of communicative situations assures an acceptable level of spontaneity.
Researchers provide all informants with the same previous information and communicative
intentions. It also allows researchers controlling a high degree of segmental content.
In order to obtain a more precise description of urban and rural Querétaro’s intonation
mosaic (mainly Central and Bajío Mexican Spanish), we have been conducting
sociolinguistic interviews (according to the methodology of Proyecto para el Estudio
Sociolingüístico del Español de España y de América, PRESEEA), questionnaires of
communicative situations (an adapted and shortened version of the long questionnaire
proposed for the Atlas Interactivo de la Entonación del Español, ATLES, see Prieto &
Roseano 2009-2013), and controlled laboratory speech, as part of the project named Corpus
del Habla de Querétaro. Since these techniques have mainly been applied in semirural
communities, where the informants usually have low schooling levels, the original
questionnaire had to be adapted, due to initial unsatisfying results. We identified these main
five factors:
Some situations are too long described or explained, and thus they don’t let the informant
focus on the desired type of sentence or pragmatic intention.
Some requests are not precise or firm enough, since without an order in imperative form,
some informants just tend to evaluate the situation, but they don’t formulate a right answer,
but they just comment about it.
Some intentionalities are not precisely specified, as in the case of emotive exclamatives.
The number of elicited sentences for each category is disproportioned. The informants do not
always relate themselves to the situations, topics, characters, cultural objects and images,
causing non-natural sentences.
Besides presenting our adaptation of the questionnaire, we will show a systematic
analysis of the first results obtained from female and male informants of three age groups
living in Querétaro’s Sierra Gorda (according to the first phase of the Corpus), as well as an
43
evaluation of the strategies implemented in order to obtain a higher naturality in the informinformants’ linguistic productions.
References
Ávila, S. (2003). La entonación del enunciado interrogativo en el español de la ciudad de
México. In: E. Herrera Z. y P. Martín Butragueño (eds). La tonía. Dimensiones
fonéticas y fonológicas. Mexico: El Colegio de México, pp. 331-355.
Ballesteros Panizo, M. P. (2012). El análisis de la entonación. Corpus oral de las variedades
del español del norte. In: Dicenda. Cuadernos de Filología Hispánica 30, pp. 25-45.
<http://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/DICE/article/download/40248/ 38638>
Cantero, F. (2009) Análisis melódico del habla. (AMH): 1999-2009. In: Biblioteca Phonica
10. <http://www.ub.es/lfa/>
Alarcón Cornejo, P., Opazo Guzmán, D., & Grez Morandi, G. (2009). Diseño de una
metodología de análisis de la prosodia mediante el estudio de las variaciones de la
frecuencia fundamental “PITCH” para la caracterización de voces de distintas
regiones de Chile. In: Revista Sonido y Acústica 3 (3), Universidad Tecnológica de
Chile, pp. 17-26. <http://es.scribd.com/doc/52334086/revista-sonido-acustica3/>
Martín Butragueño, P. (2003). Entre la prosodia y la sintaxis: variación melódica en el estilo
de lectura. In: Moreno, F., et al. (eds.) Lengua, variación y contexto. Estudios
dedicados a Humberto López Morales II. Madrid: Arco/Libros, pp. 681-687.
Martín Butragueño, P. (2005). La construcción prosódica de la estructura focal en español.
In: G. Knauer, G., & Bellosta, V. (eds.). Variación gramatical. Un reto para las
teorías de la sintaxis. Tübingen: Niemeyer, pp. 117-144.
Martín Butragueño, P., & Lastra, Y. (2005). La tematización en los materiales
sociolingüísticos de la ciudad de México. In: Rodríguez A., L. (ed.) Memorias del
XIV Congreso de ALFAL, Monterrey, 17-21 de octubre de 2005. Monterrey:
Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León, pp. 86-98.
Monroy Casas, R. (2002): El sistema entonativo del español murciano coloquial. Aspectos
comunicativos y actitudinales. In: Estudios Filológicos 37, pp. 77- 101.
<http://www.scielo.cl/scielo.php?pid=S007117132002003700005&script=si_arttext>
Pradilla, M. A. Y. & Prieto, P. (2002): Entonación dialectal catalana: la interrogación
absoluta neutra en catalán central y en tortosino. In: Actas del II Congreso de
Fonética Experimental (2001). Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, pp. 291-295.
Prieto, P. & Roseano, P. (2009-2013, coords). Atlas interactivo de la entonación del español.
<http://prosodia.upf.edu/atlasentonacion/>
Prieto, P., Shih, Ch., & Nibert, H. (1996). Pitch downtrend in Spanish. In: Journal of
Phonetics 24, pp. 445- 473.
44
POSTER PRESENTATIONS
45
Teresa Cabré1, Francesc Torres-Tamarit2, Maria del Mar Vanrell3
1
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam,
3
Freie Universität Berlin
[email protected], [email protected], [email protected]
Templatic truncation is a process that maps a base onto a metrical template. This is the case
of Sardinian hypocoristic truncation, which deletes initial unstressed syllable(s), and as a
result yields nouns conforming to the canonical foot of the language, the syllabic trochee
(Molinu 2012), i.e., Servatore > Tore, Batore, Totore; Zusepa > Pepa; Margherita > Ghita;
Franziscu > Chiccu; Robertu > Bertu; Eleonora > Nora). Another process of truncation in
Sardinian occurs in vocatives. However, truncated vocatives preserve the left side of the
word until the stressed vowel, i.e., Bèrtulu > Be’; Mariànzela > Maria’; Maria > Mari’;
Innàtziu > Inna’; Gòsamu > Go’; Bonaventura > Bonaventu’. Therefore, they do not adhere
to any sort of prosodic template. The main difference between hypocoristics and truncated
vocatives lies in their syntactic behavior: hypocoristics belong to the theta-grid of predicates
in main clauses, whereas the second type of truncation can only be used for vocative speech
acts (Moro 2003, Espinal 2011).
It is well-known that languages use specific intonational contours for vocatives (Zwicky
1974). The intonational pattern for truncated vocatives in Sardinian shows a rising tonal
event aligned with the first syllable of the base (L+H*) and a low pitch accent (L*) aligned
with the stressed syllable of the name. The melody for insistent or second calls tend to be the
chanted tune, i.e., a rising pitch accent aligned with the stressed syllable of the name and a
sustained boundary tone (L+H* !H%). The chanted tune can only be produced on a nontruncated base (Vanrell et al. 2015).
D'Alessandro and van Oostendorp (2013) assume that vocatives are syntactic heads
containing an edge feature. Edge features have their own cyclic spell out, which interfaces
with intonational/prosodic phonology. This idea finds support in that edge features correlate
with discourse semantics instead of propositional semantics in the Logical Form. Therefore,
edge features must necessarily be materialized by means of prosody, and cannot access the
segmental phonology. We follow D'Alessandro and van Oostendorp (2013) in assuming that
the exponent of vocatives corresponds to prosodic material, because vocatives contain an
edge feature. We propose that for Sardinian, this prosodic material is a complex L+H* L*
tonal configuration, containing a left-edge rising pitch accent and a final low one. This tonal
configuration is in fact the true template for truncated vocatives, as opposed to the metrical
template used for hypocoristics, a foot. In this proposal, we will develop an OT analysis that
accounts for how both the metrical and the intonational template map onto the segmental
structure using ANCHOR constraints. To illustrate, consider truncated vocatives: a
constraint demands to anchor the head syllabic nucleus of the base with the right edge of the
truncated vocative, which triggers deletion of all segmens following the stressed vowel.
Then, the need for aligning the left-edge rising pitch accent L+H*, together with faithfulness,
accounts for preserving all material to the left of the stressed vowel. The results of a prosodic
analysis of an annotated corpus of 194 vocatives and 93 hypocoristics in Sardinian will be
presented along with the formal OT analysis in order to empirically support our claim that
truncated vocatives are also the result of an intonational, templatic process. From the
methodological point of view, we claim that the Discourse Completion Task questionnaire
(Blum-Kulka, House and Kasper 1989, Billmyer and Varghese 2000, Félix-Brasdefer and
César 2010) is an adequate tool to elicit the production of different segmental and metrical
structures uttered in a vocative speech-act. As for the analysis, the OT framework easily
46
accounts for issues concerning the interplay between the different components of the
grammar, in this case, syntax, morphology and segmental/suprasegmental phonology.
References
Billmyer, K. & Varghese, M. (2000). Investigating instrument‐based pragmàtic variability:
Effects of enhancing discourse completion tests. In: Applied Linguistics 21(4), pp.
517–552.
Blum-Kulka, S., House, J. & Kasper, G. (1989). Investigating cross-cultural pragmatics: An
introductory overview. In: Blum-Kulka, S., House, J. & Kasper, G. (eds.).
Crosscultural pragmatics: Requests and apologies. Norwood, NJ: Ablex, pp. 1–34.
D'Alessandro, R. & Van Oostendorp, M. (2013). Phi features for phonology; edge features
for prosody. Insights into the syntax-PF interface. Ms., Leiden University.
Espinal, M. T. (2011). On the structure of vocatives. Ms., Universitat Autònoma de
Barcelona.
Félix-Brasdefer, C. (2010). Data collection methods in speech act performance: DCTs, role
plays, and verbal report. In: Martínez-Flor, A. & Usó-Juan, E. (eds.). Speech act
performance: Theoretical, empirical, and methodological issues. Amsterdam: John
Benjamins, pp. 41–56.
Molinu, L. (2012). Le strutture non marcate negli ipocoristici del sardo. Paper presented at
Sardinian Network Meeting (Konstanz, 3-4 September 2012). Retrieved from
http://ling.unikonstanz.de/pages/home/remberger/
Moro, A. (2003). Notes on vocative case: A case study in clause structure. In: Quer, J.,
Schroten, J., Scorretti, M., Sleeman, P. & Verheugd, E. (eds.). Romance Languages
and Linguistic Theory 2001: Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’, Amsterdam, 68 December 2001. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 247–261.
Vanrell, M. M., Ballone, F., Schirru, C., Prieto, P. (2015). Sardinian intonational phonology:
Logudorese and Campidanese varieties. In: Frota, S. & Prieto, P. (eds.). Intonational
Variation in Romance. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 317–349
Zwicky, A. (1974). Hey, whatsyourname! In: La Galy, M., Fox, R. & Bruck, A. (ed). Papers
from the 10th Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, pp. 787–801.
47
Sofía Flores1, Maria del Mar Vanrell Bosch2
1
Universidad de Costa Rica, 2Freie Universität Berlin
Bibri is a Chibchan tonal language of Costa Rica whose prosodic system remains
underdescribed. According to Costenla-Umaña (1981:107), who provides numerous
minimal pairs, tone-bearing syllables may carry a high tone, a low tone, a rising contour, or a
falling contour. On the other hand, Margery Peña (1982: xxiii) recognizes only three
contrasting tones: high, low/falling, and rising. In a subsequent description, Costenla-Umaña
et al. (1998: xi) distinguish between the Bribri variety spoken in the eastern Valle de
Talamanca (Amubri and Katsi), which has four tones (high, low, rising, and falling), and the
variety of the western Valle de Talamanca (Coroma) and the southern Pacific (Cabagra and
Salitre), which has just three tones (falling, low, and high/low rising) (see Map 1 for a better
understanding of the Bribri dialectal areas). Except for compounds, only one syllable in the
word is normally specified for tone, generally the last one. Other syllables receive a neutral
tone. To our knowledge, there has been no instrumental investigation of Bribri prosody. A
phonetic study of Bribri can be of typological interest. For one thing, it appears that tonal
contrasts may be concommitantly expressed by other phonetic cues. Thus, Margery Peña
(1982) states that both the high and the rising tone lenghten the vowel bearing them, whereas
vowels with low tone are said to have greater intensity. This impressionistic description
remains to be verified acoustically. More importantly, the tonal patterns of words in
discourse (i.e. the interaction between lexical tone and intonation) also remains to be
investigated.
Map 1. Bribri dialectal areas in Costa Rica.
After careful inspection of the corpus data collected by Flores (2013-), we propose to first
obtain a more precise characterization of lexical tonal contrasts by investigating F0,
intensity, and duration of vowels in words in isolation and in carrier phrases using the
minimal pairs identified by Costenla (1986). In a second experiment, we will use constructed
sequences of monosyllabic words in order to determine how lexical sequences of tones (H H,
H L, etc) are altered in such sequences. Finally, we intend to investigate the expression of
interrogativity and contrastive focus as a first approach to the study of Bibri intonation. If
these pragmatic notions are expressed by means of F0, phrases containing all contrastive
lexical tones in the relevant positions will be used for data gathering.
48
References
Costenla, A. (1981). Comparative Chibchan phonology. Doctoral dissertation, University of
Pennsylvania.
Costenla Umaña, A., Elizondo Figueroa, F. & Pereira Mora, F. (1998). Curso básico de
bribri. San José: Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica.
Flores Solórzano, S. (2013 - ). Desarrollo del primer corpus pandialectal oral del habla
espontánea de la lengua bribri. Proyecto B4002 financiado por la Universidad de
Costa Rica.
Margery Peña, E. (1982). Diccionario bribri-español, español bribri. San José: Universidad
de Costa Rica.
49
Respondre i preguntar en català com a llengua estrangera amb el mètode anàlisi
melòdica de la parla
Dolors Font-Rotchés1, Agnès Rius-Escudé1, Francina Torras Compte1
1
Universitat de Barcelona
En aquest pòster, exposarem els trets melòdics que tenen lloc en contorns entonatius produïts
pels aprenents de català com a llengua estrangera, alguns dels quals, sovint, en determinats
contextos pragmàtics, provoquen situacions comunicatives difícils de descodificar pels
nadius a causa de l’ús d’una entonació inadequada.
El corpus es basa en 119 enunciats, entre preguntes i respostes, produïts per aprenents de
català com a llengua estrangera a partir de les tasques realitzades a l’aula. Els informants són
estudiants d'EILC (Erasmus Intensive Language Courses) a l’Institut de Llengües de la
Universitat de Lleida (UdL), els quals van seguir un curs de 60 hores de nivell A1 (MERC),
el 2012, i un de 70 hores de nivell B1 (MERC), el 2013. En total, tenim 18 informants
d’ambdós sexes, de procedència diversa (Alemanya, Polònia, Rep. Txeca, Itàlia, Grècia i
Bèlgica), i d’entre 18 i 25 anys.
Per a l'anàlisi, hem fet servir l’aplicació Praat (Boersma i Weekink, 1992-2012) i, per al
processament de les dades, el mètode Anàlisi melòdica de la Parla (Cantero, 2002), descrit
en forma de protocol a Cantero i Font-Rotchés (2009) i que compta amb un Script per a Praat
per semiautomatitzar l'obtenció de les dades (Mateo, 2010a, 2010b). Considerem aquest
mètode molt apte per fer investigacions d’aquest tipus ja que, a partir de les dades acústiques
obtingudes a Praat, aplica un sistema d’estandardització molt eficaç, que consisteix a
mesurar la distància tonal entre una síl·laba i la següent amb percentatges. Els resultats
obtinguts constitueixen les melodies de cada contorn a les quals, per mitjà de la
relativització, s’han extret les diferències de sexe i edat. De cadascuna, se n’ha fet la
representació gràfica que ens permet comptabilitzar, amb dades precises i exactes, les
diferències melòdiques entre un parlant de català com a llengua estrangera i els trets
melòdics del català en qualitat de llengua meta (vegeu Font-Rotchés, 2007).
Per definir els trets melòdics de l'accent estranger, ens hem basat en la proposta d'anàlisi
prelingüística de Cantero i Mateo (2011), segons la qual cal tenir en compte els següents
trets: percentatge d'ascens de l'anacrusi, presència/absència del primer pic i posició (a la
primera vocal tònica, a una àtona o tònica posterior, o a una pretònica); percentatge de
descens al cos, inflexions internes i localització de les inflexions; percentatge de moviment
de la inflexió final, posició del nucli (en vocal tònica o pretònica); i, finalment, valors de
camp tonal i percentatge de desplaçament del registre tonal.
En aquest sentit, podem afirmar que els contorns dels aprenents de català com a llengua
estrangera, a diferència dels del català, es caracteritzen perquè sovint no presenten ni
anacrusi ni primer pic i, en el cas que hi siguin, tenen una ascens més discret, inferior a un
30%; en canvi, en els del català, la majoria de casos se situa entre el 30% i el 50%. També
pel que fa a la declinació del cos, tot i que és descendent, en els contorns dels aprenents de
català sol ser menys pronunciada, inferior a un 30%, que la del català, que sol ser entre un
15% i un 50%. I referent al moviment que té lloc a la inflexió final, ja sigui ascendent a les
preguntes o descendent a les respostes, també presenta un percentatge menor de moviment
quan es tracta d'aprenents. Finalment, en consonància amb aquests resultats, també, el camp
tonal és molt més estret quan es tracta d'aprenents estrangers.
Com a conclusió, constatem que diferències com aquestes que acabem de descriure són
les que seran útils per poder desenvolupar, posteriorment, aplicacions didàctiques que
afavoreixin l’aprenentatge dels parlants de català com a LE.
50
References
Boersma, P.; Weenink, D. (1992-2012). Praat: doing Phonetics by Computer.
http://www.praat.org
Cantero, F. J. (2002). Teoría y análisis de la entonación. Publicacions de la Universitat de
Barcelona.
Cantero, F. J.; Font-Rotchés, D. (2009). 'Protocolo para el análisis melódico del habla',
Estudios de Fonética experimental, XVIII: 17-32.
Cantero Serena, F. J. ; Mateo, M. (2011). “Análisis melódico del habla: complejidad y
entonación en el discurso”, Oralia, 14: 105-127.
Font-Rotchés, D. (2007). L'entonació del català. Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de
Montserrrat.
Mateo, M. (2010a). “Protocolo para la extracción de datos tonales y curva estándar en
análisis melódico del habla (AMH)”. Phonica 6, 49-90.
http://www.publicacions.ub.edu/revistes/phonica6/. [08/06/2015].
Mateo, M. (2010b). “Scripts en Praat para la extracción de datos tonales y curva estándar”.
Phonica
6,
91-111.
http://www.publicacions.ub.edu/revistes/phonica6/.
[08/06/2015].
51
Análisis de algunas características prosódicas en textos leídos producidos por hablantes
bilingües de vasco y español
Iñaki Gaminde1,2, Gotzon Aurrekoetxea1,2, Leire Gandarias1,2
1
UPV, 2EHU
En los últimos años los trabajos sobre la prosodia del español hablado en el País Vasco
peninsular (Calleja 2004; Elejabeitia et al. 2005) y por los hablantes bilingües (Elordieta
2003, 2006; Gaminde 2010; Gaminde et al. 2011, 2013, 2014) han comenzado a tomar
cuerpo en la literatura científica. Sin embargo, la prosodia textual ha quedado un tanto
marginada en las investigaciones llevadas a cabo hasta el día de hoy. Nuestra contribución
propone el estudio de la prosodia en textos producidos.
El objetivo de nuestra contribución es doble; por una parte, describir las características
prosódicas básicas de los textos y, por otra parte, analizar la influencia de la lengua materna
de los informantes en la producción de dichos textos.
Han sido cuatro las características que se han tenido en cuenta: tipos de pausas y su
relación con la puntuación del texto, tonos de frontera asociados con los diferentes tipos de
pausas, tamaño de los grupos prosódicos cuantificado según el número de sílabas de cada
uno y velocidad de elocución.
Para ello se ha contado con la participación de 20 informantes bilingües de la provincia
de Bizkaia a los que se les ha proporcionado el mismo texto para ser leído. De estos
informantes 10 son de lengua materna euskera y otros 10 español, habiendo adquirido la
lengua vasca en el sistema educativo a partir de la edad de 3 años. Tanto unos como los otros
pueden ser considerados bilingües precoces, ya que, los primeros aprendieron español con
tres años y los segundos el euskera a la misma edad.
52
References
Calleja, N., 2004, “Alineamiento fonético de acentos tonales en el castellano de Vitoria”,
Estudios de Fonética Experimental XIII, 39-63.
Elejabeitia, A.; Iribar, A.; Pagola, R. M., 2005, “Notas sobre la prosodia del castellano de
Bizkaia”, Estudios de Fonética Experimental XIV, 247-272.
Elordieta, G., 2003, “The Spanish intonation of speakers of a Basque pitch-accent dialect”,
Catalan Journal of Linguistics 2, 67-95.
Elordieta. G., 2006, “Spanish pitch accent alignment by Northern Bizkaian Basque
speakers”, in B. Fernández & I. Laka (eds.), Andolin Gogoan. Essays in Honour of
Profesor Eguzkitza, Bilbao: UPV/EHU, 269-290.
Gaminde, I., 2010, Bizkaiko Gazteen Prosodiaz: Euskaraz eta Gaztelaniaz [Prosodia de los
jóvenes vizcaínos en euskera y español]. Bilbao: Mendebalde Kultura Alkartea /
Bizkaiko Foru Aldundia.
Gaminde, I., Romero, A. Garay, U. & Etxebarria, A., 2011, “Los tonos de frontera de las
oraciones interrogativas absolutas producidas por hablantes bilingües vascoespañoles”, ELA-UNAM 51, 61-79.
Gaminde, I., Romero, A., Garay, U. eta Etxebarria, A., 2014, “Los tonos de frontera de las
oraciones interrogativas pronominales producidas por hablantes bilingües precoces
en vasco y español”, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 130 (1), 1-16.
Gaminde, I.; Romero, A.; Etxebarria, A.; Aurrekoetxea, G. & Garay, U., 2014, “Euskaldun
elebidun goiztiarren gaztelaniaren oinarrizko esaldien intonazioaren azterketa”
(aceptado para publicar en la revista Oihenart).
53
Alexander M. Kalkhoff
Universität Regensburg
[email protected]
The online “Corpus of Northern Haitian Creole”, provided by the Indiana University Creole
Institute, offers a huge, freely available resource for linguistic analyses of spoken Haitian
Creole language. It consists of both, but materially dissociated audio and text files of ten
interviews of altogether approximately ten hours of speech data. All interviews are designed
in a very similar way, i.e. a local teacher conducts the conversation of two native speakers of
the Northern Haitian Creole variety. According to the original lexical, morphophonological
and syntactical concerns of the corpus, the audio data are saved as compressed mp3 audio
files and the transcriptions as unaligned text files in a regular Microsoft Word Document
format.
A future corpus-based research on Haitian Creole prosody guides the intervention upon
these resources. My goal is to provide a data format which can be used for (semi-)automatic
prosodic analyses such as Prosogram (Mertens 2004) as well as a reliable basis for tonal
assignments within the Autosegmental-metrical framework (Silverman et al. 1992, Beckman
et al. 2005). Editing tasks consist in testing the compressed audio files, in adding
uncompressed audio files sent by the author of the corpus, Albert Valdman, in aligning the
text with the audio data, and in parceling and feeding the data into the software.
Beside the widely accepted analysis tools of Prosogram and ToBI (Tone and Break
Indices), I will make also test use of an algorithm proposed by Uwe Reichel (2010 and
2014). Reichel’s stylization model offers a purely data driven statistical analysis of
intonational contours. A particular challenge is the required part-of-speech-tagging of the
Haitian Creole speech data prior to the prosodic analysis.
I will analyze several test samples using the mentioned tools and present outcomes in a
comparative manner including a linguistic interpretation.
54
References
Beckman, M., Hirschberg, J. & Shattuck-Hufnagel, S. (2005). The original ToBI system and
the evolution of the ToBI framework. In: Jun, S.-A. (ed.). Prosodic Typology: The
Phonology of Intonation and Phrasing. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 9-54.
Corpus of Northern Haitian Creole. Bloomington: Indiana University Creole Institute.
<http://www.indiana.edu/~creole/>
Mertens, P. (2004). The Prosogram: Semi-Automatic Transcription of Prosody based on a
Tonal Perception Model. In: Bel, B. & Marlien, I. (eds.). Proceedings of Speech
Prosody 2004, Nara (Japan), 23-26 March. <
http://bach.arts.kuleuven.be/pmertens/papers/sp2004.pdf>
Reichel,
U.
D.
(2010).
Datenbasierte
und
linguistisch
interpretierbare
Intonationsmodellierung. PhD Thesis. Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München.
< http://edoc.ub.uni-muenchen.de/12650/1/Reichel_Uwe.pdf>
Reichel, U. D. (2014). Linking bottom-up intonation stylization to discourse structure. In:
Computer Speech and Language 28, pp. 1340-1365.
Silverman, K., Beckman, M., Pitrelli, J., Ostendorf, M., Wightman, C., Price, P.,
Pierrehumbert, J. & Hirschberg, J. (1992). TOBI: A standard for labeling English
prosody. In: Proceedings from the 2nd International Conference on Spoken
Language Processing (ICSLP 92), Banff, Alberta (Canada), pp. 867-870.
55
Análisis de la entonación de las declarativas del español hablado por suecos1
Laura Martorell1, Dolors Font-Rotchés1
1
Laboratorio de Fonética Aplicada – Universidad de Barcelona
La entonación es un factor clave en el aprendizaje de lenguas extranjeras desde el punto de
vista de la organización del habla. Una entonación apropiada hace posible la elaboración de
un discurso fluido y comprensible. En la investigación de la adquisición fónica de lenguas
extranjeras, la entonación ha sido un aspecto tradicionalmente ignorado y escasamente
descrito, o del que sólo se han presentado modelos de excelencia de la lengua meta.
Sobre la base del concepto de interlengua, en otras palabras, los estadios de desarrollo en
la competencia comunicativa de un hablante, particularmente de un hablante extranjero
(Selinker, 1972), las características de la interlengua fónica es uno de los aspectos que
debería estudiarse para que la enseñanza de la pronunciación fuera más efectiva. Tanto la
lengua nativa como la lengua meta deben ser consideradas, ya que las características de la
entonación del español de un hablante nativo de chino son muy diferentes de las de un
hablante nativo de húngaro o portugués.
Teniendo esto en cuenta, proponemos la descripción del perfil melódico de las
declarativas de una interlengua: la del español hablado por suecos, basada en hablantes
nativos de sueco que hablan español como lengua extranjera (el inglés es su segunda lengua).
Se ha usado un corpus de 50 enunciados declarativos que provienen del habla espontánea de
27 informantes, 16 mujeres y 11 hombres de entre 19 y 32 años, estudiantes suecos de
español como lengua extranjera con nivel mínimo B1.
Una de las metodologías que se está probando como válida para describir los rasgos
entonativos de una interlengua, cuyos datos acústicos se obtienen usando la aplicación Praat
(Boersma & Weenink, 1992-2013), es el método Análisis Melódico del Habla, propuesto en
Cantero (2002), ampliado y revisado en Font-Rotchés (2007) y expuesto en forma de
protocolo en Cantero y Font-Rotchés (2009). Esta propuesta propone una serie de rasgos
melódicos a considerar en los contornos para describir una interlengua (Cantero & Mateo,
2011): la posición del primer pico; las características tonales del cuerpo: dirección y valores
del campo tonal; la posición del núcleo; y el movimiento tonal, ascendente, descendente,
circunflejo o plano, entre otros, en la Inflexión Final. Esta metodología, que se ha
demostrado muy adecuada para estudiar la entonación de una interlengua, ya ha sido
experimentada en el español hablado por portugueses (Fonseca, 2013), húngaros (Baditzné,
2012), italianos (Devís, 2012), suecos (Martorell, 2010) y taiwaneses (Liu, 2005), entre
otros.
Según los resultados obtenidos en esta investigación, el perfil melódico del español de
hablantes nativos de sueco es significativamente diferente al del español lengua meta
(Cantero & Font-Rotchés, 2007; Estebas & Prieto, 2010; Mateo, 2014), principalmente por
las siguientes características:
• Ausencia de primer pico o presencia de un ascenso menos pronunciado.
• Cuerpo plano con un campo tonal estrecho y pocas inflexiones tonales internas.
• Inflexión final descendente, típica de la entonación declarativa, aunque también
se han encontrado inflexiones finales ascendentes o circunflejas.
1
Esta investigación ha sido financiada por los proyectos Análisis del Habla y Modelos Didácticos
(ref. FFI2013-41915-P) del Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad de España (2014-2016) y
2014SGR1619 de la Generalitat de Catalunya.
56
Estas características, que representan el perfil melódico de los suecos que hablan español,
pueden generar malentendidos y dificultar la comunicación, como en el caso de producir
inflexiones finales ascendentes –más típicas de enunciados suspendidos o interrogativos en
español– o circunflejas –más comunes en los enunciados interrogativos o enfáticos del
español–.
References
Baditzné, K. (2012). Spanish Intonation of Hungarian learners of Spanish: yes or no
questions. Tesis doctoral. Università Eötovös Loránd, Budapest. Biblioteca Phonica,
15.
http://www.publicacions.ub.edu/revistes/phonica-biblioteca/
(consultado
30/1/2015).
Boersma, P., & Weenink, D. (1992-2013). PRAAT. Doing phonetics by computer. Institute
of Phonetic Sciences, University of Amsterdam. Disponible en http://www.praat.org
Cantero, F. J. (2002) Teoría y análisis de la entonación. Ed. Universitat de Barcelona.
Cantero, F. J., & Font-Rotchés, D. (2007). Entonación del español peninsular en habla
espontánea: patrones melódicos y márgenes de dispersión. Moenia, 13, 69-92.
Universidad de Santiago de Compostela.
Cantero, F. J., & Font-Rotchés, D. (2009). Protocolo para el análisis melódico del habla,
Estudios de Fonética Experimental XVIII, 17-32.
Cantero, F. J., & Mateo, M. (2011). Análisis melódico del habla: complejidad y entonación
en el discurso. Oralia, 14, 105-127.
Devís, E. (2011). La entonación del español hablado por italianos. Didáctica (Lengua y
Literatura), 23, 35-58. Universidad Complutense de Madrid.
Estebas-Vilaplana, E., & Prieto, P. (2010). Castilian Spanish intonation. Prieto, P., &
Roseano, P. (coords.), Transcription of Intonation of the Spanish Language,
München: Lincom Europa, 17-48.
Fonseca, A. (2013). Caracterización de la entonación del español hablado por brasileños.
Tesis doctoral. Dep. Didáctica de la Lengua y la Literatura. Universidad de
Barcelona.
Font-Rotchés, D., 2007: L’entonació del català, Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia de
Montserrat.
Liu, Y. H. (2003). La entonación del español hablado por taiwaneses. Tesis doctoral.
Universitat
de
Barcelona.
Biblioteca
Phonica,
2
(2005).
http://www.publicacions.ub.edu/revistes/phonica-biblioteca/ (consultado 30/1/2015).
Martorell, L. (2010). Les interrogatives absolutes de l'espanyol parlat per suecs. Trabajo de
fin de máster. Dep. Didáctica de la Lengua y la Literatura. Universidad de
Barcelona.
Dipòsit
Digital
UB.
http://diposit.ub.edu/dspace/handle/2445/32302?mode=full (consultado 30/1/2015).
Mateo, M. (2014). La entonación del español meridional. Tesis doctoral. Dep. Didáctica de
la Lengua y la Literatura. Universidad de Barcelona.
http://diposit.ub.edu/dspace/handle/2445/53156?locale=ca (consultado 30/1/2015).
Selinker, L. (1972). Interlanguage. International Review of Applied Linguistics, 10, 209-241.
57
Prosodie und Fremdsprache
Eine phonetisch-phonologische Untersuchung der Rhythmusinterferenzen spanischund portugiesischsprachiger Deutschlerner
Sarah Waldmann
Universität Potsdam/ Universidad Complutense de Madrid
[email protected]
Im Bereich des Fremdspracherwerbs ist das Phänomen der Interferenz, der Übertragung
muttersprachlicher Strukturen auf die Zielsprache, auf allen sprachlichen Ebenen ein
altbekanntes und häufig behandeltes Thema (vgl. Ellis 2008). Wie zahlreiche Studien zeigen,
erweisen sich Interferenzen auf der Ebene der Prosodie bzw. des Sprachrhythmus‘ oft als am
stärksten und am hartnäckigsten (u.a. Völtz 1994). Unklar ist jedoch bisher, inwieweit die
typologische Nähe der Ausgangssprache zur Zielsprache den Grad und die spezifische
Ausprägung ebenjener Interferenzen beeinflusst.
In diesem Beitrag wird gezeigt, dass Deutschlerner mit eng verwandten romanischen
Ausgangssprachen unterschiedlicher rhythmustypologischer Ausprägungen (Spanisch:
tendenziell silbensprachlich, Portugiesisch (EU): tendenziell wortsprachlich), divergierende
Rhythmus-interferenzen in der wortsprachlichen Zielsprache aufweisen. Dabei wird von
Auers (1993, 2001) Auffassung von Sprachrhythmus als einer Kombination aus
sprachspezifischen phonetischen und phonologischen Parametern ausgegangen.
Für die quantitative und qualitative Untersuchung der Realisierung einzelner
rhythmusbildender Parameter durch spanischund portugiesischsprachige Deutschlerner
diente ein Set von verschiedenen Aufgaben zur Elizitierung von sprachlichen Äußerungen
(u.a in Anlehnung an Young-Scholten 1993, Wenk 1985), etc.):
1. Vorlesen einzelner Wörter mit z.T. komplexen Konsonantenclustern
2. Vorlesen kurzer Phrasen
3. Nachsprechen kurzer Phrasen
4. Interview
Ergänzend wurden mithilfe eines Fragebogens Sprecherdaten erhoben (z.B. andere L2).
Die auditiv-phonetische Auswertung der Aufnahmen zeigt, dass die beiden
Lernergruppen besonders bei der Realisierung komplexer zielsprachlicher Silbenstrukturen
und von Vokalen in unbetonter Position divergierende Interferenzen aufweisen und dass es
folglich
eine
Unterscheidung
von
rhythmusklasseninternen
und
–externen
Rhythmusinterferenzen geben muss.
58
References
Auer, P. (1993). Is a rhythm-based typology possible? A study of the role of prosody in
phonological typology. KontRI Working Paper No. 21, Universität Konstanz.
Auer, P.(2001). Silben- und akzentzählende Sprachen. In: Haspelmath, Martin et. al. (Hrsg.):
Sprachtypologie und sprachliche Universalien. 2. Halbband. Berlin: De Gruyter, pp.
1391-1399.
Dufter, A. (2003). Typen sprachrhythmischer Konturbildung. Tübingen: Niemeyer.
Ellis, R. (2008). The study of second language acquisition. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Ramus, F., M. Nespor & J. Mehler (1999): Correlates of linguistic rhythm in the speech
signal. In: Cognition 73, pp. 265-292.
Reich, U. (2004). Ritmo, Saliencia Prosódica y Clitización en español y portugués. In:
Meisenberg, T. & M. Selig (Hrsg.): Nouveaux départs en phonologie: les
conceptions sub- et suprasegmentales. Tübingen: Narr, pp. 125-137.
Wenk, B. J. (1985). Speech Rhythm in Second Language Acquisition. In: Language and
Speech 28, pp. 157-175.
Young-Scholten, M. (1993). The Acquisition of Prosodic Structure in a Second Language.
(Linguistische Arbeiten 304). Tübingen: Niemeyer.
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METHODS IN EMPIRICAL PROSODY

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