Nonprofit Brothels of Bogotá: For who`s common - ISTR LAC
Transcripción
Nonprofit Brothels of Bogotá: For who`s common - ISTR LAC
Case Study of the Nonprofit Brothels of Bogotá: For who’s common good? Van C. Evans Indiana University School of Philanthropy Indianapolis, Indiana, USA Bernardo Gonzalez Subdirector Distrital Superpersonas Juridicas, Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotá Bogotá, Colombia Abstract: Prostitution is legal in the Republic of Colombia. It is estimated there are 1000 brothels in the capital district of Bogotá, a city of some 8 million inhabitants. Of this rough estimate, as of September 1, 2013, 565 are formally registered in the capital district. Of these, 342 are registered as nonprofit entities. Nonprofit entities registering as social clubs have greater latitude for meeting times. Commercial entities must close their doors at midnight to comply with noise ordinances. Social clubs, however, have no such restrictions and may operate around the clock. Further, nonprofit entities pay lower taxes than commercial entities. Colombia has a poor tradition of self-regulation in the third sector. By registering their brothels as nonprofit entities and violating the non-distribution constraint, corrupt individuals exploit sex workers in the name of the public good. This contributes to the low public trust in the third sector. This is a case study of the effectiveness of current legislation designed to counter the corruption and abuse of civil society in Colombia. The Division of Legal Entities in the Mayor’s Office of Greater Bogota has a rigorous agenda to inspect these clubs during their hours of operation. Of the 165 nonprofit brothels visited, 65 have been closed down for noncompliance as of May 2014. A district wide media campaign of public awareness has been instigated in an attempt to discourage corruption by garnering public support in the closure of these brothels. The Office is also developing a protocol of intervention for those establishments to protect the sex workers and provide babysitting services (“nightcare”) for their children during their work shift. Prostitution in Colombia is legal in various forms. The first notable outbreak accompanied the discovery and production of oil wells during the mid twentieth century in the Barrancabermeja region. Fueled by foreign immigrants to work in the fields, Hoyos notes, “Hundreds of women lived in Barrancabermeja selling their bodies to the hordes of men who, charmed by the fever of petroleum and the railroad, arrived there to work… This legion of foreigners (came) from France, England, Germany, Poland, Romania, Switzerland, Spain, Brazil, or Martinica… the abundance of money, of population, and of economic activity in the oil zone was, without doubt, a magnet for European women” (Hoyos 2002 pp. 167,175). Many of these women arrived from other Latin American countries, such as Cuba, Mexico, Argentina or Venezuela, and launched an “itinerant work routine.” It is worthy to note that many of these women were not young by standards of prostitution today as some French women, for example, hovered around 40 years of age. During the first half of the same century, Bogotá realized an accelerated process of urbanization, attracting large numbers of peasants from the countryside. Among these was a large contingent of young single women. The labor market was closed to these women in good measure, and their limited opportunities for work centered in domestic labor. This period was characterized by high rates of illegitimate children, and those unwed mothers, who lacked access to public education and birth registration, endured discrimination and greater vulnerability. An unwanted pregnancy often required the woman to submit to whatever “protector” would have her. The period known as La Violencia (1946-54) further increased the vulnerability and urban in flow of young women, who were displaced from their rural homes into the capital city. Urrego defined prostitutes of this period as, by and large, “single women, with minimal education or without a single year of grade school, and had been deceived, seduced, and abandoned by a man” (2002 p. 203). Medellin was also a hotbed of prostitution. Industrialization brought women into the work place were they were subjected to the machismo and sexual abuse of their superiors. As early as the 1920s, women in Medellin held strikes against their employers that had as “one of the principal objectives to end the disrespect and sexual abuse of the foremen” (Reyes 2002 p. 223). It was not uncommon, at the end of the daily work shift, for men of means as well as students, to wait for young women as they left the factories to offer “indecent proposals” (propuestas indecentes) to improve the women’s income. Domestic servants were also sexually abused and impregnated by the patrones or teen men of the home (Reyes 2002 p. 226). In any event, the resulting pregnancy led a course toward prostitution, since unwed mothers were fired from work and disowned by families. The period of La Violencia in Medellin resulted in increased number of widows and orphaned girls who lacked both support and means to sustain their homes, and these also increased prostitution in the region. Three decades later, civil conflict and narcoterrorism would repeat this cycle of migrant women to Medellin. In 1949, the United Nations established an agreement to alleviate repression of persons and unchecked exploitation via prostitution. Colombia remained indifferent to the agreement at least until 1966 when a formal declaration was forthcoming (Torres & Perez, 2006). In 1970, articles 178 and 183 of Decree 1355 affirmed that prostitution between adults does not constitute criminal activity and is exempt from punishment. More than 20 years later, however, a series of laws from the 1995 Colombian Constitution were passed in an effort to protect children from sexual exploitation. These, namely Corte Constitucional C-620 of 1995, C-507 of 1999, and SU 476 of 1997, were designed to guarantee public order and establish moral and social norms by defining the limits and tolerance of prostitution and the involvement of children. By protecting children from sexual abuse, it also served to further legitimize legal forms of sexual commerce. A formalization of prostitution had reached the politic and validated the industry. Prostitution was in Colombia to stay. Women who engage as sex workers are often referred to as “pre-paid" (prepagos). In addition to street walkers, formalization gave rise to the registration of escort services, massage parlors, and brothels. Brothels are required to register as commercial establishments, sometimes referred to as nightclubs (clubes nocturos). It is estimated there are more than 1,000 brothels in the capital district, although only half of them register in some form. As of May 2014, 565 brothels were registered with the Chamber of Commerce. The most recent available data on brothels in Bogota come from a 2012 study by the Centro de Estudios y Análisis en Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana (CEACSC). At the time, the study revealed 404 active brothels within the capital district. Nearly 44 percent, or 178, are located in just four barrios: Martires, Kennedy, Barrios Unidos, and Chapinero. Table 1 shows the distribution of registered brothers in Bogota D.C. Table 1 Total general 404 100,0 MARTIRES 73 18,1 KENNEDY BARRIOS UNIDOS 56 49 13,9 12,1 CHAPINERO 48 11,9 SANTA FE 39 9,7 ENGATIVA 19 4,7 USAQUEN 19 4,7 TUNJUELITO 18 4,5 FONTIBON 12 3,0 SUBA 12 3,0 BOSA 11 2,7 CANDELARIA TEUSAQUILLO RAFAEL URIBE PUENTE ARANDA ANTONIO NARIÑO CIUDAD BOLIVAR 10 10 9 6 5 4 2,5 2,5 2,2 1,5 1,2 1,0 USME 4 1,0 Fuente: Secretaría de Gobierno, Caracterización del fenómeno de la prostitución en Bogotá, Centro de Estudios y Análisis en Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana CEACSC .Bogota, 2012 Of these, 37 percent operate at night, 54 percent operate both day and night, 1 percent operates only in the early morning hours (madrugadada) and 6 percent is diurnal. Also of these, 261 are sites where sexual relations are engaged on site, such as private rooms within the establishment. 76 are locations where the sex worker makes contact with the client, but there are no rooms on location, and 58 of these are Logistic Establishments, such as hotels or motels that direct the clients where to seek relations. Women in the brothels come from vulnerable circumstances. Only 41 percent are adults, where as 33 percent are adolescents and 25 percent come from the streets. The majority, 87 percent, report that they have had no run in or abuse from their employers. Two thirds of the brothels employ between 11 and 30 sex workers. Figure 1 shows the distribution of the number of sex workers by establishment. Based upon these averages and number of brothels investigated, the study estimates there were at least 6,236 prostitutes in the 404 brothels of Bogota in 2012 Figure 1. Número'de'personas'en'ejercicio'de'la' prostitución'por'establecimiento' Número#de#personas#por#establecimiento# 60#a#90# 31#a#50# 21#a#30# 1%# 12%# 21%# 44%# 11#a20# 5#a#10# 22%# Proporción## Fuente: Secretaría de Gobierno, Caracterización del fenómeno de la prostitución en Bogotá, Centro de Estudios y Análisis en Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana CEACSC .Bogota, 2012 In addition, research conducted by the Secretaria Distrital de Integración Social (Bogotá) for the years 2009-2013, found that in 2013 a full two-thirds (67.6 percent) of the prostitutes in the brothels had a high school education. It is worth noting that 4.5 percent of the women in prostitution in brothels had a college education. Ninety percent of women sex workers in brothels were either unemployed (32 %) or had encountered other economic difficulties (58 percent). Figure 2 lists the distribution of causes that the sex workers reports led them to work in the brothels. Figure 2. Porcentaje*de*personas*en*ejercicio* de*pros/tución,*según*causa*de* ingreso$ SIN$INFORMACION$ 7%$ ALCOHOLISMO$ VICTIMA$DE$ABUSO$SEXUAL$ 1%$ 1%$ TRATO$TRAFICO$DE$ 0%$ 50%$ 58%$ 63%$ SITUACION$ECONOMICA$ OPCION$LIBRE$ EXPLOTACION$SEXUAL$ ENGAÑO$ DESPLAZAMIENTO$ 6%$ 4%$ 1%$ 0%$ 1%$ 1%$ 1%$ 1%$ 1%$ 10%$ DESEMPLEO$ 2012$ 2011$ 32%$ 31%$ 30%$ 2010$ Secretaría de Gobierno, Caracterización del fenómeno de la prostitución en Bogotá, Centro de Estudios y Análisis en Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana CEACSC .Bogota, 2012 Colombian society is divided into seven socio-economic classes, called estratos. Estrato 1 is the lowest on the economic scale, while estrato 6 is the most wealthy. Figure 3 shows the distribution of sex workers by estratos. Not surprisingly, a full two-thirds (67.1 percent) of all sex workers live in the lowest three estratos. Correspondingly, sex workers worked an average of 5.1 days per week in the brothels and had averaged 7.9 years as prostitutes. Figure 3. Porcentaje*de*personas*en*ejercicio*de* pros/tución,*según*estrato% 39.9%% 2013% 28.5%% 19.3%% 7.9%% SI N% IN FO RM AC I 6% ON % 0.5%% 0.6%% 5% 4% 3% 2% 1% 3.4%% Fuente: Secretaria Distrital De Integración Social, Informe De Caracterización Oficial Del Sistema De Dirección De Análisis Y Diseño Estratégico Años 2009 – 2010 – 2011 – 2012, Y “Caracterización Personas En Situación De Prostitución Y Personas Vinculadas Al Fenómeno De La Prostitución” Bogotá D.C., Diciembre Del 2013. In a program completed earlier this year by the Secretaria Distrital de la Mujer, workers found the demographic of sex workers in the capital district to be congruent with historical patterns of migratory displacement. Figure 4 shows that over half (51.3 percent) of all sex workers in the capital district come from another municipality of Colombia. Figure 4. Porcentaje*de*mujeres*en*ejercicio*de* pros1tución*según*lugar*de*nacimiento* 0.5% Bogotá%D.C% 6.7% 41.5% 51.3% Otro%municipio% de%Colombia% Otro%país% (Venezuela)% NS/NR% Fuente: Secretaria Distrital De La Mujer, Caracterización De Personas En Ejercicio De Prostitución Entre Septiembre De 2013 Y Enero 2015 Finally, the program revealed that of the 1,622 sex workers attended to between September 1, 2013 and January 30, 2015, a full 81.8 percent had tried to leave prostitution, with 66.5 percent stating the reason was their were tired, disliked the work, didn’t feel good about it, or wanted a change of lifestyle. The increase of narcoterrorism and armed conflict during the 1980s and 1990s left the federal government paralyzed and was a vote of no confidence by the populous. As such, a new constitution was written in 1995, with decentralization as a core theme. The Asamblea Nacional Constituyente of 1991 celebrated the diverse elements of civil society in Colombia and affirmed that the right of association was free and fundamental for the people. Therefore, Decree 2150 of the 1995 constitution established the contemporary formulation of nonprofit entities (entidades sin animo de lucro) as they are known today. With this legal and constitutional change, foundations, corporations, and associations together with other collaborative commons, could formalize by simply submitting by-laws and statutes at the Chamber of Commerce of Bogota or other parts of the country. With this formalized registration, civil society entities could obtain legal status protected by civil law and allow them to enter into contracts and fulfill civil duties. Among the civil society groups that obtain legal status, social clubs or night clubs are formed with the facade of cultural, recreational, or sports development, yet openly operate activities of sexual exploitation without any social service or philanthropic end. These establishments are protected by civil law which regard domestic properties as sacred. To avoid detection from civil and police authority, some of these clubs offer citizens sexual services and limit the consumption of alcohol on the premises as well as limiting the operating hours to comply with residential noise and zoning ordinances. Those establishments with the greatest commercial profit through alcohol sales, however, are the so-called private clubs that exploit residential privacy laws that prohibit restriction of hours of operation and limit police access. Bogota, which has a population of roughly eight million inhabitants, has estimated some 1000 establishments (brothels) offering sexual services. Only 513 of these are lawfully registered in some form today. Lawfully registered commercial establishments are restricted during their operating hours by Decree 854 of 2010, which restricts citywide the consumption and sale of liquor from 10:00 a.m. until 3:00 a.m. Given that legitimate social clubs are exempt by Decree 854, corrupt individuals prefer to operate brothels as nonprofit social clubs, and some formally register themselves as such. In addition to all night operating hours, nonprofit clubs receive a lower tax rate of 15 percent rather than 20 percent. Bogota’s so-called “high impact” sites, are those brothels located in the barrios of Chapinero, Santa Fe; Venice, Kennedy, Antonio Nariño, Tunjuelito, Rafael Uribe, and Suba in the north. Sex workers come from all parts of the country and range in age from 18 to 30 years. Most of these work as slaves to support their children or parents in their municipality of origin. Thus, by registering their brothels as nonprofit entities and violating the non-distribution constraint, corrupt individuals exploit sex workers in the name of the public good. This contributes to low public trust in the civil society sector. By mandate of Article 189 of the Constitution, inspection and oversight on civil society organizations was instituted to verify nonprofit status, compliance with tax responsibilities, and maintain the will of the founders. This portion of the constitution reads as follows: “ARTICULO 189. Corresponde al Presidente de la República como Jefe de Estado, Jefe del Gobierno y Suprema Autoridad Administrativa: (…) 26. Ejercer la inspección y vigilancia sobre instituciones de utilidad común para que sus rentas se conserven y sean debidamente aplicadas y para que en todo lo esencial se cumpla con la voluntad de los fundadores.¨ Este precepto constitucional es la máxima jurídica para ejercer la inspección y vigilancia; es la norma de normas que permite interpretar sin excepción que ninguna entidad sin lucro se escapa al control del Estado.” While responsibility for these rest with the President of the Republic, in the spirit of decentralization, oversight and control is delegated to departmental governors and the mayor of the capital district. The office of SuperPersonas Juridicas under the direction of the Mayor’s office of Bogota, exercises this authority for the inspection, oversight, and control of nonprofit entities in the capital district. A series of laws and decrees (Decreto Distrital 085 de 2011, Ley 1437 de 2011, Decreto 059 de 1991, Protocolo de Visitas Administrativas) have issued forth to give greater authority to the agencies to counter corruption within the nonprofit sector through site visits, revocation of nonprofit status, and criminal charges. The following table lists the development for legal authority for the mayor’s office: MARCO JURÍDICO EN EL DISTRITO CAPITAL Decreto Distrital 059 de 1991, Decreto Distrital 397 de 2012 ENTIDAD DESIGNADA SECRETARÍA GENERAL Subdirección Distrital de Inspección, Vigilancia y Control de Personas Jurídicas sin Ánimo de Lucro – SUPERPERSONAS JURÍDICAS TEMA Inspección, Vigilancia y Control de Entidades sin Ánimo de Lucro domiciliadas en Bogotá D.C., que no tengan asignado otro ente de control Reconocimiento y Registro de Comités de Desarrollo y Control Social de Servicios Públicos Domiciliarios NORMATIVIDAD GENERAL DELEGACIÓN Y ASIGNACIÓN DE FUNCIONES Ley 22 de 1987 Decreto Nacional 1318 de 1988 Decreto Nacional 1093 de 1989 Decreto Distrital 059 de 1991 Decreto Distrital 085 de 2011, art.1° Ley 142 de 1994, arts. 62, 63, 64, 65 y66. Ley 689 de 2001, arts. 10 y 11 Decreto Nacional 1429 de 1995 Decreto Nacional 178 de 2012, art. 6° Acreditación de Asociaciones sin Ánimo de Lucro y/o Sociedades Protectoras de Animales Decreto Distrital 086 de 2004, art. 3° Decreto Distrital 510 de 2003, art. 25. Ley 84 de 1989 Reconocimiento y Registro de Ligas y Asociaciones de Consumidores SECRETARÍA DISTRITAL DE EDUCACIÓN Dirección de Inspección y Vigilancia Reconocimiento de Personería Jurídica, Inscripción de Representantes Legales y Dignatarios, y Aprobación de Estatutos y Reformas de Instituciones de Decreto 1441 de 1982 Decreto 3467 de 1982 Ley 73 de 1981 Decreto Nacional 525 de 1990, art. 27 Decreto Nacional 427 de 1996, art. 3º Decreto Distrital 854 de 2001, art.23. Decreto Distrital 330 de 2008, art.16. Educación Formal y No Formal Inspección, Vigilancia y Control de Entidades sin Ánimo de Lucro de Instituciones de Educación Formal, No Formal (Trabajo y Desarrollo Humano) e Informal. Inspección, Vigilancia y Control de Entidades sin Ánimo de Lucro constituidas como Asociaciones de Padres de Familia de Planteles Oficiales y Privados. SECRETARÍA DISTRITAL DE AMBIENTE Dirección Legal Ambiental SECRETARÍA DISTRITAL DE CULTURA, RECREACIÓN Y DEPORTE Subdirección de Regulación de Personas Jurídicas SECRETARÍA Inspección, Vigilancia y Control de Entidades sin Ánimo de Lucro para la defensa y protección del medio ambiente y los recursos naturales renovables Suspensión o cancelación de la Personería Jurídica de Entidades sin Ánimo de Lucro con fines culturales, recreativos o deportivos. Ley 115 de 1994 Decreto 525 de 1990, art. 27 Decreto Nacional 4904 de 2009. Decreto Distrital 059 de 1991 Decreto Distrital 854 de 2001, art. 23,parágrafo Decreto Nacional 1318 de 1988 Decreto Nacional 1093 de 1989 Decreto Distrital 059 de 1991 Reconocimiento de la Decreto Distrital 109 de 2009, art.24 Decreto Nacional 525 de 1990, Art. 27 Decreto Nacional 1318 de 1988 Decreto Nacional 1093 de 1989 Decreto Distrital 059 de 1991 Reconocimiento de Personería Jurídica de Entidades sin Ánimo de Lucro que hacen parte del Sistema Nacional del Deporte, Inscripción o Modificación de dignatarios, el registro y sello de libros. Decreto Distrital 358 de 2005, art.1. Decreto Distrital 558 de 2006, art.20 Ley 181 de 1995 Decreto Nacional 1228 de 1995 Ley 10 de 1990, art. 20. Decreto Distrital DISTRITAL DE SALUD Dirección de Inspección, Control y Vigilancia de la Oferta SECRETARÍA DISTRITAL DEL HÁBITAT Subdirección de Prevención y Seguimiento SECRETARÍA DISTRITAL DE INTEGRACIÓN SOCIAL Equipo de Asesoría y Control a la Educación Inicial Personería Jurídica de las Entidades sin Ánimo de Lucro del subsector privado de la salud Decreto Nacional 1088 de 1991, art. 19y 20. Inspección, vigilancia y control de Entidades sin Ánimo de Lucro del subsector privado de la salud. Ley 10 de 1990, art. 5°, numeral 2º, 21,22 y 49 Habilitación de servicios de salud a Entidades sin Ánimo de Lucro, (Habilitación de Centros de Atención a Drogadictos) Resolución 1043 de 2006, Ministerio de la Protección Social Inspección, Vigilancia y Control de las personas jurídicas sin ánimo de lucro que desarrollan actividades de anuncio, captación de recursos, enajenación y arrendamiento de inmuebles destinados a vivienda como las que adelanten planes y programas de vivienda por los sistemas de autogestión o participación comunitaria. Inspección, vigilancia y control a la prestación del servicio de educación inicial en el Distrito Capital, 581 de 1995, art.1. Resolución Ministerio de Salud 13565 de 1991 Decreto Nacional 1088 de 1991, art. 44. Resolución 1315 de 2006, art. 8º, Ministerio de la Protección Social Ley 66 de 1968 Decreto Nacional 2610 de 1979 Decreto Nacional 078 de 1987 Resolución 044 de 1990, Superintendencia de Sociedades Decreto Distrital 578 de 2011, art.1°. Decreto Distrital 100 de 2004 Decreto Distrital 419 de 2008 Ley 1098 de 2006 Acuerdo Distrital 138 de 2004 Decreto Distrital 057 de 2009, art.1°. The office of SuperPersonas Juridicas in the Mayor’s Office of Greater Bogota has a rigorous agenda to inspect the social clubs during their hours of operation. As of June 2014: • 548 clubs / brothels had been visited and inspected • 199 underwent investigation • 28 moved to commercial entities • 65 were closed down for noncompliance as of June 2014 By May 2015, further progress had been made. The Mayor’s office statistics listed 513 establishments were sexual activities are being investigated. Figure 5 shows the percentage of those establishments under inspection and their registration status. Of these: • 425 are formally registered as commercial entities (83 percent) • 12 are registered as Associations (2 percent) • 57 are registered as Social Clubs (11 percent) • 19 are registered as Corporations (4 percent) Figure 5. Fuente: Secretaria Distrital De Planeación, 2012 A district wide media campaign of public awareness has been instigated in an attempt to discourage corruption by garnering public support in the closure of these brothels. Evidence between the 2014 and 2015 registrations shows an effective agenda in closing down nonprofit brothels and a direction in restoring public trust in self-regulation in the sector. The Office is also developing a protocol of intervention for those establishments to protect the sex workers and provide babysitting services (“nightcare”) for their children during their work shift. References: Database SIPEJ, Alcaldia Mayor De Bogotá, Personas Juridicas Sin Animo De Lucro. Secretaria General - Alcaldia Mayor De Bogotá Bogota Humana. Manual De Entidades Sin Ánimo De Lucro – Esal, 2013. Bogotá D.C.: Subdirección Imprenta Districtal – D.D.D.I Secretaría De Gobierno, Caracterización Del Fenómeno De La Prostitución En Bogotá, Centro De Estudios Y Análisis En Convivencia Y Seguridad Ciudadana Ceacsc .Bogota, 2012 Secretaria Distrital De Integración Social, Informe De Caracterización Oficial Del Sistema De Dirección De Análisis Y Diseño Estratégico Años 2009 – 2010 – 2011 – 2012, Y “Caracterización Personas En Situación De Prostitución Y Personas Vinculadas Al Fenómeno De La Prostitución” Bogotá D.C., Diciembre Del 2013. Secretaría De Gobierno, Caracterización Del Fenómeno De La Prostitución En Bogotá, Centro De Estudios Y Análisis En Convivencia Y Seguridad Ciudadana Ceacsc .Bogota, 2012 Secretaria Distrital De La Mujer, Caracterización De Personas En Ejercicio De Prostitución Entre Septiembre De 2013 Y Enero 2015 Secretaria Distrital De Planeación, 2012