Ethnobiology 2008 - Organization for Tropical Studies

Transcripción

PRESENTS:
USAP ETHNOBIOLOGY
SUMMER COURSE 2008
COORDINATORS:
Luis Diego Gómez
Hector Castaneda
TEACHING ASISTANT:
Claudia Lizana
1
OTS USAP Ethnobiology Summer 2008 Participants
Mr. Eric E. Butter
Mr. Alvaro P. Casanova
Mr. Alex Delamater
Duke University
University of California Berkeley
University of Miami
490 Ehringhaus Drive
2424 Haste St. Apt. A13
244 Ashe Admin.Building
Ehringhaus South #332
Chapel Hill NC 27514
Tel. (607)759-5959
Email: [email protected]
Berkeley, CA 94704
Tel. (805)427-5969
1252 Memorial Drive
Coral Gables, FL 33146
Tel.
Email:
Ms. Leah C. Edwards
Ms. Shelly K. Gareiss
University of Illinois UrbanaChampaign
1204 S. Lincoln Ave.
Urbana, IL 61801
Tel. (708)466-5161
Mr. Evan Groendyk
UNC-Chapel Hill
510 Williamson Dr.
Apt. #4312
Chapel Hill, NC 27514
Western Michigan University
750 South Howard St. 303
Kalamazoo, MI 49006
Tel. (616)915-5002
Email:
[email protected]
Tel. (410)456-1644
Ms. Katherine B. Hurley
University of Miami
1239 Dickson Drive SRC-RT413
Coral Gables, FL 33146
Tel. (214)934-1066
Ms. Kennetra K. Irby
University of North Carolina- Chapel
Hill
5507 Ram Village 5
Tel.(727)430-3284
Pomona College
170 E. 6h. Street
Claremont, CA 91711
Tel. (916)715-4798
Email:
[email protected]
Ms. Katherine A. Pollok
UNC, Chapel Hill
224 Old East, UNC Residence
Tel. (336)558-1753
Ms. Viladys Rivera Reyes
University of Puerto Rico
HC 1 Box 4003
Utuado, PR 00641
Tel. (787)201-8962
Ms. Celeste B. Scott
Clark Atlanta University
700 Beckwith St. SW
Atlanta, GA 30314
Tel. (423)331-0394
Ms. Lillian F. Smith
Oakwood University
West Oaks Apt. A8
Huntsville, AL 35896
Tel. (256)429-8466
Ms. Shukura A. Umi
Tuskegee University
P.O. Box 6442
Tuskegee University
AL 36088
Tel. (916)205-9284
Ms. Erin N. Platter
2
Table of Contents
Course participants....................................................................................................... 2
Students resarchs
JUST NUMBERS? NUMBERS AS AN INDICATOR OF ACCULTURATION AMONG INDIGENOUS COSTA
RICANS & REVIEW OF COSTA RICAN COUNTING SYSTEMS. .......................................................... 4
Eric Butters
CULTURALLY ENRICHED DISHES CONSUMED BY INDIGENOUS GROUPS IN COSTA RICA ...................... 16 Delamater, Alex and Umi, Shukura A.
HOUSEHOLD GARDENING AND AGRICULTURAL PRACTICES IN SIX COSTA RICAN COMMUNITIES ....... 25 Leah C. Edwards
EFFECTS OF ACCESSIBILITY OF TELEVISION AND MEDICAL FACILITIES ON AWARENESS OF BREAST CANCER DETECTION METHODS AMONG INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES OF COSTA RICA ...................... 41 Gareiss, Shelly and Platter, Erin
YOU ARE WHAT YOU EAT: VARIABILITY IN NUTRITIONALLY SOUND DIETS BETWEEN MANY COSTA RICAN CULTURAL GROUPS .................................................................................................................... 51 Evan Groendyk
A JOURNEY TO THE BOTTOM OF THE GLASS: BEVERAGES OF THE INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES IN COSTA RICA ............................................................................................................................................ 63 Hurley, Kate and Pollok, Katie
WALKING A FINE LINE: ADAPTIVE MEDICAL TRADITIONS OF COSTA RICAN INDIGENOUS AND AFRO‐
CARIBBEAN COMMUNITIES ................................................................................................................... 79 Irby, Kennetra
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE SOCIAL PERCEPTION AND AWARENESS OF DR‐CAFTA AMONGST INDIGENOUS TRIBES IN COSTA RICA. ..................................................................................................... 86 Palacios Casanova, Alvaro
¿CÓMO LOS GOBIERNOS Y LA SOCIEDAD ESTÁN AFECTANDO TANTO LA AGRICULTURA COMO LOS ASPECTOS CULTURALES DE LOS GRUPOS ÉTNICOS EN COSTA RICA? .................................................... 94 Rivera Reyes, Viladys
TRADITIONAL AND LEISURE ACTIVITIES OF THE INDIGENOUS AND AFRO‐CARIBBEAN CHILDREN ..... 103 Celeste Scott
THE USE OF PEST CONTROL METHODS AMONG THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF COSTA RICA. ........... 113 Smith, Lillian
THE PREVALENCE OF HYPERSTRESS IN INDIGENOUS GROUPS AND INDUSTRIALIZED COSTA RICANS AND CORRESPONDING COPING METHODS ......................................................................................... 121 White, Corin
TRASH DISPERSAL AND DISPOSAL ........................................................................................................ 133 Workin, Rachel
Galerie Ethnobiologist on action ............................................................................. 141
3
JUST NUMBERS? NUMBERS AS AN INDICATOR OF ACCULTURATION AMONG INDIGENOUS
COSTA RICANS & REVIEW OF COSTA RICAN COUNTING SYSTEMS
Eric Emilio Butter1
1
James M. Johnston Center for Undergraduate Excellence, Campus Box 1301,
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill NC 27599 · 607 759 5959 · [email protected]
Resumen: Literatura reciente propone que muchas de nuestras supersticiones y
creencias sobre los números actúan como microcosmos de nuestra cultura general. Para este
estudio, quería aprender si el significado de los números para los grupos indígenas
Costarricenses es un indicador de la aculturación de esa propia cultura. Para comparación,
estudié la práctica relativa de la religión e idioma nativos en cada cultura como señal de
aculturación. También, investigué el sistema de contar enseñado en las escuelas de cada
reserva indígena que visité. En total, visité siete culturas Costarricenses, cinco indígenas (los
Guaymí, Boruca, Chorotega, Maleku, y Bribri), los Afro-Caribeños, y un grupo testigo que vive
en San Vito. Descubrí que el significado de los números que tiene algo que ver con la cultura
nativa, por lo que es un buen indicador del grado de aculturación, al igual que las religiones
practicadas y el idioma nativo. Además, aprendí que los Chorotega son los más aculturados,
seguido por los Boruca, que están un poco menos aculturados. Los Guaymí y Maleku
preservan muchos rasgos de sus culturas originales, en el caso de los Bribri han mantenido
bastante de su cultura también. Desafortunadamente, los jovenes indígenas empienzan a
perder las costumbres nativas (lenguaje, religión, y supersticiones sobre los números). Espero
que con la información de este informe, pueda contribuir a frenar estas tendencias alarmantes
de aculturación dentro de las comunidades indígenas.
Introduction
How important are numbers? Numbers have historically been vital components to some
of the most successful and powerful cultures ever, from India and the Middle East to Greece
and Rome. This trend continues today with the very interesting superstitions and beliefs
surrounding numbers in America and Europe. Why do we Westerners put so much emphasis
on (perhaps arcane) ideas such as the lucky number seven, the magic eight ball, the ill-fated 13
or that dreaded “666”? Recent studies suggest all humans have a basal feel for number related
to our perception of space (Holt, 2008). Just as we refer to music as an “international
language,” so too our perception of number is something common to all mankind, regardless of
the language or manner in which we count. Overall, a great deal of our beliefs and superstitions
surrounding numbers serve as a synecdoche for our general culture, mythology, and religion.
Costa Rica, home to five indigenous groups and substantial Afro-Caribbean
communities, is a perfect medium to test this theory of understanding culture through numbers.
Although all five of Costa Rica’s indigenous tribes belong to the same language family, MacroChibchan, the language family as a whole is surrounded in a great deal of mystery, with few
publications on the subject and even fewer contemporary experts (Constenla, 1996). The
native cultures exhibit highly variable degrees of acculturation, and each has its own very
unique practices and customs, surprising considering their common descent and relatively close
proximities. For the purpose of this report, only five of the groups will be considered: Guaymí,
Boruca, Chorotega, Maleku, and Bribri. The Afro-Caribbean English/crëole-speaking
communities, though considered quite acculturated, have a unique culture also warranting
further investigation.
Each of the chosen groups has its own composition and traditions which make it a good
candidate for this study. The Guaymí of the Coto Brus reservation in southern Costa Rica are a
4
very isolated, traditional indigenous group (Osborne, 2008). Most Guaymí live in Panama,
making these Costa Rican Guaymí tribes seem all the more isolated. The Guaymí almost all
speak the traditional language, Ngäbere, as well as Spanish (Gordon, 2005). The traditional
Guaymí religion Mamachi is animist, although today most are at least in name Catholic or
Evangelical (Cutimanco, 1997).
Background research into the original Guaymí practices and religion (see Cutimanco’s
Narraciones Ngäbes: Revitalización de la Cultura Traditional, 1997) shows evidence of at least
one special number: four. The Guaymí induction into manhood, known as Grwa, is a religious
process in which the teens go four sleepless days learning from elders and demonstrating their
valor; women go through a similar four-day process learning to make their first drink of chicha
(ibid). They also (traditionally) have an eight-day celebration to the god of thunder to prevent
bad luck and provoking the god’s power/wrath (ibid). Another example occurs in one of the
Guaymí myths, where a man named Höra Chi is protected from harm by spending four days in
a chichería (ibid). These are only a few of countless examples in which the number four is used
as a spiritual, meaningful part of the culture.
Meanwhile the Boruca, also in southern Costa Rica, are a much more acculturated
group. Here, less than one percent speaks the native Bruka language fluently, while larger
proportions are non-fluent speakers—all speak Spanish (Gordon, 2005). There is a lack of
consensus among academic sources explaining the counting system, one explaining the Boruca
can count one through six (Redish and Lewis, 2007) and another arguing one though eight
(Stone, 1949). It is also interesting that as early as fifty years ago, “most of the aboriginals had
no conception of their age” (ibid). Similar to the Boruca’s Spanish, intermingled with odd Bruka
words and phrases, so too the Boruca’s professed Roman Catholicism is often intermixed with
many age-old, typically untraceable, superstitions and beliefs. However, few of these have to
do with any specific number: most sources explain that a funeral has “three to five” candles or
“one to two” shamans, nothing peculiar or specific (see both Stone’s “The Boruca of Costa Rica”
and Constenla’s Leyendas y Tradiciones Borucas).
The Chorotega of Guaitil on the northwestern peninsula of Nicoya is another unique and
interesting group. The Chorotega language (and counting system), derived from Manguense,
also believed to have been a part of the Chibchan family, has been extinct since the 18th century
(Gordon, 2005; Wolf, 1959). Only recently has there been a re-emergence of the Spanishspeaking, Christian descendants of the Chorotega (Gordon, 2005), practicing traditional crafts
and delving back into their rich past. Because of the huge time gap before this re-emergence,
the authenticity of some of the Chorotega’s “native” practices may be called into question.
Hopefully the field research can provide some insight into just how traditional and authentic this
culture truly is.
The Maleku, who live in three “palenques” near San Rafael de Guatuso and the Arenal
volcano, are a medium between these first two groups. Here, some seventy percent are fluent
speakers (Gordon, 2005). This is thanks to a fully bilingual education system begun some
years ago to counter the growing modernization and acculturation of the tribe (Osborne, 2008).
However, nothing was readily available detailing the Maleku religious beliefs and
mythologies/histories. This culture especially will provide a unique opportunity to discover a
little-known indigenous group which seems to have maintained at the very least the one major
staple of culture: an organized language system.
The Caribbean coastal town of Cahuita maintains notably large communities of African
descent. Most of these people are descendents of slaves—some directly from Africa but mostly
from islands in the Caribbean already many generations removed from their homeland (Lefever,
1992). These Afro-Caribbean cultures therefore draw very heavily from the Caribbean traditions
of above all the Western Caribbean, e.g., Jamaica (ibid). Even from childhood people are
brought up learning crëole, learning from such books as Brown Girl in the Ring by Lomax, Elder,
and Hawes, or Down By the River, compiled by Grace Hallworth, which have rhymes and
5
stories in French, Spanish, and English. In Cahuita, the most common first language learned by
Afro-Caribbeans is English due to the dominant Jamaican influences in the area. It is also worth
noting that many aspects of the traditional culture, of special note cooking, medicine, and
religion (ibid), are slowly being neglected by the young. Their religious culture pocomía, a form
of Santería, draws heavily on Western African Yoruba knowledge, beliefs, and superstitions.
Questioning locals about the presence of special numbers may require much more time and
forethought due to the typical secrecy that surrounds the Santería religions and cultures.
Finally, the Bribri people of Shiroles and Talamanca retain many of their old traditions.
Seventy-five percent speak and many can write in the native tongue (also called Bribri) as well
as Spanish (Gordon, 2005; Osborne, 2008). The Bribri continue to face (and survive) modern
challenges such as the “slow but steady” migration into the city for work (Helmuth, 2000). This
group creatively developed their own merged religion since post-colonial times, a careful
balance between Catholicism and their very developed traditional practices (see Helmuth,
2000). This evolution of religion is very evident when comparing Bribri stories from different
time periods (see Journal of American Folklore, 1903).
Bribri folklore and history is filled with numerological significance. Throughout stories
such as “How Jabiru Ate the Seed,” “How the First Bribri Indians were Born,” and “The Tale of
Our Dying Away,” (Journal of American Folklore, 1903), the numbers two and four appear
constantly. The Bribri’s major funeral rite is also separated into four parts (Augé, 1990). Even
in the building of the Bribri cultural houses, the numbers eight (for eight spokes) and four (for
four levels) are their key identifiers, representing the Bribri’s advanced cosmological beliefs
(which were also tied to their ideas on the afterlife). For a further explanation of the construction
and symbolism of the buildings, see La Casa Cósmica Talamanqueña y Sus Simbolismos
(Chávez and Vásquez, 1989).
Purpose
This study has several goals:
• Record and compare the counting systems of Costa Rican cultural groups, if
any.
• Determine the linguistic and religious composition of each group as cultural
identifier and markers of relative acculturation
• Learn any of the culture’s relevant history and mythology
• Better understand the religious, historical, and general cultural significance of
numbers in each society; assess whether significance of numbers is a
“cultural identifier and markers of relative acculturation” such as language
and religion
Methods
As a part of the Duke University Study Abroad Program and Organization for Tropical
Studies (OTS/OET) Ethnobiology program, we traveled to sites throughout Costa Rica to
perform the research from July 21 to August 5, 2008. The first day I conducted baseline
interviews with “typical” (white/Hispanic) Costa Ricans from San Vito. Also while in San Vito, I
conducted one day of interviews with the Guaymí in Coto Brus and one day with the Boruca. I
similarly spent between one and three full days interviewing each of the Chorotega, Maléku,
Afro-Caribbeans and Bribri. Our Ethnobiology group was split into four groups of four people,
which varied somewhat based on site. For the majority of the interviews, I was touring with Erin
Platter, Rachel Workin, and Kate Hurley.
Interviews in San Vito and with the Guaymí and Boruca were as open-ended as
possible, limited only by informants’ interest, knowledge, and time. This open-ended format was
6
meant to allow for a more qualitative assessment of the overall culture, what information was
practical and relevant, and where best to focus future questions. During these first three
interview days, I learned what to expect from the informant, how to better phrase questions, and
how to conjure important but perhaps subtle concepts surrounding numbers. This is especially
important because my interviews deal with such an abstract idea that many cultures—especially
those in which numbers are not as important—find difficult to comprehend. As a result, I
developed a more efficient semi-structured process for the remaining groups to elicit needed
information. The conversations with informants were directed by the following questions:
• Background information, i.e., job, place of birth, age, etc.
• Do you speak Spanish? How well? Do you speak the native language? How
well?
• Can you teach me to count to ten? Further? How far?
• What is your religion? How involved are you with your church?
• Do you know the native history and legends? (Ask about importance of
numbers)
• Do you know the native mythology and religion? (Ask about importance of
numbers)
• Do you have any particular numbers that you like? Numbers of good or bad
luck?
At each site, I also visited with a school teacher to not only interview regularly, but also
learn the commonly-accepted method of counting and more subtle details of indigenous legends
and history.
Throughout the interview process, all information was tabulated for later analysis.
Quantitative analysis includes consensus analysis, religious and linguistic demographics, and
summary of “important numbers” of natives in comparison with “important numbers” found by
literature search. However, due to the study’s low statistical significance (only ten to fifteen
interviews can be conducted per day) most conclusions needed to be drawn from a qualitative
analysis of the indigenous tribes. Qualitative analysis includes a basic comparison of all the
counting systems studied (and comparison with information from the literature), an overview of
any mythology or culturally-significant information missing from the current OTS library, and of
course a qualitative assessment of the demographics and important numbers analyzed
quantitatively.
Results
Interviews
We conducted the majority of our baseline interviews in San Vito. However, we also
interviewed three non-indigenous members of the Maleku Magdalena palenque and one nonAfro-Caribbean in Cahuita. In all cases, the baseline interviews were of small-town Costa
Ricans with a relatively similar subsistence and lifestyle to the indigenous groups visited.
Altogether, this amounted to eleven non-indigenous baseline interviews, six men and five
women, with an average age of 43 years. All speak Spanish: one also knows Italian fluently,
and another knows odd words and phrases in Maleku. Nine of the non-indigenous informants
indentified themselves as Catholic, one Evangelical, and the last with no religion. Of the ten
Christians, seven regularly attend mass, two can only go to mass once a month, and one does
not go at all. Although still only five informants between all of the sites have special numbers
related to their Christian heritage (four Catholic, one Evangelical), all five are non-indigenous
whites/Hispanics, average age of 59, regularly (weekly) attending mass. One informant said
“666” predicts bad luck because it is associated with the devil, another that “13” is a holy
number as it is the date of a festival for Virgin Mary, another that “13” is bad luck (also for
7
religious reasons), another that any combination of the numbers for Día de los Santos is good
luck, and finally one that the number “7” is the perfect number. All the other six had lucky
“secular” numbers related to special dates in their lives, such as their birth or that of their family,
lucky jersey numbers, etc.
We conducted all Guaymí interviews at Coto Brus. The total sample size was nine, five
men and four women, with an average age of 38. Seven (average age 43) are fluent in
Ngäbere, and an eighth was not forthcoming that she knows the language but through a second
reliable informant I found out that she was fluent. The one 15-year-old informant who was not
fluent still understands some of the language, but needed to leave school early to care for her
newborn child. Ngäbere is taught in the indigenous schools. All know Spanish more or less
fluently. All identified themselves as Catholic, but had little/no access to mass. Ten would not
admit practicing the native religion, Mamachi. The last informant, who used to, explained why
so few now practice Mamachi: at a nearby commune, one of the Mamachi religious leaders
went insane, apparently murdering his family and trying to push his followers into similarly
extreme actions in the name of the religion. Only one person, the 43-year-old male school
teacher, explained a special Guaymí number—4—representing water, air, sun, and earth.
We conducted all Boruca interviews in the town of Boruca. The sample size was eleven,
four men and seven women, with an average age of 35. None are fluent in Bruka, but all eleven
can understand Bruka and know basic words and phrases. Bruka is taught in the indigenous
schools. All are fluent in Spanish. Eight (average age 32) identified themselves as Catholic,
one Evangelical, and a married couple (ages 56 and 50) with no religion. All nine Christians
said they rarely or never go to mass: understandable since information from interviews and my
own research showed there are no Christian churches in the town of Boruca. A married couple,
ages 56 and 50, explained that the number four, for the four seasons, was important to them
because they farm and rely on the seasons for their well-being.
We conducted all Chorotega interviews in the town of Guaitil. The sample size was
fifteen, six men and nine women, with an average age of 48. None of the informants knew any
words in Chorotega: the language has been dead for some three hundred years. Very little
cultural fragments remain from the Chorotega besides their crafts, which are on sale throughout
the town. Twelve of the informants were Catholic, and the remaining three Evangelist. Only
two of the informants (ages 64 and 39) attend mass regularly, while eight (average age 42) go
occasionally and five (average age 52) are non-practicing. Six had lucky numbers related to
dates of birth of either themselves or their family. Only one informant, a Catholic 60-year-old
man who attends mass occasionally, has lucky numbers related to three because of its
association with the Catholic trinity.
We interviewed Maleku at the Magdalena palenque and a Maleku farm near San Rafael
de Guatuso. The sample size was sixteen, ten men and six women, with an average age of 31.
Thirteen of the sixteen informants are fluent in Maleku, and the remaining three (average age
20) all remember words and phrases. The palenque Magdalena’s school teaches Maleku. All
are fluent in Spanish. Five of the informants (average age 28) identified themselves as
Evangelicals, and none identified themselves as Catholics. Christian service is only available
once every month. Nine (average age 28) said that they follow no religion. A man and a
woman (unrelated) of ages 49 and 41, respectively, still follow the ancient Maleku religious
practices. Both are also fluent in the Maleku language. The man also goes with friends and
relatives to Catholic and Evangelical services, explaining that there is “only one god.” One 18year-old informant said the number four is repeated constantly in Maleku legends. Several
other informants explained animal-related superstitions.
Afro-Caribbeans were interviewed in the town of Cahuita. The sample size was nine,
five men and four women, with an average age of 59. For all nine informants, their first
language was English (due to their families’ relatively recent Jamaican ancestry). All also
learned Spanish fluently from their time in school and/or due to simple demand in Cahuita’s
8
tourist economy. One 52-year-old also learned French/Spanish crëole from his father. Two
men (ages 52 and 60) identified themselves as Catholics, while two women (ages 42 and 58)
identified themselves as Adventists. One of the Catholics is non-practicing, while the other
three informants regularly attended service. Four others (average age 62) explained that they
are very informal members of their Christian churches, deciding to attend whichever service
they want each week with different friends or family. Here again, all four explained that there is
“only one god,” and that religion is merely the way in which we choose to celebrate and respect
Him. Only one, age 67, did not identify with any religion. One informant has lucky numbers
based on his date of birth and that of his children. Three of the informants (ages 52, 42, 58)
have special religious numbers: a non-practicing Catholic found by horoscope that his lucky
number was seven; an Adventist who attends service twice a week sees seven as the “perfect
number” because of its use in the Bible; and another regularly-practicing Adventist mentioned
the numbers “666,” “7,” “70,” “9,” and “81.”
Questions about the local Afro-Caribbean religion pocomía were surprisingly successful:
although I interviewed no practicing members of pocomía, I did learn some valuable information.
According to two different sources, pocomía is similar to Santeria in that it mixes the Catholic
rites with Yoruba Western African religious beliefs. However, pocomía, in addition to animal
sacrifices, also involves participants self-inflicting wounds to enter into states of trance. In one
gruesome account by an informant, forty years ago in Limón she saw a follower being arrested
after piercing through his own forearm with a pair of scissors. The other informant had not seen
any followers of pocomía in Cahuita since he was a child sixty years ago. Both mentioned that
followers may exist in Limón to this day.
We conducted all Bribri interviews in the towns of Shiroles and Talamanca. The sample
size was eleven, five men and six women, with an average age of 44. Nine of the eleven
informants (average age 48) are fluent in Bribri, one more, age 23, is proficient, and the last 25year-old knows only odd words; eight are fluent in Spanish (average age 37), the remaining
three (average age 63) are proficient at various levels. Bribri is taught in the indigenous
schools. Three (ages 32, 30, 62) identified themselves as Catholics, two (ages 23, 25) as
Evangelicals, and one 64-year-old woman explained she goes to Christian masses as she
desires. (It is worth note that this woman is half Afro-Caribbean, half Bribri). All attend services
regularly. The remaining five (average age 51) all practice the native Bribri religion, although
the two youngest (ages 26 and 40) also attend Christian services with friends as they desire. All
five informants who practiced the native Bribri religion mentioned the importance of the numbers
four and eight. Above all, four is considered the perfect number as ordained by their god, Cibu.
According to legend, Cibu split the world into four levels: (1) the mother earth, home to good
spirits including the Bribri, animals, plants, and inanimate objects; (2) a smaller spirit world, filled
with evil spirits; (3) an even smaller spirit world, home to especially bad spirits over which Cibu
must maintain more control; and (4) Cibu’s home. Cibu similarly required that four awapa
(shamans) work together to talk to spirits, and that the funerals be split into four parts
representing the four worlds. Eight is significant because Cibu holds up earth with eight pillars,
and so too the ceremonial centers are held up by eight columns. Like the Maleku, the Bribri see
animals, particularly the vulture, as an important part of their culture.
Counting Systems
I learned all information on the indigenous counting systems by interviewing the teacher
at each of the indigenous reservations. The Chorotega and Afro-Caribbeans are not included in
this study because neither speaks any indigenous language.
There were several similarities in the different counting systems. After ten, all cultures
use an additive system, e.g., in Guaymí, thirteen people, nihuata nimo, is ten people, nihuata,
and three people, nimo. There also appear to be some similarities in the pronunciation of the
Boruca and Bribri numbers. In the Guaymí, Maleku, and Bribri cultures, people commonly
explain numbers beyond their vocabulary, e.g., one million, using the word “many.” The Maleku
9
and Bribri also use their respective word for “many” to replace higher numbers that are harder to
remember or simply clumsier, e.g., in Bribri replacing eyok boyök doböt boyök ki et [221] with
the simple (though unspecific) word taï [many]. None of the indigenous counting systems have
a number “zero,” although informants all have a conception of zero (likely because most are
bilingual in Spanish and know Arabic numerals). Finally, none have a unique (non-Arabic)
numeral system, at least not still in use.
The Guaymí use a unique system not present in the other languages, specifying number
with a suffix and using fourteen different prefixes to designate what is being counted: e.g., “two
people” is nibu, while “two tables” is kubu. Whereas the Guaymí, Maleku, and Bribri have
unique names for every multiple of ten, the Boruca use a multiplicative system, e.g., thirty, mán
cróshtan, is mán [3] multiplied by cróshtan [10]. This means that the Guaymí, Maleku, and
Bribri are limited in how high they can count by their own vocabulary, while the Boruca can
create any number imaginable using the same system they used to count from one to ten.
However, at the same time the Boruca’s system can be quite clumsy for large numbers like ten
thousand and one, which translates to cróshtan cróshtan cróshtan cróshtan [10,000] yraón [and]
éˇxe [1]. Each of the counting systems developed very differently, with their own advantages
and disadvantages, despite the cultures’ relative proximity.
Spanish
Guaymí
Boruc
Malek
Bribri
Lácac
Et
Paúnc
Böt
Poiquir
Mañät
Pajueq
Shël
Shishc
Otin
Skël
Te’sha
Otini
Terül
a
One
Uno
-ti
u
Éˇxe
hi
Two
Dos
-bu
Búˇc
a
Three
Tres
-mo
Mán
r
Four
Cuatro
-go
Bájcan
uirr
Five
Cinco
-rigé
án
Six
Seis
-ätí
n
Seven
Siete
-kúgu
Cúj
Oij
Kül
Eight
Ocho
-ákwua
Éjtan
Ose
Paköl
Nine
Nueve
-gon
Cújtan
Piyu
Slitün
Ten
Diez
-huata
Carráj
Doböt
Crósht
an
Largest #
∞
199
ua
∞
99,999
99,99
9
10
Analysis of Interviews
None of the indigenous informants attended Christian services regularly. The
Chorotega, Maleku, and Bribri were the only indigenous groups to even occasionally go the
Christian services. Nevertheless, all the indigenous groups identified to some extent with a
Christian religion. Only the Guaymí, Maleku, and above all the Bribri had any informants still
practicing the native religion. Younger indigenous seem to identify more with a Christian
religion, while elders are more likely to maintain the ancient practices. [Note: All analyses by
age include only the Guaymí, Boruca, Maleku, and Bribri tribes. Nine to ten informants were
randomly selected from each tribe: 14 age 18-29, 13 age 30-49, 12 age 50+ = 39 total.] The
Afro-Caribbeans were the only group studied to regularly attend Christian services, and a
relatively large amount were non-denominational religious, attending different churches as they
liked. Only the Bribri and Maleku, also located in East/Northeastern Costa Rica, had any
informants similarly state that they attended different churches as they liked.
11
The Guaymí, Maleku, and Bribri all have a large percentage of fluent native speakers—
and those that are not fluent are proficient to some extent. Only in the Boruca is there almost
no fluency, but here everyone is somewhat proficient: more than anything, the Boruca find
Spanish much more useful because of their large tourist economy. Only the Bribri had some
informants that were not fluent in Spanish: this can be attributed to their isolation. There does
seem to be a significant decrease in native language fluency among younger indigenous
people.
12
Important numbers for the native culture/religion were found only among the Guaymí,
Maleku, and above all the Bribri. No special numbers either secular or Christian were found
among these three groups. The Boruca had a small percentage of numbers of secular
importance, while the Chorotega had a large percentage of secular numbers and even some
special numbers related to Christianity. It also appears that older indigenous tended to find
more importance in numbers, both of secular and religious importance. The Afro-Caribbeans
again showed a much closer relationship with the baseline than with any of the indigenous
groups. The Afro-Caribbeans had a large number of important Christian numbers: in fact, this
was the only group studied in which Christian numbers were almost as common as in the
baseline.
Conclusions & Implications
Overall, the significance of numbers to a cultural group does seem to be a good marker
of relative acculturation, on-par with both religion and language use. The Chorotega appear to
be affected by far the most by recent acculturation: they are all exclusively Christian, speak
13
nothing but Spanish, and identify no numbers with their native culture/religion (they have both
important Christian and secular numbers). The Boruca are not far behind on any of these
fronts: none of the informants practice the native religion, they are all only proficient in Bruka,
and they have only important secular numbers. The Maleku and Guaymí both appear affected
but not overcome by recent acculturation: there are a few still practicing the native religion, a
wide majority are fluent in the native language, and they do have special numbers associated
with their religions, legends, and general cultures. Finally, the Bribri seem to have fended off
acculturation the best, with half of the sample size practicing the native religion, a wide majority
fluent in Bribri (some only proficient in Spanish), and exclusively special numbers related to their
native culture. It is worth note that the Bribri sites were not chosen randomly: Talamanca is a
religious center for the Bribri, naturally skewing the results to make the population seem more
unaffected than it actually is. The religious center at Talamanca has experienced a renaissance
in an effort to fend off acculturation and restore native Bribri culture in the area.
It also appears that younger age groups among the Guaymí, Boruca, Maleku, and Bribri
trend towards less fluency and proficiency in native languages, less native religious practice,
and less interest and superstition surrounding numbers (both secular or related to native
culture). In other words, it appears that younger members of even the least acculturated of
these societies are becoming more acculturated and moving away from native culture. Of
course, these results are disturbing—though not necessarily surprising. Western mainstream
culture continues to spread through Costa Rica: native reservations are commonly overtaken
illegally by other farmers or residents, biodiversity in the rainforests is quickly disappearing, and
televisions and satellite dishes are becoming more common among even the most remote
tribes. These recent trends and the lure of different jobs and a different life in the city are
persuasive above all to the younger generations.
On another note, the comparison of the counting systems yielded few obvious,
interesting conclusions. The one number important across tribe lines, four (-go in Guaymí,
pajuequirr in Maleku, shël in Bribri), does not seem to have any noticeable phonetic similarities.
Each culture appears to have developed their counting system quite differently. How each of
the systems’ specific characteristics relates to the cultures’ ethnobiological interactions and
anthropological development (interacting with many distinct groups due to their central location)
cannot be determined from the data. This would however be an interesting subject for future
analysis. Follow-up studies should also include a much larger sample size for each group to
insure statistical significance. With more time and a larger population, other statistical tests,
e.g., ANOVA or multivariate analysis, could be conducted to find correlations between the
religious, linguistic, and numeric markers in this study. Finally, a more intensive “literature
search” (perhaps more accurately termed “legend search”) should be conducted of all
mythology for each of these groups to more accurately determine the place numbers actually
have (and/or used to have) in each of these cultures.
Bibliography
Augé, M. 1990. La Mort Comme Discours Surs Le Corps: l’example du ritual funèraire chez les
Bribri-Cabécar. Paris, FR: L’Ecole des Hautes etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS).
Chávez, A G and F G Vásquez. 1989. La Casa Cósmica Talamanqueña y Sus Simbolismos.
San José, CR: Universidad Estatal a Distancia (EUNED).
Constenla, A U. 1996. Poesía Tradicional Indígena Costarricense. San José, CR: Editorial de
la Universidad de Costa Rica.
Constenla, A U and R P Bejarano. Julio, 1994. Tärä Ngäbere: Libro Guáimi. San José, CR:
UNESCO.
Cutimanco, G D, ed. 1997. Narraciones Ngäbes: Revitalización de la Cultura Traditional. San
José, CR: Instituto de Estudios de las Tradiciones Sagradas de Abia Yala (IETSAY).
14
Gordon, G R., ed. 2005. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, 15th ed. Dallas, TX: SIL
International. http://www.ethnologue.com. Retrieved 21/07/08.
Helmuth, C. 2000. Culture and Customs of Costa Rica. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing.
http://books.google.com/. Retrieved from Google Books 25/07/08: search “Bribri
culture.”
Holt, J. May 3, 2008. Numbers Guy: are our brains made for math? The New Yorker. 84: 4247.
Kuharets, O R. 2001. Venture Into Cultures: A Resource Book of Multicultural Materials and
Programs. ALA Editions. http://books.google.com/. Retrieved from Google Books
25/07/08: search “traditional games counting afro-Caribbean.”
Lefever. 1992. Extracts from the book Turtle Bog: a view of the life in Tortuguero, Costa Rica.
Found in Duke OTS Undergraduate Ethnobiology 2008 Reader, 343-361.
Osborne G. June, 2008. Museos de Costa Rica: Grupos Indígenas. San José, CR: Museos de
Costa Rica. http://museosdecostarica.com/gruposindigenas.htm. Retrieved 25/07/08.
Redish L and O Lewis. 2007. Native Languages of the Americas. http://www.nativelanguages.org. Retrieved 21/07/08.
Stone, D Z. 1949. The Boruca of Costa Rica. Papers of the Peabody Museum of American
Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University. 26-2.
Wolf, E. April, 1959. Review of “Nicoya: A Cultural Geography.” American Anthropologist, New
Series, 61-2: 332.
15
CULTURALLY ENRICHED DISHES CONSUMED BY INDIGENOUS GROUPS IN
COSTA RICA
Alex Delamater 1, Shukura Ayoluwa Umi 2
1. Dept. of Biology, University of Miami , 244 Ashe Administration Building
1252 Memorial Drive, Coral Gables, FL 33146.
2. Dept. of Psychology, Tuskegee University, 102 old Administration building,
Tuskegee, Alabama 36088
Abstract: Our study was conducted throughout Costa Rica and focused on the dietary
preferences of various indigenous groups such as the Guaymi, Boruca, Chorotega, Maleku, and
Bribri as well as the non-indigenous Afro-Caribbean’s residing along the Caribbean coast. Five
questions were asked to each of the cultural groups in order to provide data to support the
purpose of the study, which was to determine how dietary preferences differ from culture to
culture and region to region, whether culinary partiality is evolving from older to the younger
generations, and if there is a relationship between cooking methods and the diet of a particular
culture. We concluded that there are differences between each culture that depend on their
level of acculturation, isolation, and their available resources. There were also similarities which
spanned the range of cultures, such as, an overwhelming preference for rice, followed by
beans, independent of the various methods of preparation. Each culture retains different
methods for preparing food which reflects how their unique style prevails among their culture.
Overall, cultural differences are evident through the ingredients, traditional dishes, and style of
preparation utilized by different groups in Costa Rica.
Resumen: Nuestro trabajo investigativo está basado sobre Costa Rica enfocándonos
en la dieta de las comunidades indígenas Guaymi, Boruca, Chorotega, Maleku, Bribri, y la
comunidad Afro-Caribeña. Como parte de la investigación se realizaron cinco preguntas a los
entrevistados con el propósito de recopilar los datos que soporten el estudio con el fin de
establecer los diferencias de la dieta alimentaria tanto entre los grupos como en las regiones
donde están establecidos. Adicional a esto establecer las diferencias entre los alimentos
preferidos por los jóvenes y los adultos y si existe alguna semejanza entre los métodos de
preparación de los alimentos entre las culturas estudiadas. Nosotros concluimos que existen
diferencias entre cada cultura, pero que las mismas dependen de la aculturación, aislamiento, y
los recursos que tengan disponibles. También existen similitudes entre las mismas como por
ejemplo el uso del arroz y los frijoles en sus platos principales independientemente de los
métodos utilizados para su preparación. Cada cultura conserva su toque distinto en cuanto a
los métodos de preparación lo que refleja su estilo único que prevalece al pasar del tiempo e
las comunidades. Aunque las diferencias son evidentes debido tanto a los ingredientes que
llevan los platos tradicionales y los estilos utilizados en las distintas comunidades en Costa
Rica.
Key terms: Afro-Caribbean, Boruca, Bribri, Cahuita, Chorotega, Ethno, Food, Guyami,
Limon, Maleku, Ngobe, Traditional.
Introduction
The purpose of this paper is to examine and determine how dietary differences between
cultural groups in Costa Rica correspond with their ethnic and socio-economic backgrounds.
One objective of the experiment is to identify which traditional dish best represents each of the
cultures under study, as well as, to determine which dish is considered an average favorite of
16
the community and is consumed more often than other traditional dishes. The main ingredients
of the most commonly consumed dish will also be recorded in order to deduce how those
ingredients were chosen and why they have prevailed throughout the culture’s history to this
day. The method of preparation for each culture’s favorite food will be noted to support how the
dish has survived in the group’s cultural and physical environment. This project will also explore
if children’s dietary preferences are drifting away from the traditional food choices of the past
and if so, what are they consuming in place of culturally significant dishes.
With the answers to the five standard questions that will be asked to each group we
hope to gain insight and knowledge into how and why these dishes became so prevalent in
each culture and if preferences are evolving through the generations.
•
•
•
Hypotheses:
We expect that different cultures across Costa Rica will exhibit preference for specific
dishes that contain ingredients which correspond to the available resources and their
socio-economic situation.
We predict that children will demonstrate a slight inclination towards foods that are not
traditionally consumed by a given culture in study.
Cooking methods should relate to the types of dishes cooked by a culture and its degree
of exposure and assimilation into “mainstream” Costa Rican society.
The first culture under study was the Ngobe (also known as the Guaymi’) derive from
Panama and southern Costa Rica. The majority of the population can be found in Panama ,
though a large number are found in Costa Rica. The Guaymi’ are distributed within five main
areas in Costa Rica: Reserva Indigena Conte Burica, Reserva Forestal Guaymi’ de Coto brus,
Reserva forestal Guaymi’ de Osa, Abrojo Montezuma, and Altos de San Antonio (Cordero.
2002). Although not a reserve, the last community does their best to preserve Guaymi culture
and traditions. The community contains 1,963 people (Casa de Salud Reserva Indigena
Guaymi. 2002). The Guaymi make their living by subsistence farming, occasional hunting,
gathering, handicraft sales, laboring outside of the reserve, and tourism.
The Boruca inhabit what is left of their native land in the southeastern section of Costa
Rica. The Boruca have five main settlements, the largest of which is the Boruca with forty-seven
houses and three hundred and thirty-four habitants (Stone. 1949). The Palmar Norte is the
second largest settlement, located on the western bank of Diquis River and consisting of one
hundred and seventeen individuals. The third largest Borucan settlement has one hundred and
three inhabitants and fourteen houses. The remaining settlements consist of small groups that
have been reduced to about twenty-six natives. Their current spoken language is a verbal blend
derived from the Macro-Chibchan language family (Stone. 1949).The Boruca refer to
themselves as Brunka, a word containing dual meanings: brun-ashes and ka – within, “within
the ashes”; but the town is referred to as Boruca. It is not traditional to have frequent visits to
each others houses regularly, however when visitations occur, visitors are graciously accepted.
Common tools are broad machetes and “macanas” which have evolved from digging sticks;
they are composed of a handle with a small iron flat edged at one end (Stone. 1949). This
device is used for digging holes or cutting roots in the field. Women open holes for the sowing of
seeds, using a long pole with a point at one end. The Boruca prefer to hunt in groups of two or
three and without dogs. They typically prefer to hunt on Tuesdays and Thursdays when the
moon is new (Stone. 1949). After hunting, and catching prey, the meat is brought back to the
village where it is prepared for a meal. Once done eating, a popular drink made from corn is
usually desired. Chicha can be made from two different kinds of corn. Yeast is the ingredient
also known as monsera.(Stone. 1949) The yeast in Chicha is given to wives for unfaithful
husbands to prevent them from looking at other women (Stone. 1949).
17
The Bribri were the original residents of the Talamanca Mountain range. They are
currently located in the mountains and low-lying Caribbean coastal areas of southeastern Costa
Rica and northern Panama. There are approximately 4,500. The Bribri believe that the
environment is organized in a hierarchy similar to their social system (Ramos. 2004). Agriculture
is the main activity of the Bribri, they extensively use cacao for the production of chocolate and
for common drinks. They have developed a set of methods to obtain food and plants for
medicinal use. (Ramos.2004). These methods have evolved from wild harvest and tropical
home gardens. They also have the lowest income per capita in the country; however, this
isolation has made the Bribri a relatively self-sufficient society where there are enough crops
grown and livestock raised to sustain them. One small village, Kekoldi consisit of 200 people.
They participate in the unique practice of iguana farming. Iguanas are very important to the
forest, but due to over-hunting, the Kekoldi tribe has devised an efficient way to replenish the
iguana population, through iguana farming. The iguanas stay on the farm until five years of age
at which time they are then released into the wild. Many young people can speak Spanish and
Bribri but many older community members speak only Bribri. The Bribri have retained such a
rich culture, isolated from Costa Rican society.
The Afro-Caribbean people residing along Costa Rica’s east coast have an interesting
and complex history tracing back to pre-slavery in Africa. Their ancestors, mostly Yoruba, were
brought to the Caribbean as slaves in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Where they
were worked hard and treated poorly on the islands. Time, escapes, and revolts dispersed the
Africans to many Caribbean islands where they assimilated into local cultures, and created their
own cultural blends. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries slaves were brought to
Central America north and south of Costa Rica by mostly Spanish and British colonizers. Few
actual slaves were present in Costa Rica at any point in time. “By the time of emancipation in
1823, Olien conjectures that there were less than one hundred slaves in all of Costa Rica”
(Olien 1980). Most of the slaves were brought to Panama or north of Costa Rica to Honduras,
Belize, and Nicaragua. Revolts and escapes that occurred along the Central American coast
created a dispersion effect in which Afro-Caribbean’s settled along the coast. Afro-Caribbeans
migrated into Costa Rica via the Northern and Southern Streams. The Northern Stream
consisted of Afro-Caribbeans relocating south from the countries north of Costa Rica and the
Southern Stream was the migration north from Panama. (Afro-Caribbean Contacts.2004 ) Many
people from the Southern Stream settled around Puerto Limon, and south to Puerto Viejo, and
people from the Northern Stream settled in the northern Caribbean coastal region around
Tortuguero. People settled in these regions due to spectacular turtle hunting, rich resources,
and a lack of government interference.
In addition to these migrations and the few slaves that were brought to Costa Rica, there
were thousands of Jamaicans and Afro-Caribbean’s that came to Costa Rica’s Caribbean coast
to work on the construction of the railroad from Puerto Limon to San Jose and the banana
plantations that rapidly grew around the railway, due to a lack of funds for the construction of the
railroad (Afro-Caribbean Contacts. 2004). Many of these people did not return to their homes in
the islands and settled along Costa Rica’s coast.
The Afro-Caribbean’s that made Costa Rica´s east coast their home adapted well to the
land and climate. They were quite resistant to malaria and yellow fever, made use of the ocean,
land, plants, and animals, and assimilated with indigenous groups as well as “Ticos.” They
blended their African roots and Caribbean heritage with the Costa Rican culture, resources, and
land and produced many exquisite culinary dishes which portray this cultural fusion. For
example, rice and beans are a Costa Rican culinary standard but in Afro-Caribbean
communities they cook their rice and beans differently, using coconut milk instead of water and
frequently adding seafood or chicken. Seafood makes up a large portion of the Afro-Caribbean
diet due to their proximity to the ocean; some common dishes are fish stew, rondon, red
snapper, carbidatos, lobster, and shrimp.
18
The descendents of the now extinct Chorotega indigenous group are a community
residing in Guatil in the district of Matambú, in the Canton of Hojancha, located in the
Guanacaste Province in north western Costa Rica. In all of Central America their total
population consists of only about 795 members (Museo de Costa Rica. 2004). The Chorotega
are in the midst of a constant struggle to preserve their customs and traditions, which they keep
alive through traditional crafts such as clay pot making and by utilizing agricultural techniques
for the cultivation of basic grains, fruits, and vegetables which they have been growing and
consuming for centuries. One battle which they have lost is the retention of their native
Chorotega language, which was a member of the Manguean branch of the Oto-Manguean
linguistic family (Museo de Costa Rica.2004). Physical features and traditions unfortunately are
the only main distinguishing features of the Spanish speaking Chorotega.
The Maleku are an indigenous tribe in Costa Rica located in the Guaruso Indigenous
Reserve near the town of San Rafael de Guatuso. Around 600 indigenous people live on the
reserve, but outsiders have penetrated and assimilated into the community as well. Before the
Spanish colonization, their territory extended as far west as Rinco’n de la Vieja, and included
the Arenal Volcano to the south and Rio Celeste as sacred sites. Today their reserve is
concentrated south of San Rafael de Guatuso, an hour north of La Fortuna.
The reserve consists of various "palenques" or villages, among them are Palenque Sol,
Palenque Margarita, and Palenque Tonjibe. The Maleku have retained their traditional language
(Maleku), and while most Maleku speak Spanish as well, some elders speak only Maleku. Their
economy relies on indigenous art: carvings, paintings, and musical instruments are their most
popular items; some examples are, painted and/or carved gourds portraying their lifestyle and
the important flora and fauna they encounter and musical instruments such as drums,
“rainsticks”, and whistles. Every member in the village (including children) assist in the creation
of some type of art, either by cutting and preparing the necessary balsa wood trees, fruit, and
gourds needed for traditional crafts or by hand crafting the art. The Maleku no longer live in their
traditional houses, since the trees necessary to make them are now endangered, nor do they
wear their traditional clothes (Gray. 1998). The Maleku use most of the money they earn to buy
back the land they consider to be theirs, since their reserve is actually smaller than what is
shown on maps( from 100,000 hectacres in 1920 to< 1000 hectacres 2008) (Gray .1998).
Surrounding fields have been sold to farmers who have clear cut the Maleku forest to
inefficiently raise cattle. Today the villages mostly consist of cement houses, but still contain a
couple of traditional houses used for ceremonies and as tourist attractions. The Maleku
traditionally bury their dead directly inside their homes, so the dead are never forgotten (Gray.
1998). Living in cement houses, the Maleku have had to acquire special permission from the
Costa Rican government to bury their dead in their backyards (Gray 1998).
19
Figure 1.1 Map of the location of indigenous reserves in Costa Rica (please use the
diagram above to identify the locations of such tribes.)
Methods
This project took place among different cultural groups in Costa Rica; from the Guaymi
reserve, the Boruca community, the Chorotega people, the Maleku in the Guanacaste region in
northern Costa Rica, the Afro-Caribbean communities in Limon and in Cahuita, and in the Bribri
Reserve in the Southern Province of Limon near Panama. The Guaymi Reserve is located
about 45 minutes from Las Cruces Biological Station and Wilson Botanical Garden and was
very traditional, with house spread far apart. The Boruca had a concentrated and more modern
town infrastructure with stores, a town center, and surrounding residences. The descendents of
the Chorotega were extremely acculturated and only spoke Spanish in their small town centered
around a soccer field and church, their main occupations were focused on tourism and the
production of pottery. The Maleku near San Rafael de Guatuso spend much time farming and
fighting to preserve their culture. The unique Afro-Caribbean communities in Limon and Cahuita
consist of a blend of Caribbean and Costa Rican cultures which has created an exquisite
culinary mixture reflecting both cultural influences. The Bribri in the south-eastern Province of
Limon retain their language and culture through a close knit isolated community focusing on the
production of chocolate from cacao, other agriculture, and traditional crafts. They graciously
allow visitors and students into their community and have even constructed the Finca de
Educativa for their guests.
Each community contains unique characteristics which define their culture; through the
process of interviewing every group with five standardized questions to as many locals as
possible, (time permitting) a standardized method of data collection was utilized in order to
discover cultural differences concerning dietary preferences. The questions asked were:
20
1. ¿Cuales son los platos tradicionales que comen?
2. ¿Tienes un plato de comida favorito?
3. ¿Qué escogen los niños para comer?
4. ¿Cuáles son los ingredientes utilizados en la preparación de sus platos típicos?
5. ¿Como se prepara su plato favorito?
The answers to the questions were written in a notebook and/or recorded with a hand
held tape recorded if possible. Permission was always asked to use the tape recorder and many
people were not comfortable being recorded. The experiment was designed with the intentions
of identifying the preferred traditional dishes eaten frequently, as well as favorite dishes and the
ingredients those dishes contain, and the methods of preparation necessary to create the dish.
Culinary preferences of children were also determined to distinguish how traditional food
preferences change through generations. With all the data collected conclusions can be inferred
with reference to location, traditions, economic status, preservation of culture, and culinary
preferences of each individual group.
Results
When interviewing the Guaymi tribe, results proved that, many of the common
ingredients included but were not limited too, rice, yuca, bananas and maize. Many people in
the Guaymi tribe have limited supplies for food and therefore eat what they can afford and
obtain, few reported consuming meat frequently. Money is limited and many women hold the
responsibility of maintaining the households. Hence why with a short income, their diet consist
of inexpensive, starches that are easy to purchase or grow.
The Boruca have greater access to store bought food due to their abundance of crafts
such as intricate masks and funds procured through tourism, therefore their responses were
more extensive and varied. Results show a wide array of culinary options such as pineapple,
meat and salsa, rice, fruits, salad, beans, eggs, chicken, pork, steak, canned tuna, tamales, and
pasta. Some dishes that they commonly consume include tamales, sapitos, arroz con carne,
carne salsa, and arroz con pollo. It is evident that the Boruca have more resources at their
disposal, which is apparent in their wide range of food choices. Their resources also serve to
assist in the successful cultivation and preservation of home grown crops.
Upon interviewing the Choretega in the town of Guaitil, favorite dishes varied from fruit
such as mango and plum, to chicken, home made tortillas, rice, beans, fish, corn, cilantro and
meat. Many of the houses have two fires; one built in the kitchen for cooking purposes and
another built outside for ceramic firing. The men chop wood to last the women throughout the
seasons for use in the ovens. One informant was making tortillas out of corn from scratch. The
interviewee was able to see the corn transformed through the traditional process as a handful of
corn substance was flatten out upon wax paper. Yet the process is far from fully traditional with
the introduction of wax paper, a non-indigenous commodity. She then proceeded to lift the flat
corn now in the shape of a tortilla off the paper and lat it in a low, flat skillet where it was cooked
for about five minutes per side until brownish yellow. Since corn tortillas are common and easy
to make, many informants have adopted tortillas with cheese and chicken, or tortillas with rice
and chicken. This is an example of a traditional dish which has evolved through new altered
cooking techniques to adapt into today’s world.
The Maleku complemented many well known traditional dishes such as, beans, rice, or
rice and beans mixed in together known as gallo pinto, corn, chocolate plantains, green
vegetables, fish, fried iguana, turtle, and yuca. Favorite dishes varied from rice, beans, corn,
and fruit such as: papaya, apples, and guava. The Maleku traditionally prepare their food
wrapped in the leaves of the Santa Maria plant and heated over hot coals.
21
The Afro-Caribbean are different because although presently situated along the
Caribbean coast of Costa Rica; they are not native and since arriving have brought their popular
dishes, heritage, and life styles to Cahuita, Limon and surrounding areas. One major difference
is cooking rice in coconut milk rather than water, making it sweeter and creamier. Their use of
spices varies from: curry powder, chile, sugar, butter, brown sugar, pepper, lemon, lime, and
tomato sauce. Whether white or brown rice, coconut milk generates a sweet flavor and
distinguishes it from other rice dishes through different ingredients and cooking preparation. The
traditional dishes range from rice and beans to stews; cooked with rice, beans and fish.
Carbidatos are a dish consisting of yams, plantains, banana, and beef; seafood, turtle meat and
yams are also typical Caribbean cuisine. Favorites varied from green vegetables, pasta with
shrimp, seafood, chicken, salad, rice, beans with chicken mixed in with coco, and meat
combined with a sauce.
The Bribri’s favorite foods consisted of banana con chancho, arroz con todos, palmitos,
pork, free range chicken (casero), beans, chocolate, pejivalles, machio, and banana. These
food items were considered favorites as well as traditional items in the family. The Bribri’s most
common cooking method consists of wrapping food in a banana leaf and heating it over a fire.
Table 1. Ingredient Richness and Simpson’s Diversity Index for the dietary composition of the
Guaymi, Boruca, Maleku, Chorotega, Bribri, and Afro-Caribbean cultures.
Ingr
edient
Simpson's
Richness
Diversity Index
Guaymi
14
0.95
Boruca
18
0.96
Maleku
21
0.96
Chorotega
13
0.93
Bribri
16
0.96
Afro-Caribbean
20
0.96
Table 2. The Proportional Similarity of ingredient usage among the Guaymi, Boruca, Maleku,
Chorotega, Bribri, and Afro-Caribbean cultures.
AfroGuaymi
Boruca
Maleku
Chorotega
Bribri
Caribbean
Guaymi
Boruca
0.56
Maleku
0.52
0.60
Chorotega
0.54
0.62
0.58
Bribri
0.45
0.60
0.56
0.47
0.40
0.53
0.55
0.50
Afro-Caribbean
0.52
22
Discussion
The project concluded that two out of three hypotheses were correct. Cultures did
display preference to dishes that are traditional to their historic regions and available resources.
Children as a whole consumed the same foods as their elders, but they did exhibit preference
for fruits, rice, chicken, beans, milk, cereal, and sweets which adults typically do not consume.
An outstanding number of adults among indigenous groups did not have a favorite food and ate
what they could grow or afford to purchase. Cooking methods did relate to the type of dishes
traditionally consumed by a given culture, although acculturation in varying degrees among
cultures such as the Chorotega, Boruca, Maleku, and Afro-Caribbean altered preparation
methods from the traditional ways. The Maleku ate more fish due to their close proximity to
rivers and the Afro-Caribbeans consumed more seafood such as fish, shrimp, lobster, and other
shellfish because they reside along the Caribbean coast and have available oceanic resources.
The cultures with the highest ingredient richness were the Maleku (21), Afro-Caribbean
(20), and the Boruca (18), respectively. This could be due to the fact that they are among the
most acculturated and the closest to nearby non-indigenous communities and are frequented by
tourists.
The Simpson’s Diversity Index showed that the Bribri, Boruca, Maleku, and AfroCaribbean communities displayed the highest diversity of ingredients in their dishes with an
index of .96 for all four cultures.
A comparison of the proportional similarity between cultures and their diets showed that
the Chorotega and the Boruca had the highest similarities at 62 percent, second were the
Boruca and Bribri, and the Boruca and Maleku both with similarities of 60 percent. The third
most similar groups were the Chorotega and the Maleku, at 58 percent. The Afro-Caribbeans
were the least similar to each of the indigenous groups, because they are isolated along the
Caribbean coast and have a much different range of natural resources at their disposal along
the coast, they brought different cultural and culinary traditions from the Caribbean islands, and
they receive more money from tourism and business. The Afro-Caribbeans were the least
similar to the Guaymi at only 40 percent similarity, for obvious reasons such as, the Guaymi are
an isolated, poor, and traditional community and mostly consume what they grow or can afford
to buy. The Guyami are also far from the coast and do not eat seafood; the Afro-Caribbeans
have more money to purchase different foods and they catch and eat foods from the ocean.
These differences in socio-economic situation and available resources account for the low level
of similarity between the two groups.
Works cited
Ethnobiology reader 2008,
1. Species diversity of the cultural domain of wild plants used by Guaymi as food Cordero 2002
(Guaymi)
2. The Boruca of Costa Rica Stone 1949 (Boruca)
3. The use of Tropical forest as a source of food in the Bribri and cabecar cultures in the
Caribbean coast of Costa Rica. Ramos 2004 (Bribri)
4. Extract from the book Turtle Bog (a view of life in tortuguero, Costa Rica) Olien 1980 (AfroCaribbean)
5. www. Wikipedia.com The indigenous tribe Maleku Gray 1998 (Maleku)
http://www.gisp.ucsb.edu/lais/case12.htm Vandegrift, Darcie. University of California, Santa
Barbara. 1996.
Community Development with the Bribri of Costa Rica
http://www.agroecology.org/cases/bribri.htm Agroecology Research Group 1999.
Written by: Lyle Arnason
23
References
^ Vinding, Diana; Gray, Andrew; and Parellada, Allejandro (1998). From Principles to Practice:
Indigenous Peoples and Biodiversity Conservation in Latin America, pp. 234-37. IWGIA.
ISBN 8798411055.
García, Alfredo , and Christina Guzzo. "Dientes ChiquiTICOS: an analysis of juvenile" MJM- AN
INTERNATIONAL FORUM FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF MEDICAL SCIENCE BY
STUDENTS 10 (2007): 81-86.
(http://www.medicine.mcgill.ca/mjm/complete1002.pdf#page=17)
Damiani, Octavio. "Organic agriculture in Costa Rica: The case of cacao and banana production
in Talamanca" Office of Evaluation and Studies (2001): 1-29.
(http://www.grupochorlavi.org/organicos/doc1.pdf)
Girot, Pascal O., Viviane Weitzner, and Marvin Fonseca Borrás1. FROM CONFLICT TO
COLLABORATION: THE CASE OF CAHUITA NATIONAL PARK, LIMÓN, COSTA
RICA. 2002.
(http://dlc.dlib.indiana.edu/archive/00000053/00/fonseca.pdf)
http://www.museodecostarica.com
24
HOUSEHOLD GARDENING AND AGRICULTURAL PRACTICES IN
SIX COSTA RICAN COMMUNITIES
Leah C. Edwards
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Resumen. Policultivo es la siembra de varias especies de plantas o de la misma
especie pero de edades diferentes. Mucha gente en todo el mundo usa este sistema de cultivo,
incluyendo las cinco comunidades indígenas que están en Costa Rica: los Guaymi, Boruca,
Chorotega, Maleku, y Bribri, y también, una comunidad no indígena: el Afrocaribeño. Esta
investigación se enfoca en los usos de la agricultura alrededor de la casa, la distribución de las
plantas diferentes, su diversidad, y la venta de los productos agrícolas, todo en relación al
aislamiento, tradicionalidad, y preservación de la cultura indígena en cada comunidad.
Keywords: Household gardens, Costa Rica, indigenous, policultivation, ethnobiology,
agriculture
Introduction
Two indigenous groups, the Machiguenga and Yine people, living in the Urubamba river
valley of Peru are developing their community in order to decrease poverty. With the help of the
non-governmental organization, Oxfam, four communities that have 475 families and 2,600
people total, have created lakes in order to raise fish, and gardens to cultivate native crops such
as yuca (also called manioc or cassava). The gardens help the cultivation of a diverse range of
species of vegetables and other food crops, as well as medicinal plants. Oxfam claims that
these community gardens have provided the means to “help anchor indigenous villages”
(Gelbspan 2007).
This is an example of policultivation, the cultivation of several species or the same
species but of different ages. This system offers a higher profitability per hectare and gives
assurance against crop losses. Because it is such a diversified system, it is a more effective and
profitable use of the soil (Branckaert 1993). In this case, policultivation also has a certain
valuable purpose to the cultural and nutritional well-being of the community.
Household Gardens
Tropical household gardens are a kind of agroforestry that is practiced worldwide
(Wojtkowskil 1993). In Latin America, the practice goes back at least 1,000 years (Niñez 1987).
Just within the tropics, “the home garden is one of the most widespread cropping systems”
(Buck 1998).
How is the household garden characterized? According to Louise Buck (1998), the
“structure mimics the tropical rainforest with almost all niches occupied by species producing
products for human consumption” by taking advantage of varying canopy levels and access to
sunlight as well as soil nutrients. The available literature proves that it is often difficult to define
exactly what a household garden is. Household gardens according to Ken Birnbaum “typically
include a variety of subsistence crops” (Birnbaum 1993). Fernandes and Nair say that the
definition also involves a crop-tree-animal unit, (which includes crops, fruit or wood trees, and
animals that roam amongst them) that is intensively managed and labored (Fernandes and Nair
1986). Niñez includes the fact that household gardens are small scale and primarily for home
consumption (Niñez 1987), while Price (1989) adds that the gardens are sometimes
“dispersed,” rather than located just outside the house.
25
Despite these varying differences, the major common feature of household gardens is
that they have high plant diversity. This is important for several reasons. In terms of nutrition,
high plant diversity raises the quality of diet because more diverse foods can better fulfill nutrient
needs. Plant diversity also acts as a gene bank by harboring the genetic information for so
many different species. Finally, plant diversity provides multiples uses, including food, medicine,
building materials, etc. (Birnbaum 1993).
The advantages of growing one’s own food also make household gardens a very
widespread practice. It increases self-sufficiency and reduces cash need. Subsistence crops
can replace the need for store-bought food and also be sold for petty cash when there are small
surpluses available (Birnbaum 1993). Those who practice monocropping, as opposed to
policultivated household gardens, are therefore more dependent on cash to buy their food,
because they have fewer subsistence crops (Watts 1983).
According to Vera Niñez, the importance of household gardens is often overlooked as a
subsistence strategy, and even less is known about indigenous home gardening (Niñez 1986).
Indigenous Communities of Costa Rica
According to national information from the Ministerio de Planificación Nacional y Política
Económica, there are 24 indigenous reserves in Costa Rica. There are eight major indigenous
groups: the Cabécar, Bribri, Brunca/Boruca, Guaymi/Ngobe, Huetar, Guatuso/Maleku,
Térraba/Teribe, and Chorotega. Anthropologists today do not recognize Huetar and Chorotega
as authentic. Costa Rica’s estimated total population is 4.2 million, and about 1% of this number
is made up of indigenous peoples (CIA World Factbook 2008).
Within these groups, there are some with a high level of organized development and
others with less. In general, indigenous communities in Costa Rica have the lowest levels of
development and some of the highest levels of poverty (Carvajal 2006).
For thousands of years, indigenous groups have practiced a kind of agriculture highly
adapted to the natural ecosystem. This system of policultivation produces the majority of
medicines, textiles, dyes, construction materials, artesania materials, and food crops for the
indigenous groups. Additionally it fertilizes the land, decreases erosion, increases animal
diversity, supports soil nutrient levels, and helps maintain the rivers and hydrologic systems
(Carvajal 2006).
The groups that will be included in this particular study of household gardens are: the
Guaymi/Ngobe, the Boruca/Brunca, the Chorotega, the Guatuso/Maleku, the Bribri, and the
Afrocaribeño.
Guaymi/Ngobe
The Guaymi are a numerous group, located in Coto Brus, in the province of Puntarenas.
They moved into the area more than 50 years ago from Panama. Subsistence agriculture is
important, as well as cattle ranching, especially in marginal regions and areas that are nutrient
poor and badly eroded (Jolly et al. 1987). The Guaymi continue to maintain much of their
traditional culture, including dress from the Spanish era, rather than modern clothing, as well as
the Movere language. The Guaymi community visited for this study is approximately three and a
half hours by car from the nearest town of San Vito and there were no TV’s observed during the
interviews. For these reasons, the Guaymi are ranked the most isolated, traditional, and
culturally preserved of the six communities included in this study.
Boruca/Brunca
The Boruca of today, approximately 3,000 inhabitants, occupy various communities in
the Boruca Indigenous Reserve in Southeastern Costa Rica. Today, they maintain less of their
traditional culture compared to other groups. The original Boruca language has been essentially
lost, although there is an effort to teach some of it in the primary school. Subsistence agriculture
is important and slash-and-burn techniques are common in areas outside the town, while within
26
the town, household gardens are more common (Stone 1949). Hand crafted artesanias and
wooden masks are also important, especially for the traditional celebration of “El Baile de los
Diablitos.” The Boruca community visited for this study is located approximately one and a half
hours by car from San Vito. This distance, partial language loss, acculturation and other modern
changes makes this community ranked as one of the less culturally preserved of the six
communities included in this study.
Chorotega
The Chorotega inhabit the Matambu Indigenous Reserve on the Pacific side of the
country on the Nicoya Peninsula, in the province of Guanacaste. The original language has
been lost, along with much else of the traditional customs. Traditional ceramic artesanias are
very widespread and help support the local economy (museosdecostarico.com). The community
visited for this study is located just half an hour from the larger town of Nicoya. For these
reasons, the Chorotega are ranked one of the least isolated, traditional, and culturally preserved
of the six communities in this study.
Maleku/Guatuso
One of the smallest indigenous groups, the Maleku occupy a region in the northern part
of the country, in the province of Alajuela. They have maintained their original language and
also continue to keep the traditional culture alive. They depend on agriculture and artesanias of
painted and carved gourds (museosdecostarica.com). The community visited for this study, the
Margarita Palenque, or clan, is not far from the town of San Rafael. This proximity, in addition to
the language and cultural preservation, make the Maleku rank as one of the moderately
traditional and preserved of the six communities.
Bribri
The Bribri represent the largest of the indigenous groups of Costa Rica. They, along with
the Cabecar Indians, occupy the area in the indigenous reserve of La Amistad National Park in
the province of Limon, on the Caribbean Coast, just north of the border with Panama. The most
important activity in the Bribri community is agriculture and food plants are obtained in three
ways: rotating slash-and-burn agriculture, plantain policulture (and recently monoculture), and
the tropical home garden (Ramos et al. 2004). However, in areas of high acculturation, the
“home garden system has practically disappeared and been replaced by plantain monoculture”
(Ramos et al. 2004). The exportation of bananas and plantains is very apparent in the
landscape, but the community continues its cultural tradition and language, ranking it as one of
the more traditional and preserved of the six communities included in this study.
Afrocaribeño
The people of Afro-Caribbean descent populate many areas along the Caribbean coast
of Costa Rica in the province of Limón. This community is not an indigenous group of Costa
Rica, but, nevertheless has a unique cultural significance. The culture blends African, Jamaican,
and other Caribbean influences together. Located on the Caribbean coast in the town of
Cahuita, the community attracts many tourists to its beaches and coral reefs, as well as the
recently established Cahuita National Park. The increase in modern influence from tourism and
accessibility makes this community the least traditional and preserved of the six communities in
this study.
Indigenous Costa Rican Household Gardening
This study will look at the agricultural activities of the six aforementioned communities of
Costa Rica. The scope of this project focuses on (1) the presence of household gardens, (2) the
distribution of plant types in each community, (3) the frequency and diversity of species present
27
in household gardens, (4) the uses of plants found in household gardens, and (5) the sale of
agricultural products.
Each community is different from the next in many ways, with their distinct cultural
traditions and environmental situation. Also as previously mentioned, household gardens, and
agriculture in general, play a vital role in indigenous livelihood. But why do the kind of plants and
their uses differ so greatly among different indigenous communities? This study hypothesizes
that:
If an indigenous community is more isolated, traditional, and culturally preserved,
then, there will be:
a) A greater percentage of households with household gardens
b) A greater percentage of households with staple foods (tubers, grains,
and beans) as opposed to flowers, fruit trees, and others
c) A greater diversity of plant species
d) A greater percentage of food, artesania, and medicinal plants present
in the household gardens
e) A smaller percentage of households will sell agricultural products
Methods
This study was conducted over the course of a few weeks, visiting each community for
one to two days.
Data were collected by way of direct observation and formal interviews. Interviews
exercised techniques of free-listing and structured to semi-structured questioning. Interview
questions are found in Appendix A. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze the data.
Informants were chosen based on availability, which randomized the sample, with
attempts to gather information from a range of ages and genders, as well as houses in which
household gardens were and were not present. As many informants as were available within the
given time were interviewed, most commonly in their houses, at school, or on the street.
Ethnobiological data that was collected was done so according to appropriate and
ethical ethnographic conduct. Informants understood the purpose and extent of the study, as
well as how any information disclosed would be used. Names of the individuals have not been
included.
Results and Discussion
Informant Population
Fig. 1 gives the distribution of the individuals interviewed at each community. Informants
were selected as randomly as possible. In general, men seemed to speak more extensively on
the subject of plants. However, there were many cases in which women were just as
knowledgeable but less inclined to speak as extensively. Especially in the Guaymi community,
women were more quiet and gave shorter answers. This would not likely affect the data
obtained form the Chorotega however, because women there were much more open and willing
to give extensive answers.
Also, one Maleku informant, who provided much important and insightful information,
was left out of most of the analysis, because this individual kept a very extensive garden but
explained that he was the only one in the area to do so and that it was not typical of the people
that live there. He learned to do so from his own indigenous heritage of another community, not
the Maleku tradition, into which he had married.
28
Indigenous Communities of Costa Rica
For the purposes of this study, the six communities that were visited are ranked here
from most isolated, traditional, and culturally preserved to least.
The basis for this ranking was made upon direct observation of various aspects. These
include (1) language preservation, (2) accessibility and proximity to larger towns or cities, and
(3) general acculturation, exhibited by dress, television ownership, and other signs of
modernization.
This ranking will be used in the following analyses to see if there is a relationship
between this degree of traditionality in a community and its agricultural and gardening practices.
Prevalence of Household Gardens
Household gardens were present in all six communities. Prevalence ranged from 50% of
households interviewed that had a garden, to 100%. It was hypothesized that the highest
percentage of households with household gardens would be the Guaymi and Bribri, Maleku and
Boruca would be moderate, and Chorotega and Afrocaribeño would have the least. Fig. 2
shows that this is the case, with the exception of the Afrocaribeño, who had a much greater
percentage of household gardens than expected.
29
Prevalence of Different Plant Types
Grouping the plants that were reported by a particular household into a category, or
“plant type” provides valuable information about what kinds of plants are grown. Six categories
were chosen: flowers, fruit trees, tubers, grains, beans, and other. The results are given in Fig.
3. Of these six plant types, the tubers, grains, and beans are the more substantial food sources,
and are staple foods in much of Latin America. For this reason, it was hypothesized that the
more isolated, traditional, and culturally preserved a community is, the greater percentage of
households would have these types of subsistence crops, rather than: fruit trees, which are
more of a snack or used to make drinks, flowers, which are little more than aesthetically
pleasing, and other plants that are likewise, not staple foods.
The results show that most Chorotega and Maleku households had tubers, grains, and
beans. A moderate percentage of Bribri and Guaymi households had these plant types. The
fewest number of Boruca and Afrocaribeño households had these plant types. Thus, the
hypothesis is rejected. It may be that tubers, grains, and beans show up in fewer household
gardens of the Guaymi and Bribri because these plant types may be grown in larger fincas, or
farm lands, rather than in the garden near the house. However, this data was not collected in
this study and is, therefore, only conjecture.
Diversity of Plant Species
Costa Rica is home to many life zones and has very high rates of biodiversity. The
indigenous communities included in this study also vary in their environmental surroundings and
climate, from the dry coastal forest to premontane tropical wet forest. This greatly affects the
plant species that can be found in each region, in addition to the cultural tradition of growing and
using certain plants. It was hypothesized that communities that are more isolated, traditional,
and culturally preserved would have higher plant diversity, as a result of more extensive and
widespread policultivation and subsistence agriculture.
The following charts and graphs show the frequency and distribution of different plant
species within each indigenous community (Figs. 4 - 9). Figs. 4a – 9a show that in interviews,
many of the most frequently named plants were fruit trees, except in the case of the Chorotega
and Maleku, whose most frequently named plants were grains, beans, and tubers. Figs. 4b - 9b
30
show that most species named were either flowers or fruit trees, which is significant because
neither of these are substantial food products or staples. Beans and grains, specifically rice and
corn, have the least variety in species, making them a staple food. Tubers are also a substantial
source of calories but have a greater variety in species.
31
Diversity can also be evaluated using Simpson’s Diversity Index. In a more extensive
study, samples of each plant that was named would be taken to be identified by a botanist.
However, given the time restraints of this study, the common names were used to identify the
various plants. Photos of some of these are included in Appendix B.
32
Fig. 10 gives Simpson’s Diversity Index for each community. Bribri household gardens
were the most diverse. The Boruca and Guaymi were the next in diversity, then the
Afrocaribeño and Maleku. The Chorotega were the least diverse. It was hypothesized that the
more isolated, traditional, and culturally preserved communities would have greater plant
species diversity in their household gardens, given the securities of policultivation and the
tradition of mixed planting schemes, illustrated by the photo Appendix C. The hypothesis is
somewhat supported by these results. The Boruca and Afrocaribeño have a greater diversity
than expected, but in general, all communities had relatively high levels of diversity in their
gardens. This supports the idea that household gardens are a policultivated source of food
plants. Their diversity provides greater crop security and nutritional value than does
monocultivation.
Guay
Simpson's Diversity Index 0.96 Boruc
0.96 Choro
0.89 Male
0.92 Bribri
0 97
mi a tega ku Variation in Plant Uses
Household gardens are not only sources of food plants. Medicinal plants, plants used to
make artesanias, and those purely to be aesthetically pleasing may also be present in the
household garden. Some of these uses are illustrated by the photos in Appendix D.
It was hypothesized that communities that are more isolated, traditional, and culturally
preserved would have a greater percentage of households with food plants and medicinal
plants, as opposed to artesania materials and aesthetic, or ornamental plants, because the
more traditional communities would depend on more subsistence uses of plants, rather than
artesanias that are targeted towards tourists, or ornamental plants that do not have a more
practical use.
The results given in Fig. 11 show that this is sometimes, but not always the case. In all
six communities, 100% of household gardens had food source plants; there was no variation in
that variable. In the two most traditional communities, the Guaymi and Bribri, a moderate to high
percentage of households had medicinal plants, and very low (and nonexistent in the Guaymi)
percentage of households had aesthetic plants. In the two least traditional communities, the
Chorotega and Afrocaribeño, a moderate to low percentage of households use medicinal plants
as well as artesanias. This is most likely because the most important Chorotega artesanía is
ceramic pottery, which is made from clays and earthen dyes, and therefore does not show up in
an evaluation of plant materials. However, the Afrocaribeño lack a single important form of
artesanía. The Maleku and Boruca communities actually had some of the highest percentages
of households with all three forms of plant uses (medicinal, artesaniía, and aesthetic). This
might be explained by the fact that they preserve much of their traditions but are, at the same
time, not as traditional as the Guaymi or Bribri. This mixed role seems to encourage this
diversity in plant uses. In general, across all communities, the greatest percentage of
33
households had food plants first and foremost, then aesthetic ones, then medicinal, and finally
artesanía materials.
The Sale of Agricultural Products
For many indigenous communities, agriculture is the main economic activity. Products
may be used for household consumption, or sold at the local, regional, national, or even
international level. The results obtained from interview responses are given in Fig. 12. Due to
miscommunications and questioning errors, the Guaymi community has been excluded from
this analysis.
It was hypothesized that a lesser percentage of households from the more isolated,
traditional, and culturally preserved communities would sell agricultural products. However, the
results disprove this hypothesis. The greatest percentage of households to sell agricultural
products were found in the Bribri community, even though this is one of the most traditional and
preserved communities. This may be explained by two reasons. Banana and plantain
production is very widespread, so much so, that large plantations have also been set up for
export. Also, there is a co-op of women for the production of chocolate, which means that many
families cultivate cacao to be sold by the co-op. In the other indigenous communities, no other
agricultural product co-ops were found to be present, only those of artesanias. The graph also
shows that few Afrocaribeño households sell agricultural products, despite being the least
isolated and traditional of the six communities. This community lacks a strong artesania tradition
and while it attracts many tourists, it is more so for the beaches and National Park than for
indigenous tradition and attraction.
Overall, about 40% of the indigenous households interviewed sell their agricultural
products from their gardens. However, these results may be subject to error, given the difficulty
in distinguishing between a household garden and a larger finca or farm. The communities
sometimes use different words to distinguish between them. Some communities seem to have
only a small garden near the house and often a larger finca farther from town, in the countryside
or mountains. Other communities just have very large areas of planted ground around the
house that serves as both the garden and the finca. Thus, it can be hard, in some instances, to
tell if the agricultural products that are sold come from the garden or the finca.
34
Indigenous Tradition of Gardening and Agriculture
Agricultural practices, in the garden or on the finca, are a vital part of indigenous
livelihood in most communities. While economic dependence on tourism and artesanias may be
on the rise, subsistence agriculture and household gardening will most likely persist in many of
the regions visited and discussed here. The evident diversity of plant types, uses, and species
support the idea that policultivation is a valuable and widespread practice.
Direct observation of household gardens revealed that plants are most often planted in a
mixed distribution. This was confirmed by various informants that explained that this was the
indigenous tradition, that it protected plants from insect infestation, and that it provided shadeloving plants with shade from taller sun-loving plants, and thus takes advantage of various
canopy levels. This mixed, policultivation also provides a variety of food sources for a more
nutritious and balanced diet.
Another important note about household gardens is that they are just that: for the
household. When asked about any type of shared gardening area within the community, a
commons of sorts, not a single household replied in the affirmative. In fact, most had trouble
understanding the question, indicating that the idea is just not present in society, unlike the
Machiguenga and Yine people of Peru, referred to previously. One informant enlightened me as
to why, in his opinion, this was so. According to his explanation, indigenous people live at the
family level. Therefore, the feeling of something communal is not very strong. People work well
within the family, which may be up to 40 people because it includes extended family, and this
number is certainly sufficient to work the land. However, when families work together, there are
conflicts and fights over how much each person worked and how much one family owes
another. This informant says that it just doesn’t work. He is involved in development projects to
alleviate malnutrition and poverty in another indigenous community and he never recommends
communal projects, like a shared gardening area. He feels that this general feeling is true for all
indigenous groups, because it just isn’t how it is traditionally done. In this sense, it is evident
that gardening and agricultural activities are also a reflection of indigenous tradition.
How is this tradition continued and passed on to the next generation? This is a problem
that many indigenous cultural traditions, such as language or traditional medicine, must face.
Agricultural practices likewise face the same problem. Disinterest from the youth in a community
threatens many cultural practices. One Maleku informant noted that planting techniques and
agriculture knowledge is not taught in school, and that this is a problem. However, some
35
communities are making efforts to revive cultural traditions, including agriculture. One informant
in the Boruca community is a school teacher that does just this, and has started a program for
students to learn how to plant and grow plants both in a nursery and on a farm. He says that it is
important to teach the youth their cultural heritage as well as give them an education that will
serve them and their parents, so that instead of going to the city, they will stay in their
indigenous community, and thus continue to carry the culture.
Further Investigation
Further investigation into the gardening and agricultural practices of indigenous
communities of Costa Rica could go in many ways. A closer look at finca’s and their role in not
just a household, but the livelihood of an entire community would likewise reveal the extent of
preservation of cultural tradition. A more extensive study would hope to gather data from many
more households and from different parts of a community.
Data could also be taken along clan lines or land ownership lines to see how land use
has changed within a community, especially regarding forced movement of indigenous peoples,
property rights struggles with the government, or the establishment of national or indigenous
reserve lands.
This study focused mostly on food products, but medicinal plants could be looked at
more in depth to see where they are intentionally planted or grown, where they are collected
from sources growing wild, and how this might reflect the extent to which traditional medicine is
still practiced. The same type of study could focus on just plant materials used for artesanias, or
even building materials.
Conclusion
Policultivation is prevalent in the household gardening and agricultural practices of the
Costa Rican indigenous communities, Guaymi, Boruca, Chorotega, Maleku, Bribri, and a nonindigenous Afrocaribeño community. This practice provides areas containing different plant
types and high species diversity, thus providing agricultural products with various uses in the
household as well as for sale. These aspects of household gardens vary greatly among the
communities, and in some, but not all, instances, reflect the degree to which the community is
isolated, traditional, and culturally preserved.
Bibliography
Birnbaum, Ken. 1993. “Gardens in the Margins: How small export farmers in Costa Rica use
non-traditional home gardens to buffer the economic hardships of coffee price declines.”
The University of Wisconsin. Master of Science Thesis (unpublished).
Branckaert, R.& J. Mbayahaga. 1993. El silvopastoralismo: una solución para el manejo
ambiental. Revista Mundial Zootecnia 76(3):35-44.
Buck, Louise, J.P Lassoie, Erick C.M. Fernandes. 1998. “Agroforestry in Sustainable
Agricultural Systems” CRC Press, p. 372.
Carvajal, Carlos Borge. 2006. “Plan de Acción de PSA – Indígena.” IP166 FONAFIFO. wwwwds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/IW3P/IB/2006/03/08/000012009
_20060308133035/Original/IPP1660LCR1IP1P093384.doc
CIA World Factbook. 2008. “Costa Rica.”
36
Fernandes, E.C.M and Nair, P.K.R. 1986. “An evaluation of the structure and function of tropical
homegardens.”Agricultural Systems. Vol. 210.
Gelbspan, Thea. 2007. “Community gardens help anchor indigenous villages in Peru.” Oxfam
America. www.oxfam.org/en/programs/development/samerica/peru_community_gardens
Jolly et al. 1987. Ethnobotanical Inventory of Medicinal Plants Used by the Guaymi Indians in
Western Panama. Part 1. Journal of Ethnopharmacology 20.
Niñez, Vera. “Household gardens: Theoretical and policy considerations.” Agricultural Systems.
Vol. 23. 1987.
Niñez, Vera. 1986. “Household gardens: Theoretical and policy considerations.” Social Science
Department, International Potato Center. Lima, Peru.
Price, Norman. 1989. “The tropical mixed garden in Costa Rica: A potential focus for
agroforestry research?” The University of British Columbia. PhD Thesis (unpublished).
Ramos et al. 2004. The Use of Tropical Forests (Agroecosystems and Wild Plant Harvesting) as
a Source of Food in the Bribri and Cabecar Cultures in the Caribbean Coast of Costa
Rica. Economic Botany 58 (1) 58-71.
Stone, D. 1949. The Boruca of Costa Rica. Peabody Museum. Vol. 26, No. 2.
Watts, Michael.1983. “On the poverty of theory: Natural hazards research in context.”
Interpretations of Calamity. K. Hewitt. Allen and Unwin.
Wojtkowski1, P.A. 1993. “Toward an understanding of tropical home gardens.” Agroforesty
Systems. Springer Netherlands, Vol. 24, No. 2.
www.museosdecostarica.com/gruposindigenas
Appendix A: Interview Questions
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Does your family have a flower garden?
Does your family have a vegetable garden?
What are some of the plants you have there?
Were they planted or did they grow naturally?
Why do you have those plants? How do you use them?
Do you sell any of the plants or other agricultural products?
How much of the food comes from the garden? How much comes from the store?
Has there ever been any kind of community or shared garden here?
37
Appendix B: Photos of food plants
Rice in the hand of a Bribri man
Pipa, or coconut palms
Bollo, or “sa” in the Guaymi community,
a sweet corn wrap
Naranjas
Piña
Yuca
38
Dried and toasted cacao beans, about to be ground
up and made into chocolate by a Bribri woman
Appendix C: Photos of mixed planting schemes
An example of the mixed organization
of a household garden
Classic planting combination of the
Americas: corn, squash, and beans (not
pictured)
39
Appendix D: Photos of other plant uses
Pita, used for fibers and artesanias
Guaymi woman with plant used for
natural dye
Guaymi man with various medicinal
plants
Natural dyes and their plant sources at
the Boruca community
Ceramic artesanias of the Chorotega community
made from earthen clays and natural paints
40
EFFECTS OF ACCESSIBILITY OF TELEVISION AND MEDICAL FACILITIES ON
AWARENESS OF BREAST CANCER DETECTION METHODS AMONG INDIGENOUS
COMMUNITIES OF COSTA RICA
Platter, Erin 1 and Gareiss, Shelly
1
Pomona College,
2
2
University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign
Resumen: Hay muchas investigaciones que hablan acerca de la incidencia de cáncer
del pecho, pero pocas han hablado del dominio del tema dentro de las poblaciones humanas.
En esta investigación se observó el conocimiento acerca del cáncer de pecho y de los métodos
para detectarlo dentro de seis grupos culturales costarricenses distintos: Guaymi, Boruca,
Chorotegas, Maleku, Afro-Caribbean, y Bribri. Como comunidades rurales con niveles de
acceso variado a la medicina moderna y a la televisión, son ideales para medir el efecto que
tienen la televisión y las facilidades médicas sobre el conocimiento que manejan los pobladores
sobre el cáncer. Las hipótesis que nos planteamos fueron, que si 1) las comunidades
estuvieran más cerca de las facilidades medicas y 2) si hubiera más televisiones, tendrían
mayor dominio del tema. Nuestra hipótesis fue apoyada con nuestros descubrimientos de que
las personas con una televisión tienen estadísticamente más conocimiento del cáncer de pecho
que las que no tenían televisión. Además obtuvimos una correlación negativa entre la distancia
a una ciudad grande y el conocimiento de autoexamen de pecho. También descubrimos que
las mujeres mayores de 45 años tenían estadísticamente más conocimiento de cáncer del
pecho que las mujeres más jóvenes. Por lo tanto, encontramos que el acceso a la televisión y
a las facilidades médicas juegan un rol muy importante en la difusión del conocimiento, por lo
que el uso de estos implementos puede ser un método excelente para extender el
conocimiento de estos temas tan delicados.
Introduction
In 2002 it was estimated that 10.9 million new cases of cancer were detected, 24.6
million people were living with cancer, and 6.7 million deaths resulted from the disease. Breast
cancer accounts for 17.9% of these statistics, making it the second most common cancer
behind lung cancer. However, because breast cancer affects prevalently women, it has become
a major concern for the female population (Parkin, 2005). In 2005 it was estimated that 25.5
women out of every 100,000 suffer from breast cancer and that 1.3 million new cases would be
diagnosed in 2007 (Ries, 2008). The recent rates of occurrence of breast cancer have caused a
global concern for women’s health. Many countries have taken steps to spread awareness on
the matter that may otherwise go unknown until later phases of the disease have taken effect.
Specifically, Costa Rica has put an emphasis on breast cancer prevention in the last
three or four years. Carolina Herrera’s television campaign to inform women of the importance
and methods of early detection (Herrera, 2008) marks a significant role in the nationwide effort
to decrease breast cancer rates. In addition to Herrera’s efforts to raise awareness, the Costa
Rican government recommends self examinations, a yearly clinical breast exam for woman 25
years and older and mammograms biyearly for women aged 50-75 (Robles, 2002).
Perhaps because of this technique to reach the general public, their incidence rate of
breast cancer with only 20 affected women in every 100,000 was lower than the global rate
(Ries, 2008). However, after banning unreported occurrences, breast cancer is second in
importance after stomach cancer in Costa Rica. Unfortunately, in South and Central America,
only 36.4% of breast cancer cases are detected in its first stage. This percentage is significantly
lower than other countries such as the United States with a first stage detection rate of 50.4%
41
(Li, 2003). While this statistic is not specifically indicative of Costa Rica, it still demonstrates the
urgency of increased awareness of early detection throughout Central American countries. This
urgency is supported by Schwartsmann’s (2001) research that breast cancer detected in its first
stage generates survival rates of 90.0% compared to a 14.9% survival rate when detected in
stage four. Therefore, if early detection awareness is increased, survival rates will also increase.
Although multiple studies have been done on the incidence and survival rates of breast
cancer, few studies dealing with the statistics of awareness of prevention methods have been
completed. One method used to promote early detection that is greatly supported by the
medical community is the BSE or breast cancer self-examination. In one study, Schencke
(1993) determined that the awareness concerning breast cancer and breast cancer self
examinations to be greater than 80% among Chilean women. However, we have found that no
similar studies have been conducted in Costa Rica. While the BSE is significantly less reliable
than mammograms, it provides a viable opportunity for early detection if properly taught,
especially in communities where access to medical and clinical examinations is limited.
Because many indigenous peoples still use traditional methods of medicinal practices and their
reserves are often secluded from large cities, their communities were prime locations to inquire
about awareness. In this study, we looked at breast cancer detection awareness in six such
communities among the indigenous communities of Costa Rica: Guaymi, Boruca, Chorotegas,
Maleku, Bribri, and Afro-Caribbean.
The Guaymi reservation is located in the southern Costa Rica and spans approximately
7,500 ha. Although the original Guaymi territory spanned from southern Costa Rica to northern
Panama, this study focused on their current community in Coto Brus. They have only lived in
this area for about 70 years, but its native plant species are very similar to those of the original
territory. Therefore, the Guaymi have fully retained the use of mostly native plants for
sustenance (Castaneda, 2004). They have also retained much of their spiritual, natural
medicinal, and clothing traditions (Guevara and Vargas, 2000), as well as their language,
movere.
Originally, the Boruca was a single tribe that formed in the sixteenth century in a territory
along the Pacific coast, although the specific location is unknown today. By the seventeenth
century, many other tribes were associated to the Boruca tribe name due to movement of tribes
by Spanish priests. Because of Spanish influence, the Boruca began to lose their culture in the
eighteenth century including some of their religious beliefs and political organization (Stone,
1949). Stone (1949) found that many of the men and women still practiced artisanship and used
plants for medicinal and food purposes, but have lost traditional clothing and vast amounts of
their language with only a handful of partial speakers exctant. Currently, the reserve covers a
small area of the Buenos Aires Region.
The self-appointed Chorotega community resides in la Reserva Indígena de Matambu in
the province of Guanacaste. Their numbers have been severely reduced and they have
completely lost their language. However, they still maintain their cultural identity through
traditional practices such as pottery and the decorating of vases and figures (Grupos, 2008).
The Maleku are an indigenous group of northern Costa Rica, who around the mid 19th
century occupied a total of 100,000 ha with a population of 1,500 to 2,000 people.
Unfortunately, over the last century their population has dropped to 386 people made up of
three communities and much of their culture has been lost, although they still maintain their
language, burial customs, and oral tradition (Castillo, 2004). The Maleku are comprised of three
“palenques,” or smaller communities within the tribe. Research for this study was conducted in
the Margarita Palenque.
Afro-Caribbeans span the eastern Central American and western Caribbean coastal
lowlands. These coast lines are where many people of African decent settled during the late
eighteenth century after a slave revolt. However, many of the Afro-Caribbean people of Costa
Rica were not ex-slaves but rather came from Panama for turtle fishing or from Jamaica to work
42
on the railroad from Puerto Limon to San Jose (Lefever, 1994). According to Lefever (1994),
many traditional dishes are still made. This study focused on the Afro-Caribbeans of Cahuita in
Limon, which lies on the southern Atlantic coast of Costa Rica.
The Bribri tribe is located in the southern Atlantic side of Costa Rica in Talamanca. They
were formerly known as the Talamancas in the seventeenth century, but are now called the
Bribri. It is thought that this name originated from a word meaning “brave” or “strong” (Stone,
1962). Stone (1962) states that there was no traditional clothing, but the native language was
still widely used. It was also noted that traditional hunting practices and artisanship was still
prevalent. Bribri and closely related Cabecar are the largest indigenous group in the country.
The main objective of this study was to determine the awareness and the source of
awareness of breast cancer and detection methods among women in these indigenous tribes.
Costa Rican awareness campaigns are centered on television and the medical community,
therefore if 1) there is an increase in the prevalence of televisions and 2) an increase in
proximity to medical clinics and facilities in the indigenous communities, then there will be an
increasein the awareness of women in these communities. It has been assumed that indigenous
communities have less access to television and medical facilities.
Materials and Methods
This study was conducted in six locations throughout Costa Rica in the villages of the
Guaymi, Boruca, Maleku, Bribri, Chorotega and Afro-Caribbean communities. Throughout each
of the communities, 11-17 interviews were conducted at random. Only females above the age of
14 years were interviewed. Each interview was done following the International Society of
Ethnobiology (ISE) Code of Ethics. A questionnaire was used in each interview and given in
accordance to the response from each preceding question (see Appendix A). (Note: all
interviews took place in Spanish but the interview has also been translated to English for the
sake of this paper.)
Each interview was recorded if given permission, and all were transcribed. After each
interview, a BSE pamphlet was distributed to each participant (Breast, 2008). Following the
completion of the interview process, the closest medical clinic was visited, assessed for
proximity to the village, and questioned about the incidence of breast cancer in the community.
An ANOVA was used to test the differences of breast cancer, detection, and BSE
awareness among communities and then among age groups. To test the differences between
two specific groups, we used the t-test. Regression models were used to determine correlation
between the distance from the community to the nearest town and the percent of awareness of
detection and correlation between the distance from the community to the nearest town and the
percent of awareness of BSE. Chi-squared tests were used to determine differences between
breast cancer awareness and BSE awareness in the presence or absence of a television.
After surveying the six indigenous communities, we found a significant difference among
the groups in respect to breast cancer awareness (ANOVA P<0.05) (Fig. 1). The Guaymi were
significantly less aware than all other communities (t-test P<0.05). However, there were no
significant differences between any two of the other communities (t-test P >0.05). While there
was variation amongst the communities in respect to breast cancer detection awareness and
BSE, we found no significant difference among the communities (ANOVA P >0.05) (Fig. 1).
However, general trends were observed, and had the sample size been larger, it is possible that
significant results would have been obtained.
43
140
120
Percent Aware
100
80
Breast Cancer
How to Detect
BSE
60
40
20
0
Guaymi
Borucca
Chorotega
Maleku
Afro-Caribbean
Bribri
Community
Figure 1. Percent of women in the six communities aware of breast cancer, how to
detect breast cancer and BSE (+/- SD) in indigenous and Afro-Caribbean communities in Costa
Rica.
The variation of responses in the three types of awareness among the communities may
be due to the accessibility of medical facilities. We found that as the distance between the tribe
and an adequate healthcare facility increased, the awareness of breast cancer decreased. More
specifically, we found that communities that were closer to large cities (and therefore with
greater access to quality medical facilities) were significantly more likely to confirm awareness
of the BSE (regression test R2 >0.8) (Fig. 2a). This supports our hypothesis that if there is
greater access to medical facilities, then women’s awareness will increase. It should be noted
that we determined the clinic in the Boruca community to be an adequate medical facility, and
therefore, did not find it necessary to find the distance to the nearest city.
We also found a trend between proximity to cities and positive responses to the
question, “Do you know how breast cancer can be detected?” (regression test R2 >0.8) (Fig. 2b).
However, this regression did not strongly support our hypothesis because the correlation value
was less significant. This could be the result of medical personnel stressing the BSE without
thoroughly or comprehensibly explaining its purpose. Therefore, because some women
responded negatively for detection and positively for the BSE, there may be a disconnect
between ability to perform the test and knowledge of its function and significance. It is also
possible that some women did not understand what was meant by the term “detect,” and
therefore, could have given an inadvertently negative response. Another reason for these
conflicting responses could be due to the fact that the question regarding detection requires
recall while the BSE question only requires recognition. In other words, it was more likely that
women would give a positive response when prompted with a detection method (the BSE) than
asked to produce a detection method without a prompt.
44
a)
100
Percent Aware of BSE
80
y = -24.602x + 86.068
R2 = 0.9198
60
40
20
Key
Boruca*
Afro-Caribbean:
0
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
4
Cauhita
Distance to Nearest City (hrs)
Chorotega: Nicoya
b)
Maleku: Guatusa
100
Bribri: Cauhita
Guaymi: San Vito
Percent Aware of Detection
80
y = -19.264x + 69.742
R2 = 0.8168
60
40
20
0
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
4
Distance to Nearest City (hrs)
Figure 2. a) Correlation between percent population aware of BSE versus distance to an
adequate medical facility. b) Correlation between percent aware of BC detection versus
distance. Distance to medical facilities was based on proximity to nearest major city (listed in
key) with the exception of the Boruca.
Another possible cause of the variations in awareness recorded in this study could be
the result of a community or individual’s access to television. The Guaymi, who are significantly
the least aware amongst the communities, had little to no access to televisions. In accordance
to this observation, the results indicate that people with TVs were significantly more aware of
breast cancer ( Χ 2 test P <0.05) (Fig. 3a) and self exams ( Χ 2 test P <0.05) (Fig. 3b). These
45
findings support the hypothesis that Costa Rican television is spreading awareness, be it
through informative advertising campaigns or simply programs that reference breast cancer.
Our observational data support the existence of both sources. However, because we did not
collect data on the specific broadcast source, it is still unclear whether Central American
awareness efforts, such as Herrera’s campaign, or regular programming has played a greater
role in extending further awareness in indigenous communities. The correlation between BSE
and TV would likely support the presence of informative ad campaigns because BSEs are not
commonly referenced in normal programming. Conversely, the correlation between breast
cancer awareness and TV was stronger than that of the BSE and TV which may indicate the
prevalence breast cancer references in regular programming.
a)
45
40
35
Number of Participants
30
25
Aware of BC
Not Aware of BC
20
15
10
5
0
Present
Absent
Presence of TV
46
b)
40
35
Number of Participants
30
25
Aware of BSE
Not Aware of BSE
20
15
10
5
0
Present
Absent
Presence of TV
Figure 3. a) Number of participants with a TV and without a TV aware of breast cancer
versus not aware of breast cancer. b) Number of participants with and without a TV that were
aware and unaware of BSE.
Although it was not originally hypothesized, we found strong trends that were
dependent on age. We examined our data relating to differences in awareness according to age
as a whole rather than as separate communities. While there was no significant difference
among all age groups (ANOVA P >0.05), women 46 and older were significantly more aware of
breast cancer and breast cancer detection than both the younger age groups (t-test P <0.05)
(Fig. 4). Also, they were significantly more aware of the BSE than women ages 31-45 (t-test P
<0.05). There are multiple possible explanations for these conclusions. Based on our findings
that health facilities are playing a significant role in the spreading of awareness it is possible that
these same facilities are targeting older generation because they are more at risk for breast
cancer. Also, it is likely that woman 46 and older know more women who have suffered from
breast cancer and therefore, have had greater exposure to information regarding the disease.
Lastly, it may be a result of the older generation being more concerned with breast cancer
because they are aware of their higher risk and therefore seeking out more information and
absorbing more information when given to them. A possible future study could look at the
clinical techniques for spreading awarensess, in order to see if they do indeed target the older
generations.
47
100
90
80
Percent Aware
70
60
Breast Cancer
How to Detect
BSE
50
40
30
20
10
0
15-30
31-45
46+
Age Groups (Years)
Figure 4. Percent awareness among age groups of breast cancer, breast cancer
detection and BSE (+/- SD).
Although we found correlations between awareness and awareness sources, further
research is needed in order to determine the extent of the role of each source. In each
community we were able to conduct 11-17 interviews, with the exception of the Afro-Caribbean
community where as a result of an overall reluctance of the community, we were only able to
conduct 4 interviews. Therefore, the Afro-Caribbean community results are especially suspect
of error. However, the significance of our results even with the small sample size shows the
pertinence of our findings, as well as the need for further research. It also should be noted that
one of our main assumptions, that indigenous communities would have less access to TVs, was
largely incorrect. In most communities over 90% of individuals owned TVs with the exception of
the Guaymi and the Bribri. However, because these two communities were significantly less
aware than the other four communities, we were still able to draw significant conclusions about
the influence of televisions on awareness.
It was also interesting to note that all woman from the indigenous communities that had
suffered from breast cancer sought treatment in the nearest hospital. No woman chose
traditional medicine over clinical treatment, and in almost every community at least one woman
from the older generation commented on how cancer was a huge danger to the community
specifically because they had no traditional medicine to combat it. Saying this, it should also be
noted that incidences of breast cancer in the communities were rather low. According to local
clinics’ records, there were no reported incidences of breast cancer in the Guaymi or Boruca,
and a fairly low incidence rate of cancer in the other four communities.
Overall, our hypotheses that proximity to adequate medical facilities and televisions
results in more awareness, and that the older generation of indigenous woman is more aware
than the younger generation, were supported. However, further data collection and research is
necessary to confirm the extent and scope of these separate influences on breast cancer
awareness.
48
Conclusion
This study found that the presence of televisions, proximity to medical facilities and age of
individuals were important factors in predicting an individuals and communities awareness of
breast cancer. These results as well as the results of similar studies should be referenced when
determining how to more effectively spread breast cancer awareness (as well as medical
awareness in general). By better understanding the sources of existing knowledge and lack
there of, techniques for improving awareness can be more thoughtfully and effectively
developed.
Works Cited
Breast Self-Exam. Susan G. Komen for the Cure. 30 July 2008.
<http://cms.komen.org/komen/AboutBreastCancer/EarlyDetectionScreening/BreastSelfE
xam/index.htm>.
Carolina Herrera y Sony Television en campaña contra el cáncer de mama. 19 Jun. 2008. RPP
Noticias. 25 Jul. 2008. <http://www.rpp.com.pe/detalle_128362.html>.
Castaneda, Hector. 2004 .“Ethnobotanical analysis of Different Successional Stages as Sources
of Wild Edible Plants for the Guaymi People in Costa Rica.” The Univeristy of Florida. 147.
Castillo-Vasquez, R. 2004. An ethnogeography of the Maleku indigenous peoples in northern
Costa Rica. The University of Kansas: US.
Grupos Indígenas: Chorotega. Museos de Costa Rica. 25 Jul. 2008.
http://www.museosdecostarica.com/gruposindigenas11.htm.
Guevara, M. and J. Vargas. 2000. “Distribucion y Ubcacion General de los Pueblos Indigenas
de Costa Rica Perfiles de Costa Rica.” 1-9.
Lefever. 1992. “Extract from the book Turtle Bog (a view of the life in Tortuguero, Costa Rica).”
56, 65, 196-206.
Li, C., K. Malone, and J. Daling. 2003. “Differences in Breast Cancer Stage, Treatment,
andSurvival by Race and Ethnicity.” Arch Internal Medicine. Vol. 163: 49-56.
Parken, M., F. Bray, J. Ferlay, and P. Pisani. 2005. “Global Cancer Statistics, 2002.” A Cancer
Journal for Physicians. Vol.55: 74-108.
Ries, L. A., D. Melbert, M. Krapcho, D.G. Stinchcomb, N. Howlader, M.J. Horner, A. Mariotto,
B.A. Miller, E.J. Feuerv, S. F. Altekruse, D. R. Lewis, L. Clegg, M. P. Eisner, M.
Reichman, and B. K. Edwards (eds). 2008. SEER Cancer Statistics Review, 1975
2005, National Cancer Institute. Bethesda, MD,
http://seer.cancer.gov/csr/1975_2005/, based on November 2007 SEER data
submission, posted to the SEER web site.
Robles S. and E. Gelanis. 2002. “Breast Cancer in Latin America and the Caribbean.” Rev.
Panamerica Salud Publica. Vol. 11.3: 178-185.
Schencke, M., S. Espinoza, N. Muñoz, and H. Messing. 1993. “Attitude and behavior regarding
breast self examination among health professionals in Chile.” Boletin de la Oficina
Sanitaria de Panamerica. Vol. 114: 317-325.
Schwartsmann, G. 2001. “Breast Cancer in South America: Challenges to Improve Early
Detection and Medical Management of a Public Health Problem.” Journal of Clinical
Oncology. Vol. 19.18: 118-124.
Stone, Doris. 1949. “The Boruca of Costa Rica.” Peabody Museum. Vol. 26: 1-37.
Stone, Doris. 1962. “The Talamancan Tribes of Costa Rica.” Peabody Museum. Vol. 43: 1-108.
49
Appendix A
1. ¿Usted conoce o sabe que es cáncer?
2. ¿Conoce o sabe que es cáncer de pecho?
a. ¿De quién o de dónde lo escucho?
3. ¿Conoce alguien que haya tenido cáncer de pecho?
a. ¿Era esta persona de la comunidad, o fuera de la comunidad?
b. ¿Sabe Ud. si esta persona recibió tratamiento para cáncer?
i. ¿En qué lugar esta persona recibió cáncer?
4. ¿Sabe Usted como se detecta el cáncer del pecho?
5. ¿Conoce Usted de la autoexaminación?
a. ¿Sabe Usted como autoexaminarse?
6. ¿Tiene Usted una television en su casa?
1. Have you ever heard of cancer?
2. Have you ever heard of breast cancer?
a. Where did you hear about breast cancer?
3. Do you know anyone who has had cancer?
a. Was this person from the community?
b. Do you know if this person received treatment for their cancer?
i. Where did this person receive treatment?
4. Do you know how breast cancer is detected?
5. Do you know about self-examination?
a. Do you know how to do a breast cancer self examination?
6. Do you have a television in your house?
50
YOU ARE WHAT YOU EAT: VARIABILITY IN NUTRITIONALLY SOUND DIETS
BETWEEN MANY COSTA RICAN CULTURAL GROUPS.
Evan Groendyk
Departments of Spanish and Environmental Studies, Western Michigan University. 1261
Caprice Court Jenison, MI 49428. [email protected]
Summary: The key to a healthy diet is variety. This helps to ensure that all necessary
dietary elements are obtained. It is interesting to note that 90% of all informants said they ate
foraged food. The cultural groups visited had nutritionally acceptable diets. The more foraged
food, the better the vitamin content. The reasoning behind this is that the moment fruits and
vegetables are picked, nutrient loss begins. Fruits and vegetables purchased at a pulpería do
not provide the nutrients that freshly picked foods do. Eating a wide variety of raw foraged fruits
and vegetables is akin to taking a multivitamin for everyday health. Rice and beans as the
staple food supplemented with locally grown foods and foraged foods, with less emphasis on
purchasing food from the pulpería, is a strong recommendation.
Resumen: Esta investigación considera las decisiones de alimentación diarias de
algunos grupos culturales de Costa Rica, tales como los Guaymí, Boruca, Chorotega, Maleku,
Bribri y los Afrocaribeños. Es una extrapolación basada en la amplia información nutricional
disponible combinada con datos etnobiológicos de campo. Encontré que todas las dietas de los
diferentes grupos eran nutricionalmente aceptables.
Key Word Index. Boruca, Guaymi, Chorotega, Bribri, Maleku.
Introduction
The purpose of this research is to gain an understanding of the basic diet of different
Costa Rican indigenous groups based on observation and survey, as well as cultivate an
understanding of ethnobiological methodology. Groups visited include the Boruca, Guaymí,
Maleku, Chorotega and Bribri. We will also be visiting an Afro Caribbean community (appendix:
see Map 1 for detail).
On the banks of the Morote river, not far from the present day city of Nicoya dwell a
people by the name of Chorotega. The Spaniards first entered this region in 1522 in search of
gold. The Chorotega culture was dependent on a feudal system, and had an artisanal culture
represented by elaborate clay vessels. It is also known that these people practiced cannibalism
and human sacrifice (Stone, 1977). It is important to note that we will be working with a culture
now whose language, religions and customs have dissipated, but the people still claim they are
Chorotega.
The Guaymí reserve in Coto Brus has one of the highest percentages (70%) of forest
cover in any indigenous reserve in Costa Rica. It is known that corn (Zea mays), beans
(Phaseolus vulgaris), rice (Oryza sativa), yuca (Manihot esculenta), cacao (Theobroma cacao)
and coffee (Coffea arabica) is cultivated here. It is interesting to note that in the native Ngobere
language, there are 14 words to describe the stages of corn growth. This illustrates the
importance of corn to this culture as a staple crop (Koshear, 1995). The Guaymi now make a
living off of the aforementioned coffee as well as cacao, and these represent the group’s main
source of income. Subsistence farming, occasional hunting, foraging, handicraft sales, laboring
outside the reserve and occasional tourism are ways that the Guaymí make a living as well
(Castaneda 2004).
The Bribri are located near the Telire River near the southeastern boundary of Costa
Rica, and their territory extends into northern Panama. Typical diet consists of plantains (Musa
balbisana), bananas (Musa acuminata Colla), corn, cacao and sugar cane (Saccharum
officinarum) (Skinner 1920).
51
The Boruca live in the southwestern section of Costa Rica near the Diquis River. The
native language is no longer used, and Spanish is the only language known by all. Rice, sugar
cane, plantains, yuca, beans and cacao comprise the typical Boruca diet (Stone, 1949).
In the mid nineteenth century, the Maleku had 100,000 hectares of land and
approximately 2,000 people. As of 2004, the acreage has plummeted to 600 hectares, with the
population hovering at approximately 386 people. The Maleku still speak their native tongue and
adhere to many traditional customs such as burial customs, religion and self-identification
(Lawrence 2004).
Most of the Afro Caribbean population emigrated to the western Caribbean from the
islands of the eastern Caribbean, especially Jamaica, but also St. Lucia, St. Kitts, St. Vincent,
Barbados and the Cayman Islands. When Columbus came to Costa Rica in 1502, the
population was small. Very few slaves were brought to Costa Rica from Spain because Spanish
occupation of the country was sparse. The presence of slaves was not felt because the lack of
plantations (Lefever, 1992).
Diet is more or less the foods and drinks consumed by a person. There are many factors
which influence dietary choice. These can be cultural limitations such as the practice of
avoidance. For example, the Boruca do not eat the wild cattle (Bos indicus) found on the hill of
the sorcerer Tatica Cuasran, because the hill was a former gathering place for tribal meetings
and the cattle belongs to the sorcerer, and is therefore not to be touched (Stone, 1949). Other
factors include income, religion, location and lifestyle. A healthy diet is one that contains food
from a wide variety of sources and gives the body the energy and essential nutrients it needs
(Delores, 2004). Some aspects of diet which will be explored include: energy, fat, protein, amino
acid, calorie and nutrient. Energy is defined as the content of a substance that allows it to be
used as fuel. Fat is a type of food molecule rich in carbon and hydrogen with high energy
content. Protein is a complex molecule composed of amino acids (which are the building blocks
of protein and are essential) which perform vital functions within the cell and are necessary.
Calorie is just a unit of food energy. A nutrient is a dietary substance necessary for health
(Delores, 2004). The primary focus of this paper is analysis of the food eaten by different Costa
Rican cultural groups. Everyday food consumption is explored and based on that, extrapolation
of overall dietary health will be based on this information. Diet is interesting since it is a highly
variable and necessary process, especially when considering biocultural diversity. It is
interesting to note that 200,000 to 400,000 plant species exist in the world, 104 of these are
used as food, and of those 104, 20 to 30 are used widely. (L.D. Gomez pers. Comm. July 17,
2008)
Each informant was asked beforehand if tape recording of the interview was allowed. I
interviewed as many people as possible within the Boruca, Guaymí, Maleku, Chorotega, Bribri
and Afro Caribbean communities.
Interviews about food (see appendix 1) were recorded in a field notebook, and any
conversations were taped upon permission. Un-taped conversations were recorded by writing. A
population survey style was adapted to extract specific information from a large amount of
people.
Samples were as random as possible; interviewing any willing participant. Food and
small treats were brought in order to act as a social lubricant to endear the youth, which proved
to be an excellent segue for an interview. Tape recorder, field notebook and camera were
brought as recording devices.
A mixture of observation method and sample survey were utilized in order to obtain not
only depiction of everyday life, but also quantifiable answers to closed-ended questions.
52
Questions were all related to food, and ranged from method of obtaining food, typical foods
consumed, and food prefrence (LeCompte 1999).
I will estimate the nutritional value of the various diets by using nutrition facts put out by
the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA 2007).
Results
In almost every cultural group, rice and beans are a daily staple. 80 percent of all
interviewed mentioned them as every day foods. In order to have a nutritionally sound diet,
however, vitamins and minerals, fats, enzymes, protein and fiber must be obtained from a wide
variety of sources. The groups interviewed ate rice and beans everyday, and obtained what the
rice and beans couldn’t provide with foraged food available locally (see chart one for more
detail).
One serving of cooked rice has a trace amount of minerals calcium, iron, magnesium,
phosphorous, potassium, sodium, zinc, copper, manganese and selenium. It is almost devoid of
vitamins, any micrograms of vitamins provided by rice would be nutrtitionally negligible. All
amino acids are represented, however miniscule, making it a complete protein. Per 100 grams
of rice, 21.09 grams are pure carbohydrate, and one gram is dietary fiber. This means that rice
is a simple carbohydrate, attired as such due to its higher concentration of carbohydrates than
fiber (USDA 2007).
In every 100 grams of beans, there are 8.97 grams of protein and 10.4 grams of dietary
fiber (USDA 2007). These are the building blocks of nutrition. Fiber supports gastrointestinal
health and absorbs water and bile in the stomach. Protein is absolutely necessary and beans
are a complete protein, containing at least a trace of every amino acid. When combined with
rice, beans provide the fiber necessary for proper digestion of the simple carbohydrate that is
rice. Also, a combination of amino acids available in rice and beans make it a powerful complete
protein.
Bananas were present at every site, and 50% of informants mentioned them as a food
eaten. Bananas are an important source of electrolytes glucose and potassium. In the average
banana, there are 5 grams of glucose and 358 mg of potassium (USDA 2007). Electrolytes
ensure hydration in the body, and are absolutely vital.
Corn is the most important cereal grain in Costa Rica second only to rice, and is used as
a staple human food (Janzen, 1983). Corn has a wide variety of trace minerals, but is highest in
potassium (270 mg per serving) and phosphorus (89 mg per serving). Corn also contains all
amino acids, but some are at a nutritionally negligible amount (USDA 2007).
Citrus fruits, like oranges (Citrus sinensis), for example, are high in vitamins A and C.
Vitamin A is deficient in many diets, and a consequence of this is blindness or impaired vision.
Vitamin C is known as a preventative for scurvy, and improves resistance to disease (Janzen
1983). Citrus fruits were commonly mentioned when “what are some of your favorite fruits and
vegetables” was asked. About 80% of the favorite fruits were citrus fruits (see figure 5).
Guavas (Psidium guajava) are also a foraged favorite. 30 percent of all informants
mentioned guavas. Guavas are an exceptional source of dietary fiber, with 5.4 grams per fruit.
With 18 mg of calcium and 417 mg of potassium per fruit, trace minerals and electrolytes are
well represented, and with 218 mg of vitamin C per fruit, this packs a powerful dose of
antioxidant protection (USDA 2007).
The importance of animal protein in the diet of every cultural group is hard to quantify but
it cannot be overlooked. The Costa Rican government does not allow hunting of certain animals
on many reserves, but the practice still occurs. This information is difficult to obtain, since many
people would not like to share the practice of illegal activity with a stranger.
53
Discussion
Initially, my idea was to take samples of nutrient content in urine and deduce dietary
deficiencies. Then, using a food lab, obtain a nutrient assay of available foods in each
community. From there, it would be possible to match nutrient deficiencies with locally available
food supplementation to rectify any imbalance. This was unfortunately logistically impossible
due to both timeline and expense.
In order for a proper dietary appraisal to occur, many factors need to be explored. Body
mass index, weight to height ratio, weight and height must all be considered. A dietary
assessment is crucial as well, which takes into account diet history or a food frequency analysis.
Also, a physical examination with medical history must happen. Finally, blood or urine samples
would need to be procured. Once again, this was chronologically impossible, and costly
(Delores, 2004).
Overall, the Chorotega were the most culturally removed. Their diet most likely does not
represent traditional diet due to the lack of indigenous territory, influx of tourism and cultural
erosion. Informants reported a wide variety of dietary decisions, most based on purchase at
local pulperías (stores) or restaurants if wealthy enough. Only 33% of informants mentioned rice
and beans as an everyday food, which is a statistical anomaly considering that 80% of all
informants overall mentioned rice and beans as an everyday food.
The Guaymí, based on observation, have retained their traditional culture quite well.
Because of this, the food eaten by the cultural group is mostly cultivated and foraged. Rice and
beans are purchased at the store, but not in excess due to fiscal limitations. While visiting, I was
given a traditional dish known in the Guaymí dialect as sa, or bollo in spanish. The dish was a
mashed corn with water added, wrapped in a palm leaf (see figures 2 and 3). This was also the
only site visited where chicha was offered. Chicha is a beverage where old corn is chewed up
and spit into a gourd, where water and sugar are added in order to achieve fermentation.
Cacao is a large part of the Guaymí both as a staple food and a cash earner. Dried cacao (see
figure 4) is a common sight around the reserve. 100 percent of informants questioned
mentioned cacao as a part of their diet. Upon arrival, cacao was brought as a gift, and
decomposing cacao fruit exocarp was present at the dwelling of each informant.
The Boruca lived in a centralized community with a dense centralized population; the
farther from the city center, the more rapid the decrease in population density. The Boruca
seemed to have many modern amenities and this is most likely due to the revenue generated
from craft sales. Based on my interviews, the Boruca ate less foraged and cultivated foods than
all other groups. In all groups, every informant asked mentioned the consumption of foods from
the forest, excluding one informant from the Boruca and one from the Maleku.
The Maleku were obviously concerned about the loss of their culture. Almost all
informants, outside of interviews, expressed concern about the loss of language. The youth
learn the language. One informant was a guide at the ecological center of the Maleku
community, and he informed me that out of the 3,000 hectares of land in the territory,
approximately 15% is under Maleku ownership. According to one informant in the Maleku,
yucca and plantains cooked over a fire by palm leaf (see photo 1) was a daily food. His son,
interviewed separately, shared the sentiment.
The Bribri live in houses built on poles. They are a scattered population spread out over
the extent of their reserve. We were able to visit the Awapa House, a traditional structure where
all Bribri curanderos gather for rituals and cultural events. We were offered pejibaye with salt by
one informant. Pigs (Sus domesticus) and chickens (Gallus gallus) were abundant throughout
the reserve. One interesting note is that almost all houses had a satellite dish. The
advertisements from television shows could influence dietary decisions.
54
Chart 1. Everyday foods for all cultural communities. This chart is based on frequency of
times mentioned. All interviews were looked at. Every time the question “what do you eat
everyday” was asked, all foods mentioned were put into the graph.
Table 1. Foods mentioned when asked what foods were common within each
community.
55
Figure 2. Foods most often purchased at pulperías.
Figure 3. Favorite fruits and vegetables mentioned by all communities.
56
Figure 2, Bollo unwrapped.
57
Figure 3, Bollo prior to unwrapping.
58
Figure 4, cacao (Theobroma Cacao) drying at Guaymí reserve.
59
Figure 5. Naranjilla. (Solanum Quitoense)
60
Map 1. Sites visited include numbers 21, 5, 16, 15 and 4.
Bibliography
LeCompte, Margaret D. 1999. Designing and conducting ethnographic research: ethnographers
toolkit. Altamira. 220pgs.
James Delores, C.S. 2004. Nutrition and well-being A-Z. New York: MacMillan refrence USA, 2
vols.
Stone, Doris Z. 1949. The Boruca of Costa Rica. Peabody Museum. Volume 26-no. 2. 37 pgs.
Stone, Doris Z. 1977. Pre-Columbian Man in Costa Rica. Peabody Museum. 238 pgs.
Koshear, Jeannine. 1995. Guaymi Agriculture, Forest Utilization and Ethnobotany in Coto Brus,
Costa Rica: an Analysis of Sustainability. University of California, Berkeley. 226 pgs.
Skinner, Alanson. 1920. Notes on the Bribri of Costa Rica. 105 pgs.
Lawrence, KS. 2004. An Ethnography of the Maleku Indigenous Peoples of Costa Rica.
University of Kansas. 285 pgs.
USDA National Nutrient Database for Standard Reference, Release 20 (2007).
http://www.nal.usda.gov/fnic/foodcomp/search/index.html.
Janzen, Daniel H. 1983. Costa Rican Natural History. University of Chicago Press. 816 pgs.
Castañeda, Hector. 2004. Analysis of the Cultural Importance of Different Vegetation Types as
Sources of Wild Food Plants for the Guaymí of Costa Rica. Masters Thesis, University of
Florida. 47 pgs.
Luis Diego Gomez. 2008.
61
Appendix 1
Questions (in
Spanish
Question 1
¿Que Comes Diarios?
English
order)
Question 2
¿Ques es la comida mas
común en su communidad?
Question 3
¿Cuando vas a la pulpería,
que comida compras usualmente?
Question 4
¿Cuáles son sus frutas o
venduras favoritas favoritas?
Question 5
¿Comes algo del bosque?
What do you eat
every day?
What is the food
most common in your
community?
When you go to
the store, what food do
you usually buy?
What are some of
your favorite fruits and
vegetables?
Do you eat
anything from the forest?
62
A JOURNEY TO THE BOTTOM OF THE GLASS: BEVERAGES OF THE
INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES IN COSTA RICA
Hurley,1 Kate and Pollok,2 Katie
1
Dept. of Biology, University of Miami, Coral Gables, Florida
Dept. of Anthropology, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina
2
Resumen. La aculturación de cinco comunidades indígenas en Costa Rica y una
Afrocaribeña es analizada por el uso de bebidas tradicionales y bebidas modernas en la vida
diaria y también durante ceremonias o celebraciones. En cada población, entrevistas fueron
completadas para aprender sobre las diferencias y las preferencias en cuanto a bebidas en las
culturas. Aunque las comunidades muestran evidencia de aculturación, generalmente las
bebidas tradicionales son más preferidas que las bebidas contemporáneas tanto en la vida
diaria como en las ocasiones especialidades.
Key word index: Beverages, Culture, Traditional, Contemporary, Acculturation, Chicha,
Cacao, Drink, Ngöbe, Chorotega, Boruca, Maleku, Afro-Caribbean, Bribri
Introduction
In analyzing a particular culture, one of the most profound distinctions one can make
between one culture and another is that of the consumption of beverages. For example, the
Muslim society is distinctly different from the Judeo-Christian society in that the Muslims are
forbidden to drink alcohol while the Judeo-Christians do not practice such a rule. Throughout the
world, drinks bring people together, whether for a meal or for a ceremony. Stemming from this is
the fact that drinks are usually classified according to their social significance and meaning—
drinks “define the nature of the occasion” (Social). Thus, cultural contrasts among six
indigenous communities of Costa Rica—Ngöbe, Boruca, Chorotega, Maleku, Afro-Caribbean,
and Bribri—can be illustrated by variation in beverage consumption and significance.
One of these communties, the Ngöbe (also known as Guaymí) of the Coto Brus
Reserve, is located in the eastern part of the Fila Costeña and encompasses an area of
approximately 7,500 hectares (Koshear 1995). The Ngöbe depend on their land to provide food,
drink, and also monetary profits, which result mostly from their two most important cash crops,
coffee and cacao (Theobroma cacao). Coffee is consumed on a daily basis with no particular
importance other than the monetary status it holds. Cacao is particularly important because it
also holds a deeper meaning and is used by shamans in ceremonies to cure evil spirits and
evils (Castañeda 2004). Along with cacao, chicha is prepared from maize (Zea mays) as a drink
consumed by the community during ceremonies and rituals.
In relatively close proximity to the Ngöbe, the Boruca (or Brunka) are situated about 9.65
kilometers inland of the Río Grande de Térraba (Diquis) in the southeastern part of Costa Rica
(Stone 1949). Having been exposed to high levels of acculturation, the Boruca have lost most of
their native language and rely heavily on tourism to bring monetary gains. However, there are
still large remnants of the past Boruca society, some of which are represented through
traditional beverages, namely tibia and chicha. Tibia is prepared from ground cacao that is
mixed and cooked with water, and is usually consumed alone or accompanied with roasted ripe
plantains. Chicha is made from corn, and can be prepared in two different manners, one of
which contains yeast. This yeast chicha, known as monsera, is “used regularly at all
celebrations” (Stone 1949). The process to prepare this monsera is very long in duration and
includes many different steps of grinding and drying yeast, corn, and water. Consequently, the
chicha is only prepared for important ceremonies, such as the Danza de los Diablitos.
63
The Chorotega are situated in Guaitil, of the Province of Guanacaste, in the region of the
Nicoya peninsula. This small, self-appointed indigenous community consisting of an estimated
175 people (L.D. Gomez pers. comm. 30 July 2008) has lost important traditions such as their
language, but has continued their cultural legacy through their mastery of producing traditional
pottery as well as through their preservation of traditional ceremonies. During these ceremonies,
the women serve chicha, “an intoxicating drink made from maize” (Stone 1977) and chocolate in
large vessels fabricated from clay. Since the harvest of maize and cacao are substantial
additions to the Chorotega economy, beverages made from these items retain a special
importance to the community.
The Maleku indigenous community resides in northwestern Costa Rica in the area north
of the Arenal Volcano and south of Lake Nicaragua in the Province of Alajuela (Gabb 1875).
The Maleku community consists of approximately 500 people, making it one of the smallest
communities in Costa Rica and very susceptible to cultural degradation (“Malekus” 2007).
Despite the decreasing numbers of Maleku, tradition persists. One way that tradition is upheld
is through the beverages that are still used in the community. The Maleku continue to harvest
and drink coffee and cacao in addition to making chicha from roasted green plantains, chicha
mascada (Church 1897), and machaca, mashed ripe bananas in water.
The Afro-Caribbean community, located on the eastern side of Costa Rica, bordering the
Caribbean Sea, is a diffused culture encompassing a less traditional way of life. Towns along
the Caribbean coast are all located in the Limón Province and exhibit strong aspects of AfroCaribbean culture and diet (Lefever 1992). Due to the vast number of coconut trees, one
popular part of their diet is coconut milk, used in both food and beverages. Coconut water is
also popular in the area, as well as coconut juice. In addition, many drinks are made from the
abundant other fruits and vegetables in the area, made from corn, ginger, tamarind, sour sop,
carambola, cashew fruit, guava, cas, mango, papaya, pineapple, lemon grass, and passion fruit.
These are generally consumed on a daily basis. Other drinks used on special occasions
include ginger beer, pinollo and chicha (both made from corn), egg punch, and agua de sapo.
However, due to the acculturation of the area and the imports from Puerto Limón, carbonated
soft drinks, beer, and rum have grown in popularity (Lefever 1992). As a less concentrated
culture, many outside influences have caused the Afro-Caribbean community to consume less
traditional beverages.
Lying in the south and east regions in the Talamanca Valley are the Bribri, estimated to
be 3,000 to 4,500 people. The Bribri believe in a hierarchical system of the environment, with
the earth and everything it contains belonging to a single master spirit, /BkubLu/. Along with this
belief, the Bribri retain the idea that “the physical distance of the species from the community
marks the relationship between people and plants” (Ramos et al. 2004). Thus, items such as
maize and cacao, which are located close to the settlements, are used very readily in the
community. The maize is utilized both in the preparation of the chicha and the mojozo, which is
a ferment for the chicha (Ramos et al. 2004). Chicha is reserved for traditional ceremonies such
as La Chichada and Apagando el fuego, the latter also relying on cacao during the feast
(Skinner 1920).
The purpose of this ethnobiological research is to demonstrate the cultural differences
among the six aforementioned indigenous communities through each population’s uses and
preparations of beverages, especially those that are reserved solely for ceremonies or
celebrations. The social implications of the results will give evidence of the tribes transitioning
from more traditional practices to becoming more acculturated and influenced by modern-day
society.
Hypothesis: Indigenous communities will prefer traditional beverages of their cultures
over more contemporary beverages that reflect acculturation.
64
Methods
The fieldwork will be carried out in the realms of the Ngöbe, Boruca, Chorotega, Maleku,
Afro-Caribbean, and Bribri native communities. Interviews will be given to natives of each group
on a voluntary basis and given only to those who have time and are open to answering the
questions presented. Approximately eight interviews will be conducted with both men and
women between the ages of 20 to 70 at each separate community. Tape recorders will be used
with the consent of the interviewee, and paper and pen will be used in the absence of a
recording device. With each interview, there is a list of questions asked in order to keep a
consistent compilation of answers for more accurate research (Appendix I). The questions are
aimed at distinguishing between beverages consumed on a daily basis and those used only for
ceremonies or important celebrations as well as determining how traditional drinks are
prepared. These differences in beverages and their particular preparations will then be
compared to assess which drinks are traditional and prepared in the household, and which are
more contemporary and purchased in the store. With the evidence to identify between traditional
and nontraditional beverages, it is possible to note the variation among the different indigenous
communities and assess what drinks are used the most and which communities have been
acculturated. It is also possible to identify the overall preference of beverage type, traditional or
contemporary, by all six communities combined. To help evaluate these results, Simpson’s
diversity will be used to find the variation in correspondence with the number of respondents for
a given community to show an overall level of diversity, which will also help to display a level of
acculturation.
Results and discussion
Table 1-1 shows the percentage of daily consumption of fifteen different beverages
among the six communities visited, though the complete list of beverages was not recorded in
each individual community. Coffee, water, milk, and natural drinks are the only four of the total
list of beverages that were consistently mentioned in every community.
The most frequently consumed beverages in the Ngöbe community on a daily basis are
coffee, water, and chicha; with consumption percentages of 100.0% for coffee, 100.0% for
water, and 70.0% for chicha. Natural drinks, milk, cacao, and atól de maiz were also mentioned
as everyday beverages but were not as prevalent. Thus, the Ngöbe only rely on the six
aforementioned drinks, the majority of which are prepared in the household rather than
purchased, as interviewees stated that buying from the store is extremely infrequent and rare.
In comparison to other communities, the Ngöbe population displays the most consumption of
chicha for everyday use. The abundant use of chicha helps to relay the use of traditional values
in this culture, thus reflecting the importance and prevalence of culture in their community.
Though the Simpson’s diversity value for the Ngöbe is the second highest at 0.831 (Appendix II)
among all six communities with a drink richness of seven, this does not necessarily reflect the
second highest degree of acculturation, as the beverages said to be consumed on an everyday
basis are traditional to that culture. Such a high diversity value reflects the variety of seven
drinks for daily use as well as the preferences of individuals to drink certain traditional
beverages out of the seven mentioned. From these data, the Ngöbe use of traditional over
contemporary beverages for everyday consumption is demonstrated.
Within the Boruca, coffee (87.5%), water (100.0%), and natural drinks (50.0%) show the
highest frequency of daily consumption. Milk, tea, and agua dulce are consumed by equal to or
less than 25.0% of the population daily, but nonetheless display an importance in the liquid diets
of these native peoples since the variation of daily beverages is limited to only six drinks. These
six drinks display a Simpson’s diversity of 0.798 (Appendix II), which demonstrates that there
are discrepancies among individuals of what beverages are consumed on a daily basis. The
65
addition of beverages such as tea (iced or hot) purchased from the store relays a degradation of
Boruca culture, as the people are beginning to rely less on their environment for everyday life.
This increasing reliance on supermarkets and stores to provide sustenance for daily life is
extremely important as it relays a loss of knowledge about the environment and consequently a
loss of knowledge about the traditional culture. However, the traditional beverages such as
coffee and natural drinks still show precedence over contemporary beverages in this
community.
Though showing a considerably higher level of variation in daily beverages than the
Ngöbe and Boruca, the Chorotega also most heavily consume coffee, water, natural drinks, and
milk. Coffee and natural drinks hold the same consumption percentage with 88.9%, while milk
holds 55.6% and water holds 100.0%. Straying from traditional beverages, soft drinks and
powdered juices were mentioned more than or equal to cacao and tea by the interviewees as a
part of their daily liquid intake. From these data, the degree of acculturation of the Chorotega
becomes evident, as a traditional drink such as cacao is held in the same or less regard as
more modern-day beverages such as soft drinks. In addition, it is important to note the diversity
in the drinks consumed by the Chorotega. With more availability to drinks from the store than
the Ngöbe due to proximity of the store as well as a higher economic status, the Chorotega
have a range of eight drinks consumed daily, which correlates to a Simpson’s diversity of 0.855
(Appendix II). This amount of diversity displays the lack of agreement throughout the community
to which drinks are consumed on a daily basis as well as the emphasis on individuals’ beverage
preferences. Due to the use of both traditional drinks like cacao and coffee, and artificial drinks
like powdered juices and soft drinks, there is evidence of both traditional culture as well as
modern-day influence in the community, though the traditional beverages remain more
prevalent overall.
Rivaling the Chorotega, the Maleku also consume a wide range of beverages. With
eleven different beverages, the variety of both conventional and less-conventional drinks
indicates a movement towards a less traditional culture. Furthermore, within the Maleku
population, 100.0% drink coffee, 100.0% drink water, 54.4% drink milk, and 45.5% drink natural
drinks, making these four beverages the most widely consumed in the community. Traditional
beverages such as machaca, yuca, pejibaye, chicha, and cacao are consumed by 18.2% of the
interviewees on a daily basis. These are prepared in a traditional convention in the household
rather than purchased in the store. Machaca is prepared by mashing ripe bananas and mixing
them with water while both yuca and pejibaye are made by boiling the yuca or pejibaye in a pot
with water until the drink can be stirred to the proper consistency, as the ingredients soften over
time. The preparation of chicha is a process that spans about 8 days to include grinding
germinated corn seeds, mixing those seeds with water, and letting that mixture rot until the
fermentation process is completed. A less fermented chicha is given to the children in the
community due to the fully fermented beverage’s intoxicating effects. Apart from corn, chicha
can also be made from yuca or pejibaye in the same manner as the corn chicha is prepared.
Cacao is prepared by cooking and grinding the cacao seeds, and then mixing the ground seeds
with water and sugar. This beverage is consumed throughout the community without regards to
age since there is no fermentation process. In comparison to consumption of the traditional
beverages, soft drinks are also consumed by 18.2% of the interviewee population on a daily
basis. Although the Maleku have a drink richness of eleven for daily drinks, they also display a
Simpson’s diversity of 0.513 (Appendix II), which is the lowest of all six communities. Such a low
Simpson’s diversity in conjunction with a high drink richness reflects the fact that two of the
interviewees mentioned six different drinks consumed on a daily basis, while the remaining nine
only mentioned three or fewer beverages. This situation resulted in a lower Simpson’s diversity
since two informants were very knowledgeable and in accordance with one another, yet due to
the similarities among the other informants and their lack of abundant knowledge, the overall
diversity of the community is low. Since the two respondents that mention a variety of
66
beverages state traditional beverages such as machaca and others, they display a preservation
of culture. However, the other nine informants failed to note the traditional beverages for
everyday consumption, thus displaying some acculturation and loss of knowledge of traditional
drinks.
Displaying a further degree of acculturation, 66.7% of the Afro-Caribbean informant
population consumes soft drinks on a daily basis, which is equal to the percentage that
consume natural drinks. Coffee, milk, tea, and Ensure©--a meal replacement beverage—are
only drunk by 33.3% of the interviewee population. These data show that artificial beverages
like soft drinks have begun to take precedence over the more traditional drinks such as coffee.
This range of seven beverages also produces a Simpson’s diversity of 0.829 (Appendix II),
showing the diversity in the drinks consumed on a daily basis within the population. This is an
indication of acculturation as well as a demonstration of the people’s increasing dependence on
stores to provide them with their preferred beverages on an everyday basis.
The Bribri of Cachabri have retained most of their culture throughout time, as 80.0% or
higher of the interviewee population rely on the use of coffee, water, natural drinks, chicha,
cacao, and pejibaye daily. This interviewee population also does not consume any beverages
that portray any influence by contemporary beverages. Thus, the Bribri are similar to the Ngöbe
in that solely traditional beverages are consumed on an everyday basis. The Bribri are also
similar to the Ngöbe and the Afro-Caribbean in drink richness and Simpson’s diversity, holding a
range of eight beverages consumed daily and a diversity value of 0.829 (Appendix II). Similarly
to the Ngöbe, the Bribri only stated traditional beverages for consumption on a daily basis.
Thus, the Simpson’s diversity is displaying the fact that among the eight drinks, individuals
retain personal preferences that contribute to the diversity value, as the lack of overlap of
responses increases the diversity value. Though varied among preference, the Bribri do not
display much acculturation in consumption of everyday drinks as only traditional drinks are
consumed.
Table 1-1. Percentage of the interviewee population in each community that mentioned
the use of these beverages for everyday consumption.
Ngöbe
Boruca
1
Coffee
00.0%
Water
00.0%
Milk
0.0%
8
7.5%
1
1
4
0.0%
5
7
Chicha
0.0%
Cacao
0.0%
2
Tea
.0%
0
66.7%
1
0.0%
1
0.0%
11.1
1
00.0%
0
0.0%
.0%
2
8
0.0%
8.2%
0.0%
8
0.0%
1
11.1
%
2.5%
0
4
0.0%
2
0.0%
8.2%
.0%
0
Sweet Water
33.3%
5.5%
.0%
1
00.0%
5
88.9
0
100.0%
4.4%
%
1
00.0%
1
55.6
Bribri
33.3%
00.0%
%
0.0%
1
100.0
2
Afro-Caribbean
00.0%
%
5.0%
Maleku
88.9
%
00.0%
3
Natural drinks
Chorotega
0
.0%
0
33.3%
0
67
.0%
5.0%
0
Soft Drinks
.0%
Powdered juices
.0%
Machaca
.0%
Yuca
.0%
Pejibaye
.0%
0
.0%
0
0.0%
0
1
0.0%
0.0%
9
0.0%
33.3%
4
0.0%
0
.0%
8
0.0%
.1%
0
0
.0%
8.2%
.0%
0
.0%
1
0.0%
0
0.0%
8.2%
0
.0%
0.0%
.0%
1
0.0%
.0%
0
0
0.0%
0
.0%
8.2%
0
2
66.7%
.0%
.0%
0.0%
1
11.1
%
0
.0%
8.2%
.0%
0
.0%
33.3
0
0
Ensure©
.0%
%
.0%
0
Atól de maiz
%
33.3%
0
.0%
Table 1-2 shows the percentage of consumption of thirteen various types of beverages
used for ceremonies or celebrations in the six indigenous communities. In Appendix III is the
Simpson’s diversity of beverages used for special occasions, which takes into account the
beverage variety as well as the number of interviewees and produces an overall diversity of the
beverages in relation to each individual community. The variation in this particular group of
drinks is especially important in displaying the level of acculturation experienced by the
communities, as these beverages have held significant roles in traditional ceremonies (religious
and spiritual) and special occasions (birthdays and anniversaries).
Within the Ngöbe population, chicha and cacao are utilized for ceremonies and
celebrations with frequencies of 100.0% and 60.0% respectively. As no other beverage was
mentioned as reserving a special role, the percentages determined in this study of chicha and
cacao are in conjunction with previous research findings of the traditional beverages of this
community during special occasions or ceremonies. The chicha is prepared by grinding
germinated corn seeds and adding the grind to water and sugar for a four-day fermentation
process while cacao is prepared by roasting and grinding the cacao seeds into a paste and
adding the paste to water and sugar. In addition, it is important to note that chicha is consumed
more or less by the majority of the Ngöbe population as well as the fact that this community has
the lowest Simpson’s diversity of drinks consumed during special occasions as compared to all
other communities at a value of 0.529 (Appendix III). This value demonstrates that there are
only two drinks utilized for special occasions and that those two drinks are widely known to be
used for special occasions within the community. Therefore, the Ngöbe have little contemporary
influence and retain most of their tradition as evident in the consistent use of just two traditional
beverages.
Contrary to previous research findings, the Boruca were the only Costa Rican
community in this study that did not mention cacao as a beverage used during special
occasions. However, 100.0% of the Boruca interviewees did state chicha as a traditional
ceremonial beverage, but did not refer to it by its traditional name, monsera. The preparation of
this chicha has retained tradition, enduring an approximately 22-day long process that includes
grinding germinated corn and mixing it with water, allowing that mix to sit for approximately 3-4
days, drying the paste in tamale wraps outdoors, and using that paste to ferment a mixture of
ground corn and water. This process is begun in November in order to be ready for the Danza
68
de los Diablitos, a traditional Boruca ceremony that occurs in December. Along with chicha,
natural drinks are utilized by 37.5% of the respondent population during celebrations. Digressing
from the traditional culture of the Boruca, soft drinks and beer were both consumed by 12.5% of
the interviewee population for special occasions. Although the Boruca do surpass the Ngöbe
with a 0.631 Simpson’s diversity (Appendix III), the Boruca have a selection of only four
beverages utilized during special occasions. Henceforth, while more acculturated than the
Ngöbe, this community still retains much of its culture as marked in the prominent use of
traditional drinks and the low rate of diversity present as compared to other communities, with
the exception of the Ngöbe. However, it is important to note that the Boruca did not mention
tibia or cacao, which were important beverages noted in previous studies of the Boruca, so it is
apparent that some degree of acculturation has taken place in this community.
Expressing more variation, the Chorotega consume a total of eight different beverages
for special occasions and have a Simpson’s diversity of 0.900 (Appendix III). This diversity is a
reflection of both the drink richness (8), which is the highest of all groups recorded, as well as a
lack of consistency of responses from the interviewees. Since the variation is high due to
incorporation of modern-day beverages for use during special occasions or ceremonies, the
acculturation of the Chorotega is represented. In addition, only 44.4% of the respondents drink
chicha (also called chicheme) made of corn at celebrations and ceremonies, which is not
notably higher than other less traditional beverages. For instance, soft drinks and beer are
consumed by 33.3% of the interviewees, displaying only an 11.1% difference between
consumption of more contemporary beverages versus traditional beverages. Reflecting more
traditionally used drinks, cacao and natural drinks are also consumed by 33.3%, while
resbaladera de arroz and coquela are consumed by 11.1% of the respondent population.
Resbaladera de arroz is a sweet drink prepared from rice, barley, cinnamon, cinnamon sticks,
evaporated milk, sugar, and vanilla extract all mixed together. Though mentioned as a drink
used for ceremonies due to tradition, the preparation of coquela was unknown to the
interviewee. Although the results are in concurrence with previous research findings with chicha
and cacao mentioned in this community, it is notable that in addition to these two traditional
drinks, there are a number of other beverages recorded for the use of special occasions. Due to
their small rate of consumption of more traditional drinks like chicha and natural drinks, and the
presence of beverages such as soft drinks and beer, in conjunction with their high diversity, it is
apparent that the Chorotega have become somewhat acculturated.
Regarding the Maleku population, there are also eight varied drinks consumed for
special occasions. In accordance with previous research performed on the Maleku, the
beverages of chicha and cacao are consumed during special occasions to uphold traditions,
though only by 45.5% of the interviewees. There is also a high consumption of the traditional
beverage machaca at 36.4%, followed by an equal rate of consumption of both traditional and
non-traditional drinks like soft drinks. Though retaining traditional consumption to an extent, a
0.869 Simpson’s diversity (Appendix III) shows evidence of a contemporary influence on the
culture as well. Having the third highest value for Simpson’s diversity among the six groups, the
Maleku show a lack of universal agreement of all beverages used for special occasions and
ceremonies. This is due to the fact that incorporation of modern-day beverages like soft drinks
have entered into the community, giving people more options and opportunity to stray from
traditional beverages, as well as the fact that four of the eleven Maleku interviewed are not of
Maleku origin. Therefore, the Maleku have developed a culture that both preserves tradition but
also includes a degree of modern-day influence.
Among the Afro-Caribbean community, there is a consistent rate of consumption for
beverages consumed during special occasions; the majority of which are only specific to the
Afro-Caribbean community. In accordance with previous research findings, natural drinks like
agua de sapo (lemon and brown sugar mixed in water), guaro (clear liquor made from sugar
cane) and jamaica (a herbal tea made from the Hibiscus flower) are consumed in the same
69
degree as the less traditional soft drinks, which reflects a high level of acculturation supported
by the highest Simpson’s diversity at 1.00 (Appendix III). Such a high diversity correlated with
only four different types of drinks signifies that there exists no overlap in responses among the
interviewees, which is a result of the small sample size as well. However, deviating from
previous research, the Afro-Caribbean are the only community to lack one of the most
prominent traditional drinks, chicha, with 0.0% consumption in the population. It is also
important to note that the Afro-Caribbean respondents neglect to mention the consumption of
coconut milk or coconut water, which is of considerable abundance in this community. Overall,
with the comparable rate of consumption of both traditional and non-traditional drinks and the
highest Simpson’s diversity as compared to the other communities, these results demonstrate
degradation of the Afro-Caribbean culture in the context of universal knowledge of traditional
drinks used for special occasions or ceremonies.
Following the Afro-Caribbean with a higher variety of beverages reserved for special
occasions is the Bribri. As the only community that states 100.0% consumption of both
traditional cacao and chicha and 40.0% consumption of natural drinks, it is apparent the Bribri
retain a large portion of their culture with regards to their liquid diet. Correlating with these
findings is the fact that chicha and cacao are prepared in the traditional manner. The chicha is
prepared by cooking and grinding the corn, creating mojozo. This mojozo serves as the yeast to
ferment another ground corn, water, and sugar mixture to create chicha. Chicha can also be
made from yuca, pejibaye, or plantains. The Bribri prepare cacao by roasting the cacao seeds,
mashing the seeds, and adding sugar and water to the paste. However, the Bribri also have a
40.0% rate of consumption for the less-traditional beverages such as soft drinks, which
contributes to the third highest Simpson’s diversity (0.812) (Appendix III) of all the communities.
Though only two of the five beverages listed for special occasions are of nontraditional origin,
the small sample size as well as differences in the number of drinks mentioned by each
individual are factors that increase the diversity. Therefore, the Bribri retain their traditional
beverages as the most consumed during special occasions, even though contemporary drinks
are slowly being incorporated into the culture.
Table 1-2. Percentage of the interviewee population in each community that mentioned
the use of these beverages for consumption during special occasions or ceremonies.
Ngöbe
Boruca
6
Cacao
0.0%
Chicha
Machaca
Soft drinks
Beer
Wine
Natural drinks
Resbaladera de
arroz
1
00.0%
0.
0%
0.
0%
0.
0%
0.
0%
0.
0%
0.
0%
Chorote
ga
0.
0%
1
00.0%
0.
0%
1
2.5%
1
2.5%
0.
0%
3
7.5%
0.
0%
Maleku
3
3.3%
4
5.5%
4
4.4%
4
0
0.0
0
3
0.0
9
1
0
.0%
0.0
%
0
.0%
2
0.0%
%
.1%
4
0.0%
%
.0%
3.3%
0.0
9
1
0
.0%
%
.1%*
1.1%
0.0
9
3
1
00.0%
%
.1%
3.3%
0.0
3
3
3.3%
1
00.0%
%
6.4%
Bribri
33.
3%
5.5%
.0%
1.1%
AfroCaribbean
6
0.0%
0.0
%
0
.0%
70
0.
Coquela
0%
0.
0%
0.
Ponche
0%
0.
0%
0.
Agua de sapo
0%
0%
0%
33.
0
.0%
33.
3%
0
.0%
0
.0%
3%
0
0
.0%
0.0
0
.0%
0
.0%
%
.0%
0
0.
0%
9
0
.0%
0.0
%
.1%*
.0%
0.
0.
Guaro
0
0.
0%
0
.0%
.0%
0%
0.
Jamaica
1
1.1%
0
.0%
33.
3%
0
.0%
* Indicates that the people comprising these percentages reside in the Maleku
community but are not of Maleku origin.
From Figure 1-1, one can identify which communities use which special occasion
beverages. For instance, from this graph it is evident that the Ngöbe, Chorotega, Maleku, AfroCaribbean, and Bribri all consume chicha and that Ngöbe, Boruca, Chorotega, Maleku, and
Bribri all consume cacao, therefore giving support to the fact that chicha and cacao are the most
widely consumed beverages for celebrations and ceremonies. This graph also helps to identify
the variation of each drink in the different communities, thus showing whether a beverage is
reserved for just one community or many communities. For example, from Figure 1-1 it is
obvious that the Chorotega is the only community that mentioned the consumption of wine,
resbaladera de arroz and coquela, while also having a wide range of drinks that includes cacao,
chicha, natural drinks, soft drinks, and beer. The range of drinks within a community gives
evidence to whether a community is acculturated or not, as the diversity of the drinks increases
with range, usually reflecting higher acculturation. Additionally, it is easier to recognize which
communities consume the nontraditional beverages of soft drinks and beer, therefore allowing
easier identification of acculturated communities. Figure 1-1 shows that the Boruca, Chorotega,
Maleku, and Bribri communities are more acculturated due to their consumption of
nontraditional drinks, even though the Simpson’s diversity of these were not the highest
recorded.
71
Total Consumption of Beverages Used for Special Occasions in Each Community
100%
80%
Bribri
Afro-Caribbean
Maleku
Chorotega
Boruca
Ngobe
60%
40%
20%
er
Be
tD
rin
ks
ai
ca
So
f
po
sa
de
ua
Ag
Ja
m
e
ch
Po
n
la
oq
ue
z
ra
R
es
ba
la
de
Na
t
C
de
al
D
rin
ar
ro
ks
e
in
ur
ha
ac
M
W
ca
a
ch
hi
C
C
ac
ao
0%
Special Occasion Beverages
.
Figure 1-1.
In general, it is apparent from the results accumulated from this research that chicha and
cacao are the most commonly used beverages throughout all the communities, as seen in
Figures 1-2 and 1-3. In Figure 1-2 of the entire respondent population, chicha and cacao make
up 60.0% followed by natural drinks with 12.0% of the informant population. The
aforementioned three beverages are all traditional drinks within the indigenous communities.
Soft drinks at 10.0% are the next most commonly consumed beverage throughout all of the
communities. Overall, traditional drinks make up 77.0% of all drinks consumed (chicha, cacao,
natural drinks, and machaca) while nontraditional drinks consist of only 16.0% of the whole
respondent pool. This shows that traditional beverages remain to hold precedence over more
contemporary beverages. The classification of “others” consists of drinks that are neither
traditional nor nontraditional to the communities; however this group is of little importance since
the percentage of consumption is only 7.0%. Therefore the information in Figure 1-2 indicates
that traditional drinks on the whole are consumed more than nontraditional drinks throughout
these indigenous communities. In addition, Figure 1-3, with each ring from the center moving
outward representing Ngöbe, Boruca, Chorotega, Maleku, Afro-Caribbean, and Bribri
respectively, displays a more comprehensive analysis of all of the drinks consumed during
special occasions, again showing the prominence of both cacao and chicha among the six
different indigenous communities.
72
Total percentages of traditional beverages consumed across all
communities during special occasions
Soft drinks
10%
Beer
6%
Chicha
37%
Machaca
5%
Others
7%
Natural Drinks
12%
Cacao
23%
Figure 1-2.
Consumption of Beverages for Special Occasions in Each Community
Ngöbe
Cacao
Chicha
Machaca
Wine
Natural Drinks
Resbaladera de arroz
Coquela
Ponche
Agua de sapo
Jamaica
Soft Drinks
Beer
Boruca
Chorotega
Maleku
Afro-Caribbean
Bribri
Figure 1-3.
73
When conducting any type of research, errors are always present and can potentially
distort results. With this research, there are a number of errors that have diluted the accuracy of
the research findings. For example, there were a variety of problems found with the sampling
population. All respondents were chosen on a convenience and volunteer basis, in which those
that were closest to the area of study and those that wanted to devote their time and knowledge
were the only respondents recorded. This negatively affects the accuracy of the results, as true
randomness is necessary to produce completely accurate results free of any bias no matter how
slight. Furthermore, due to the limited amount of time spent with each individual community,
there were only a few respondents recorded from each community. Specifically, the AfroCaribbean community had only three respondents due to their private nature and unwillingness
to interview and the Bribri sampling had only five respondents. Although these two communities
specifically have the lowest respondent pools, all respondent pools are under the recommended
thirty respondents needed for accuracy in statistical data, thus making these results more prone
to error and inaccuracy. Moreover, within the sampling population, respondents only volunteer
information that they wish to share with the interviewer, therefore omitting and forgetting
information on their own accord, whether consciously or unconsciously. This problem can be
encountered with any open-ended questions, which results in inaccuracies in the outcome. In
addition, another problem encountered was within the Maleku community and potentially other
communities when respondents who lived in the community were open to questioning but were
not of the traditional community background. This caused results to include those informants
who were not as knowledgeable of traditional beverages, which would potentially sway the
results to looking more acculturated and diverse. Though error was present during the research
process, the overall results still distinctly display the tendency of all the communities in total to
prefer consumption of traditional beverages to more contemporary beverages.
Conclusion
This study demonstrates how beverages consumed in a particular community can reflect
the importance of culture as well as the level of acculturation within the given population through
consumption of traditional and nontraditional beverages. This research concludes that in
general for all six indigenous communities, traditional drinks like chicha and cacao are preferred
over less traditional drinks like beer and soft drinks, though in each individual community this
was not exactly the case. This information is important because observing what drinks are used
for different occasions and how they are prepared is a useful way to gather perceptions on how
an indigenous community relates to its culture and surroundings as well as a useful way to
analyze the level of acculturation among the communities.
Appendix 1
1. ¿Qué bebidas toma Ud. todos los días?
2. ¿Prepara Ud. estas bebidas o las compra en la pulpería? Qué tan a menudo las
compra en la pulpería?
3. ¿Utilizan bebidas especiales en sus ceremonias y celebraciones?
4. ¿Cómo las preparan estas bebidas especiales? Cuánto duran haciéndolas?
5. ¿Por qué sólo toman estas bebidas en sus celebraciones y ceremonias?
Appendix II
74
Simpson's Diversity of beverages consumed daily among the six communities visited
1
0.9
0.8
Simpson's Diversity
0.7
0.6
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.1
0
Ng be
Boruca
Chorotega
Maleku
Afro-Caribbean
Bribri
Appendix III
75
Simpson's Diversity of beverages consumed during special occasions or ceremonies among
the six communities visited
1.2
1
Simpson's Diversity
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
Ng be
Boruca
Chorotega
Maleku
Afro-Caribbean
Bribri
Appendix IV
A cup of Machaca in the Maleku community.
76
Hurley (left) and Pollok (right) drinking machaca in the Maleku community.
Above: Cacao offered to the students in the Bribri community. Below: Pollok enjoying the
bittersweet taste of cacao.
Acknowledgments
We are very grateful to have had the opportunity to carry out this research
project. First and foremost, we would like to thank the Organization for Tropical Studies for
allowing us to participate in such an amazing experience. Helping with the translations of the
informants were Alvaro Casanova and Evan Groendyk, who assisted in making this project
possible. Additionally, we would like to thank the members of the communities who offered us
information about their culture as well as an unforgettable experience.
References
Castañeda. 2004. Species Diversity for the Cultural Domain of Wild Plants Used by Guaymi as
Food. In L.D. Gomez, ed., Ethnobiology Course Book, pp. 111-157.
"Chortegas." 2007. http://www.mcj.go.cr/cultura/chorotegas.html (accessed July 25, 2008)
77
Church, George E. 1897. The Geographical Journal 10 (1). 56-84.
Gabb, Wm. 1875. On The Indian Tribes and Languages of Costa Rica. Proceedings of the
Philosophical Society 14 (95): 483-602.
Koshear, Jeannine. 1995. Guaymi agriculture, forest utilization and ethnobotany in Coto Brus,
Costa Rica: An analysis of Sustainability.
Lefever. 1992. Extract from the book Turtle Bog (a view of the life in Tortuguero, Costa Rica). In
L.D. Gomez, ed., Ethnobiology Course Book, pp. 343-361.
“Malekus.” 2007. http://www.mcj.go.cr/cultura/malekus.html (accessed July 25, 2008)
Social and Cultural Aspects of Drinking. Social Issues Research Center.
http://www.sirc.org/publik/drinking6.html (accessed July 25, 2007).
Skinner, Alanson. Notes on the Bribri of Costa Rica. Indian Notes and Monographs VI (3):94-96.
Stone, Doris. 1949. The Boruca of Costa Rica.
Stone, Doris. 1977. Pre-Columbian Man in Costa Rica, pp. 85, 91.
78
WALKING A FINE LINE: ADAPTIVE MEDICAL TRADITIONS OF COSTA RICAN
INDIGENOUS AND AFRO-CARIBBEAN COMMUNITIES
Kennetra Irby
Dept. of Romance Languages and Dept. of Anthropology, the University of North
Carolina at Chapel Hill, 108 Country Club Road. [email protected]
Resumen. Aunque la sociedad está cambiando constantemente, es necesario que
algunos aspectos de las culturas indígenas sean mantenidos. Para este experimento, cinco
reservas indígenas y una comunidad Afro-Caribe fueron visitadas. Algunos informantes de los
Guaymí, los Brunca, los Chorotega, los Maleku y los Bribri fueron entrevistados para saber si
las generaciones jóvenes preservan los conocimientos tradicionales de las plantas medicinales.
Además este informe trata de la cantidad de plantas medicinales exóticas y plantas medicinales
nativas que sabe la gente indígena. Los grupos menos aculturados, como los Guaymí y los
Maleku sabían más plantas medicinales nativas mientras los grupos más aculturados como los
Brunca sabían más plantas medicinales exóticas. La gente de Limón sabía una igual cantidad
de plantas medicinales exóticas y nativas. Unas estadísticas básicas fueron calculadas para
determinar la importancia de los conocimientos que poseía la gente de cada grupo. La
influencia de la sociedad moderna influyó los tipos de plantas medicinales que los jóvenes
sabían.
Key word index: Guaymí, Boruca, Maleku, Chorotega, Afro-Caribbean, Bribri, native
medicinal plants, exotic medicinal plants
Introduction
In a country whose majority traces its lineage from Europe, eight indigenous peoples in
Costa Rica have fought to maintain their cultural richness (United Nations 2006). Focusing on
five indigenous groups and an underrepresented minority, this project will observe the retention
of medicinal traditions among the young adults of the Guaymí, Bribri, Brunka, Chorotega,
Maleku, and Afro-Caribbean populations in Costa Rica.
Because of its working relationship with the Organization for Tropical Studies and the
Las Cruces Botanical Garden the Reserva Forestal Guaymí in Coto Brus was visited as part of
this project. The Guaymí began migrating from Panama to Costa Rica in the 1940’s in response
to land shortages although they were known to migrate periodically into the Costa Rican
highlands. Within Costa Rica, the Guaymí have distributed themselves among five main areas,
four of which are official indigenous reserves (Castañeda 2008). Guaymí culture, which is
patrilineal, is deeply connected to the land. This is evident in the practices of farming, hunting,
fishing and gathering of forest resources to meet subsistence needs (Frances 2003).
Agriculture is one of the principal activities within Bribri culture as they principally
cultivate cacao, plantains, maize, and tubers. Living in matrilineal societies within the Upper
Talamancan Valley of southeastern Costa Rica, their territories are home to the largest
populations of indigenous people (United Nations 2006). Like the Guaymí the Bribri belong to
the Macro-chibchan linguistic family and are believed to be culturally similar. Bribri continue to
share their cultural internally and abroad by maintaining their language in both written and oral
forms.
Unlike the Bribri, the Brunka have not retained their native tongue. Despite efforts made
by organizations such as the University of Costa Rica, most native speakers have abandoned
the Boruca language for Spanish. Because no children speak the original Boruca tongue, it is
said to be moribund (Hill 2001). Despite the loss of their language, several elders within the
community actively pass on agricultural and artistic knowledge. Their most notable artistic
79
expression thrives in the forms of textiles and dance. Intricately woven crafts and the vibrant
celebration of “El Baile de los Diablitos” attest to the continuation of these traditions. Seated in
the southeastern section of Costa Rica, the Brunka actively reinvigorate their culture while
inhabiting only a portion of their original domain.
Once inhabiting Nicaragua, Honduras and Costa Rica, the domain of the Chorotega was
reduced to a single reservation in the province of Guanacaste on the Nicoya Peninsula. This
indigenous group accounts for merely 3% of the indigenous population in Costa Rica, making it
the smallest indigenous tribe in the country (United Nations 2006). The Chorotega have not
retained their linguistic heritage although they have maintained distinct physical features.
Besides physically maintaining their ethnic roots the Chorotega preserve their cultural identity by
crafting ceramics.
The Maleku actively maintain their heritage both artistically and linguistically. Like the
Brunka, only some of the elders of the tribe continue to speak their native tongue, however, by
establishing bilingual schools, the Maleku have tried to preserve their native tongue (Guias de
Costa Rica 2007). Though they have retained most of their land, the Maleku have exchanged
their traditional thatched houses, or palenques for modern cement abodes very similar to those
of Ticos (L.D. Gómez pers. comm. 2008). There are about 1115 Maleku living in the Guatuso
Reserve in northwestern Costa Rica but its population is 58.7% non-indigenous (United
Nations2006).
According to the 2000 census the Afro-Costa Rican or black population consisted of
72,784 persons, essentially 1.9 % of the total population (United Nations 2006). The province of
Limon encompasses most of the Atlantic coastline and is the home of the majority of Black
Costa Ricans. While some of the ancestors of those in the province of Limon were African
slaves, most emigrated from Nicaragua, Colombia and the eastern Caribbean, especially
Jamaica, in order to build railroads and work on banana plantations (Gomez 343). The AfroCaribbean population of Limon actively practices their cultural traditions. In regards to medicine,
as one local stated, “You don’t need to go to no doctor to get no medicine. If you understand,
you cure yourself” (Lefever 1992, 43).
Each of these ethnic groups possesses their own wealth of cultural knowledge. With
modernization, however, it may be that knowledge of living kinds is devolving. This project will
specially analyze the devolution or continuation of the knowledge of medicinal plants despite the
availability of modern medicine. Article 25.2 of the Sala Constitucional Voto 3003-92 states:
“La Sala entiende que el convenio, al dar vigencia a los “métodos de prevención, practicas
curativas y medicamentos tradicionales” de los Indígenas, lo hacen en un contexto paralelo o
complementario de los procedimientos o medios curativos impuestos por normas de orden
público en material de salud”.
This article asserts that all traditional methods of healing must be complimentary to the
public system of health. The existence of societal regulations such as this influence whether
medical traditions are transmitted from one generation to the next. This study will specifically
analyze the extent to which indigenous young adults between the ages of 15-25 are retaining
medicinal knowledge despite increasing governmental regulation of cultural practices and the
availability of health care. More importantly it will assess whether this preserved knowledge
contains a bank of native medicinal plants or exotic medicinal plants. I predict that the
availability of health care and the accularation of the indigenous group as a whole will cause
indigenous young adults to more readily rely on western medicine.
Materials and methods
In conducting this research project, five indigenous communities and one AfroCaribbean community were visited by students in the Organization for Tropical Studies
Ethnobiology program. Permission to interview these groups was attained by the faculty of OTS
80
prior to the arrival of the students. For taking the time to answer questions posed by each
student, the informants received offerings of rice, candies and oral hygiene tools.
The target age for this study ranged from 15-25 years of age though people outside of
this age range were also interviewed. After building rapport, semi structured interviews were
conducted using the following questions as a guide:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
¿Qué piensa Usted del sistema de salud en su país?
En este pueblo ¿qué se usa más, lo tradicional o lo moderno?
¿Qué piensa usted sobre la medicina tradicional?
¿Hay enfermedades específicas por las cuales se usan uno más que el otro?
¿Podría decirme unas plantas específicas y para que se usan?
¿Cuándo decide usted a consultar un medico en vez de usar hierbas medicinales?
¿Que piensa usted en el futuro de la medicina tradicional?
The responses of each informant were written by hand and/or recorded using a voiceactivated tape-recorder. The method of documenting the responses was dependent upon the
wishes of the informant. A Canon digital camera was used to document any plants that were
readily identified and available. While in San Vito any samples obtained by the researcher were
mounted and dried for identification purposes. Outside of San Vito, if a sample was obtained it
was taken to the director for identification purposes.
Chi-squared tests were used to statistically determine whether the hypothesized results
were verified by the experiment.
Results
Table 1 presents the medicinal plants mentioned by the indigenous groups interviewed
over the course of the study.
Table 1. List of Medicinal Plants Recalled by Indigenous Groups.
Common Name
Agua de pipa
Anisillo
Altamisa
Bledo
Carambola
Curcuma
Diente de leon
Gavilana
Gotas amargas
Hombre grande
Hortiga
Indio pelado
Jengibre
Juanilama
Limon agria
Linaza
Madero negro
Manzanilla
Menta
Scientific Name
Cocos nucifera
Undetermined
Matricaria sp.
Amarathus spinosus L.
Averrhoa carambola
Curcuma domestica L.
Taraxacum officinale
Neurolaena sp
Ambrosia cumanensis
Quassia amara
Urticaceae sp.
Bursera simarouba
Zingiber
Lippia alba
Citrus sp.
Linum usitatissimum
Gliricidia sepium
Anthemis nobilis
Satureja viminea
Native/Exotic
Native Plant
Exotic Plant
Exotic Plant
Native Plant
Exotic Plant
Exotic Plant
Exotic Plant
Native Plant
Native Plant
Native Plant
Native Plant
Native Plant
Exotic Plant
Native Plant
Exotic Plant
Exotic Plant
Native Plant
Exotic Plant
Exotic Plant
81
Michiguiste
Migi
Muda
Naranja agria
Nietin
Noni
Ruda
Sabila
Sabuco
Sorosi
Tilo
Uña de gato
Zacate de limon
Agua de pipa
Native Plant
Native Plant
Native Plant
Exotic Plant
Native Plant
Exotic Plant
Exotic Plant
Exotic Plant
Native Plant
Native Plant
Native Plant
Native Plant
Exotic Plant
Native Plant
Pithecolobium dulce
Undetermined
Undetermined
Citrus sp.
Undetermined
Morinda sp.
Ruta chalapensis
Aloe; cf maculata
Sambucus
Sena reticulata
Justicia sp.
Uncaria tomentosa
Cymbopogar citratus
Cocos nucifera
30
25
25
16
15
10
NATIVE
EXOTIC
11
9
6
6
5
2
Br
ib
ri
Ca
rib
e
4
Af
ro
ua
ym
i
Bo
ru
ca
Ch
or
ot
eg
a
M
al
ek
u
2
0
0
G
88
6
co
18
Ti
20
Names of Costa Rican Indigenous
Groups
Figure 1. Number of native and exotic medicinal plants recalled by Costa Rican
indigenous groups interviewed.
82
Name of Community Interviewed
Af
Ch
ro
G
uGa
o
-C
Br
M
ro
uya
Br
al
ar
un
te
my
e
ib
ib
im
ku
ga
ka
r
e
i
i
B
14
13
12
Exotic Plants
Mature Adults
Exotic Plants Young
Adults Native Plants
Exotic Plants
Native Plants
Mature Adults
Native Plants
Young Adults
10
8
8
6
4
2
5
4
4
2
1
1
1
0
00
br
Af
i
ro
-C
ar
ib
e
10
Br
i
ku
al
e
5
M
eg
ot
0
or
ru
nk
a
a
0
15
Ch
Number of Medicinal
Plants
Recalled Group
Name
of Indigenous
Figure 2. Number of native and exotic medicinal plants recalled by young adults ages
15-25 in each indigenous and Afro-Caribbean community.
Figure 3. Comparison of the amount of exotic and native medicinal plants recalled by
young (age 15-25) and mature (26-over) adults within the interviewed communities.
Discussion
By analyzing both the results of the chi squared test and the answers of the semistructured interviews the degree of acculturation among each community was determined. The
plants listed in Table 1 were initially recorded using the common names given by the informant.
All scientific names and origin were later verified using the collection entitled, Plantas
Medicinales de Costa Rica y su folclore or by consulting instructor Luis D. Gomez.
Many of the plants recalled by the Guaymí informants were native and could only be
identified in Guaymí. Because of time restraints and lack of translation, some of the plant
specimens could not be identified. As seen in Table 1, the scientific names of the medicinal
plants with the common names migi, muda, and nietin were undetermined. Because these three
plants were not able to be identified but grew wild within the community they were categorized
as native. Though Guaymi informants recalled twice as many native medicinal plants as exotic
medicinal plants, 100% of the women stated they ask their father-in-law, the local medicine
man, how to cure grave illnesses. The stark dependence on one individual illustrates the need
to transmit this knowledge. Presently, Alejandro has no apprentice but vows that he will “never
abandon his culture” and that he “will continue maintaining his culture” (Alejandro).
Brunka young adults mentioned thirteen exotic medicinal plants such as sabila (cf
maculata), menta (Satureja viminea), and juanilama (Lippia albas), all of which they stated were
learned in school. The Brunka school system has instituted a science class that teaches the
students how to identify and use various medicinal plants. In addition to knowing majority exotic
medicinal plants, high school students in Boruca mentioned that they preferred clinical medicine
83
to traditional medicine because of the presence of microbial diseases and viruses. Informant 4,
a fifteen year-old female student, said that she felt the clinic was healthier. Informant 6, a
sixteen-year-old female stated, “everyone is looking for the easiest thing and it’s easier to buy
medicine.” This attitude coupled with knowledge consisting of mainly exotic plants signals a
trend to the loss of traditional medicinal practices.
The Chorotega similarly share this trend and attitude. The younger informants from this
group mentioned four times as many exotic medicinal plants as native (Figure 2). One
informant mentioned that diseases such as cancer, high blood pressure and AIDS are becoming
increasingly prevalent within the community. This trend, she says “causes less people to rely on
botanical medicine.” These types of diseases also plague the Afro-Caribbean community in the
province of Limon. This minority, especially adults older than forty, however, relies heavily on
“bush medicine.” Unlike any of the other groups interviewed during this study, Afro-Caribbean
informants mentioned an equal amount of exotic and native medicinal plants. The chi squared
tests yielded no significant results for these interviews. Moreover, no subjects within the young
adult age range were interviewed for this study, though many adults stated that it is the
responsibility of the grandparents to teach the children, regardless of whether they express an
interest in learning the traditions.
Maleku informants share the belief that grandparents and parents bear the responsibility
of teaching younger children traditional medicinal knowledge. Informants from this community
recalled twelve times as many native medicinal plants as exotic medicinal plants. Also this
group had some of the youngest informants among the groups interviewed and each knew three
or more native medicinal plants. According to a thirty-eight year old informant, the only thing that
threatens their transmission of knowledge is the “lack of land in the hands of indigenous people”
and the agreement of The National Commission for Indigenous Affairs (CONAI) to pay for all
indigenous health care. The fact that many of the herbs that treat emergency situations such as
snake bites are “way up in the mountains, it is much easier and safer to go to the clinic.”
Though it may be easier to get to a clinic, this does not stop Bribri informants from
teaching children how to identify medicinal plants beginning at the age of four. Of the subjects
interviewed, each recalled only native medicinal plants (Figure 2). In the Bribri community,
however, people did not readily recall plants for the simple fact that they did not know the
names in Spanish. Additionally, no plant samples were taken from this community because
many of the informants gestured toward the mountains to indicate that the plants and herbs
were sought in the forest and were not grown near the community.
With the exception of the Afro-Caribbean community, all the results of the chi squared
tests indicated 98% significance. This shows that each community knew markedly more native
medicinal plants or markedly more exotic medicinal plants. Further studies should be conducted
to determine whether the preference of traditional over clinical medicine is related to the amount
of and types of medicinal plants recalled.
Culture is a fluid entity that depends largely on accumulated knowledge and common
present experience. Although a cultures survival depends on aspects of the past being carried
into the future, it cannot be expected of Costa Rican Indigenous groups to remain stagnant.
According to the results of this rapid ethnobiological assessment, youth of more acculturated
indigenous groups are more likely to recall exotic medicinal plants. This trend of recollection
signals diminishing knowledge of native medicinal plants and traditional medical practices.
Acknowledgements
For their patience and honesty I extend my sincerest thanks to each of the communities
we interviewed. I am grateful to Patty Kustron and the Organization of Tropical Studies at Duke
University for their financial support. I thank Maggie Wallenta and Steve Hutchinson for readily
providing answers to my many questions. I also thank the committee and anonymous donor of
84
the Undergraduate International Studies Fellowship for their moral and financial support. I thank
the Alpha Chapter of the Theta Nu Xi Multicultural Sorority Incorporated for their Theta Woman
Scholarship. Lastly, I thank Luis Gomez, Hector Castañeda, Lillian Smith, and Corin White for
their editorial eyes.
Literature cited
Alejandro. Personal interview. 23 July 2008.
Frances, Anne. 2003. “A study of Guaymí and Tico home gardens in southern Costa Rica.”
Masters thesis. Florida International University.
Gómez, Luis Diego. Lecture. 30 July 2008.
Hill, Jane H. 2001. Dimensions of attrition in language death. On biocultural diversity. Luisa
Maffi ed. Smithsonian Institute Press: Washington D.C.
Hoffmann, David ed. 1994. The Information Sourcebook of Herbal. Medicine. The Crossing
Press: Freedom, CA.
Guías de Costa Rica. www.guiascostarica.com/indigena.htm
Lefever, Harry G. 1992. Turtle Bogue: Afro-Caribbean Life and Culture in a Costa Rican Village.
Associated University Press: Cranbury, NJ.
Meléndez, E. Núñez.1986. Plantas Medicinales de Costa Rica y su folclore. Editorial de la
Universidad de Costa Rica: San José, Costa Rica.
Truhjano, Carlos Y.A. IOM.1992. International Organization for Migration. Indigenous Routes: A
framework for understanding indigenous migration. University Press: Cranbury, NJ.
United Nations International Human Rights: CORE DOCUMENT FORMING PART OF THE
REPORTS OF STATES PARTIES COSTA RICA. 18 August 2006.
85
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE SOCIAL PERCEPTION AND AWARENESS OF
DR-CAFTA AMONGST INDIGENOUS TRIBES IN COSTA RICA.
Alvaro Palacios Casanova
Department of Environmental Science, Policy and Management, University of California,
Berkeley, CA. 94720. [email protected]
Resumen: EL Tratado de Libre Comercio de Norteamerica (NAFTA por sus siglas en
inglés) tuvo un efecto mínimo sobre el producto interno bruto en México, los beneficios
prometidos por los impulsores del NAFTA nunca le llegaron al público en la manera de
desarrollo. Con el Tratado de Libre Comercio de Centroamerica (TLC), se han visto resultados
similares. Los resultados de la investigación dicen que la gente si sabe lo que es TLC lo que
significa que el público tiene conocimiento sobre TLC. Todas las comunidades piensan que el
conocimiento de plantas medicinales debe ser para todo el público y que sí existen peligros en
sus comunidades. Las respuestas para el conocimiento de plantas medicinales es significativo
por que el TLC contiene políticas que atañen a la privatización de plantas para medicina, en la
materia de propiedad intelectual. Deberían llevarse a cabo talleres que capaciten a las
comunidades indígenas a enfrentar mejor los impactos negativos que el TLC les pueda causar.
Keywords: CAFTA, NAFTA, TLC, Costa Rica, United States, Intellectual Property
Rights
Introduction
Free Trade is defined as the free flow of goods without tariffs and regulations from one
country to another. It is the opening up of international markets and the reciprocal trading of
goods with no restrictions and is also known as the “Free Enterprise System” (Neoliberal
economic system, United States Department of State). Free Trade emphasizes the private
ownership of property and natural resources (productive resources) by foreign investors. A
primary example of a trade agreement is the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
that was reached between Canada, the United States, and Mexico in 1994.
NAFTA initiated a tariff and quota free trade between these three nations, in hopes of
moving these countries in greater specialization and increase the division of labor (Delong
2006). Although this was the predicted effect, its outcome did not reflect this notion. The effects
of NAFTA on Mexico were detrimental and the majority of Mexicans are not doing any better
than they were 15 years ago in the domestic market. NAFTA only increased the gap between
the mean and median incomes. Huge subsidies in agriculture to states like Iowa, which produce
surplus corn and pork, have undercut corn prices in Mexico. This ends up hurting poor farmers
(Delong 2006). The shortcomings of NAFTA have been attributed to China rising as an
economic giant and to Mexico’s massive governmental corruption and low levels of education.
NAFTA did, on the other hand, improve Mexico’s GDP by an average of 3.6 percent every year
since it was ratified and their exports to the US have increased from 10 percent in the 1990’s to
28 percent in 2006 (Delong 2006). Delong (2006) writes that the northern part of Mexico has
benefited from Maquiladors, which are factories that are primarily run by women and are
notorious for hazardous work conditions and environmental degradation. The exporters have
become wealthy, but as Delong notes, not those working in the exporting industry. This has
brought to the forefront the main problem with NAFTA, which is the distribution of wealth.
The purpose of this study is to determine the amount of awareness of DR-CAFTA, their
social perception of DR-CAFTA, its possible impacts and possible threats to their communities.
86
The five indigenous tribes in Costa Rica that are being looked at are Guaymi, Boruca,
Chorotega, Bribri, Maleku and Afro-Caribbean.
DR-CAFTA
In 2002 the US and the Bush administration engaged El Salvador, Nicaragua,
Guatemala, Costa Rica and Honduras with the Central American Free Trade Agreement, which
also includes the Dominican Republic. This agreement is thus termed DR-CAFTA, collectively
known in Costa Rica as TLC (Tratado Libre de Comercio). After two years of talks, all the
aforementioned countries joined the agreement; and in late 2004 the Dominican Republic was
added to the accord. By June of 2006 all the countries but the Dominican Republic and Costa
Rica had ratified the trade agreement (Monitoring Report 2006).
Indigenous peoples and Ethnic groups of Costa Rica
Ngobe or Guaymi
The Guaymi are located in the South Pacific region of Costa Rica in the province of
Puntarenas (www.museodecostarica.com). The Guaymi speak their native language and some
community members speak Spanish.
Boruca or Brunka
The Boruca’s are located in the province of Puntarenas in the Boruca Indigenous
Reserve. The Boruca’s primary language is Spanish but they have been trying to recover their
native language (www.museodecostarica.com).
Chorotega
The Chorotega are found in the province of Guanacaste in a city called Gauytil. They
speak only Spanish and have lost most of their traditional ways of being
(www.museodecostarica.com). The Chorotega do not have a reservation and live in common
Costa Rican homes. They still practice some traditional artisan work, such as vases made out of
clay with beautiful traditional art.
Maleku or Guatusos
The Maleku are found in the province of Alajuela in the city of San Rafael de Guatuso.
They speak both Spanish and their native language and are the smallest of all the indigenous
populations in Costa Rica (www.museodecostarica.com). They have been able to retain some
of their cultural practices.
Afro-Caribbean
The community was formed from immigrants who came to Costa Rica to help in the
construction of a railroad. They have come from different parts of the Caribbean, from Jamaica
to the Antilles. They speak Spanish, English, Creole, and Mekatelyou. They are found in the
province of Limon and are only considered an ethnic group of consideration for the purposes of
this study not an indigenous community of Costa Rica (Lefever 1992).
Bribri
The Bribri are located on a several indigenous reserve, for this study the Talamanca
indigenous reserve was surveyed. They have maintained their native language and much of
their traditional practices (www.museodecostarica.com).
Rural Non-Indigenous
This community is comprised of rural Costa Ricans, in the province of Coto Brus in the
city of San Vito. The community surrounded the Las Cruces Biological Research station, which
many were employees or had family members who were employed.
Methods
In order to elucidate the awareness and social perception of DR-CAFTA amongst five
indigenous tribes in and one non-indigenous rural community (as a control) in Costa Rica,
interviews were carried out with individuals from each group (Guaymi, Boruca, Chorotega,
87
Bribri, Maleku and Afro-Caribbean and rural non-indigenous Costa Ricans). These tribes were
located throughout Costa Rica and all have different levels of acculturation. All interviews
followed the International Society for Ethnobiology Code of Ethics (1998). The survey consisted
of five questions (Appendix, table 2) three of which deal directly with DR-CAFTA and two which
surround their current living standards and knowledge of the environment. All interviews were
carried out in Spanish and when consent was given the interviews were recorded and later
transcribed. Other data that was collected included the age and gender of the informant. A total
of thirty-four interviews were carried out over a period of two weeks (Table 1). The data was
analyzed using simple histograms to elucidated differences in the answers given to questions
number one, four and five.
Table 1. Number of individuals interviewed per
group
Group
Guaymi
Boruca
Chorotega
Maleku
Afro-Caribbean
Bribri
Rural NonIndigenous
Number of people
interviewed
6
5
5
5
3
5
5
Results
Observations
General observation from each of the group gives insight into the level of acculturation
that each one has into modern Costa Rican society.
The Guaymi still wear the clothing that was given to them by the colonizing Spanish, this
may be considered traditional clothing as they have incorporated it into their culture. They have
retained their language (many speak Spanish), which is taught in their schools and still have
knowledge of medicinal plants. They seem to live in poverty as many don’t have television or
electronics. Their homes are shanty like, although one can find government issued cement
homes, provided by the government. The Guaymi eat traditional foods such as SAA
(phonetically spelled) or “bollo” in Spanish, which is mashed maize put in a leaf and then boiled
and drink “chicha” a drink that is also made from maize, water and sugar. In general the Guaymi
have very little acculturation, cars were not seen, they have unpaved roads, and very little
access to modern technology such as computers and the internet.
The Boruca have a well developed reserve, many of the homes visited were made of
cement, they have vehicles, radios, and televisions. They have lost most knowledge of their
language and only speak Spanish. They have no traditional clothing and have limited
knowledge of medicinal plants, as most of the medicinal plants viewed had their origins in other
parts of the Latin America. It seems that their only practice is they “danza de los diablitos” (the
dance of the little devils), beautifully made hand carved wooden masks, and the extractions of
natural colors from plants. Although some had nice homes, many of the Boruca seem to live in
poverty, which was deduced from the many shanty like homes observed. The degree of
acculturation for the Boruca was high, given the types of homes and the various types of
technology present.
The Chorotega are by far the most highly acculturated of any indigenous group visited.
They do not have a reserve, they have a paved roads, cement and shanty homes. There still
88
seems to be poverty like many of the other communities as they also have many shanty homes.
They all speak Spanish and no longer use their native language. They do practice their art of
vase making with ornate designs.
The Maleku have cement homes that were forced upon them by the government, which
has disrupted much of their traditional life. Even with this disruption many still speak the Maleku
language and still fish the rivers, and this has a great cultural significance for them. They have
few artisan crafts and have also crafted masks much like the Boruca, which may be because of
the notoriety and income that the Boruca have gained with their masks. The reserve also
contained a radio station, that was manned by a “blanco” (a white, which is a non-indigenous
person from Costa Rica). This leads raises many important questions as to why he is there
(over a Maleku), who pays him, and what type of information he is disseminating over the
airwaves to the community.
The Afro-Caribbean community in Costa Rica, although not indigenous, seems to be an
amalgamation of both Jamaican and Costa Rican. Lots of reggae could be heard, many homes
were made of cement and all seemed to have cell phones. One could hear them speak English,
Spanish and another language which could not be made out, either Mekatelyou or Creole. Their
community located in a tourist portion of the province Limon called Cahuita did not have paved
roads and their main source of income is tourism.
The Bribri are perhaps the least acculturated of all the indigenous groups interviewed.
Over 70 % of the reserve population speaks the native language and many of the elders do not
even speak Spanish. They live in a very isolated and remote area of Southern Costa Rica. They
still practice many of their traditional dances and songs. They have extensive knowledge of
medicinal plants, but compared to the Guaymi do not have any traditional clothing; this may be
an indicator of outside influences. Many of their homes were raised on stilts and made of wood
with some homes having thatched roofs, their community does not have any paved roads and
poverty seems to be more evident than in other indigenous communities as most of their
nutirion comes from subsistence rather than the store.
The rural non-indigenous community is comprised of Costa Ricans, they all lived in well
built cement homes and although relatively poor, were definitely better off than most of the
indigenous tribes that were visited, and the only exceptions would be the Boruca and the
Chorotega.
Survey Results
Question one pertains to the awarness of each group interviewed, if the informant
answered yes to question one, that meant that they had some knowledge of DR-CAFTA. Out of
all the indigenous communities the Boruca had the highest awareness of DR-CAFTA (N=5) and
the lowest being the the Afro-Caribbean community (N=2). While the Guaymi, seem to be split
down the middle with those being aware (N=3) and unawared (N=3) of DR-CAFTA. For the
most part all communities and tribes were more aware the not of DR-CAFTA.
89
Answers to Question 1
Figure 1. The number of individuals that answered “yes” or “no” to question
number one, by tribe and community.
Question number two had variable responses and was very open ended question.
When informants were asked about what they thought about DR-CAFTA their answers depened
on where they were situated in their community. If the informant was indigenous and heavily
involved in artisan work, most responed that it would be good for them and that it would bring
more tourists in to the area and bring more income to the area. These people also claimed that
they would be able to charge more for their crafts, because of “Free Trade” meant to them no
restriction and they would be able to set their own prices (which they do now). On the other
hand a young male Borucan informant who was only fourteen years old, stated that it would be
bad for his community, because DR-CAFTA would not benefit the small and medium sized
business as far a competition goes (his family owns a local store in the Boruca reserve). One
non-indigenous informant who was also a young male (17 years old) made the comment that it
was mierda (shit in spanish). An Afro-Caribbean hotel owner also made the comment the DRCAFTA would be bad for small businesses in Costa Rica. On the other hand many of the
indigenous people who I interviewed that were just community members responeded much like
those involved in artisan work in the it would bring in more tourists into the area.
Question number three was intended to understand the perception of DR-CAFTA and
the possible impact of the free trade agreement amnogst the indigenous tribes and local
communities. Much of the answers were variable, for the most part, but many expressed two
main concerns: one, that it would bring more tourism to their communities, and two, that it was
only for big business and that it was no good for their communities. These two notions where
associated mostly with those who were artisans or those who owned small business. It is
apparent that these two camps had miscontrued ideas of DR-CAFTA as they could be found in
the same commmunities. For example an informant who was a curandero for the Guaymi
mentioned that it would be good for his community because it would bring more tourism and
they would buy more of their artisan crafts and bring income. While one of his wives said that it
was only for big business and that it was a crazy idea.
Question number four pertained to Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) and whether
that should be soley for the community or for the public (Figure 2). The Boruca (N=4) was the
tribe with the highest number of informants anwsering that TEK should be for the public and the
Guaymi seem to be slpit again with half of the informants saying it should be for the public (N=3)
90
and the other half saying it is for the community (N=3). All of the communities and tribes felt
that TEK should be available to all the public.
Figure 2. The number of individuals that answered that TEK
should be for the public or the community.
Question number five delt with dangers to individuals communities, those who answered
“yes” felt that there was a danger and those who answered “no” felt that there was no danger to
their community (Figure 3). All groups besides the rural non-indigenous community felt that
there was a danger in there community. The Chorotega had the highest number of “yes”
responses (N=5) of any indigenous group, with the Boruca, Maleku and Afro-Caribbean being
the lowest ( N=3) (it must be noted that the Afro-Caribbean sample size is 3 informants). Many
informants expressed dangers in their community around drugs, the loss of their culture by
youth wanting to assimilate into the dominant culture and one informant notably mentioned
witchcraft as a danger. Perhaps this stems from the increase competition within tribes over
artisan products and sales. Another really common remark was illnesses that they had no cure
for..
Figure 3. The number of individuals that answered that a
danger exists to their community.
91
Discussion
So what does CAFTA mean for Costa Rica? Costa Rica will have to amend several of its
laws in order to implement DR-CAFTA, six of which pertain to intellectual property rights (Rojas
2008). These Intellectual Property (IP) rights are known as “Trade Related Aspects Intellectual
Property” (TRIPS), the main concern comes from the United States, in that Costa Rica’s IP
laws are not stringent enough to deter would be law breakers. In DR-CAFTA, one stipulation is
to make its laws carry harsher penalties, as the US Department of Commerce states, “The
United States continues to have concerns over Costa Rica’s inadequate enforcement of its
intellectual property laws….Costa Rica remained on the Special 301 watch list.” What’s the
issue? TRIPS brings to the forefront the stipulation in DR-CAFTA that affordable generic drugs
will not be able to be sold in any of the participating countries for at least five years (U S
Department of Commerce). Chapter fifteen of DR-CAFTA states the following,
“…the Party shall not permit third persons, without the consent of the person who
provided the information, to market a product on the basis of (1) the information, or (2) the
approval granted to the person who submitted the information for at least five years for
pharmaceutical products…”
This would delay the registration of generic drugs in these developing countries and put
the public health at great risk. Even though the United States has signed the TRIPS agreement
with the World Trade Organization that allows for developing countries to break drug patents in
public health emergencies (Hearn 2005), chapter fifteen essentially blocks that. Hearn (2005)
notes that health experts fear that this stipulation in the trade agreement would further plunder
countries that do not even have name brand drugs for sale and close the door for generics. For
Costa Rica Chapter fifteen puts its social well being in jeopardy, given that its socialized
medicine would be heavily impacted, such that government spending on pharmaceuticals would
rise from 8% to 45% of its national budget (Hearn 2005). This could lead to the privatization of
the health care industry as the trade agreement would also make the other government run
utilities open to foreign competition and would endanger welfare funding (Reuters 2008).
Given the results to question number four about indigenous communities and their
understanding of DR-CAFTA, which pertained to indigenous knowledge of medicinal plants, with
bio-prospecting, the outcome of DR-CAFTA could be extremely detrimental. Many of the
informants said that Traditional Ecological Knowledge should be for the public; this leads me to
believe that they have very little in depth knowledge of DR-CAFTA and intellectual property
rights and how their knowledge can essentially be expropriated and patented in the United
States. Another reason for their responses could stem from them not understanding the
question, which could indicate that I did not pose the question correctly or the language barrier
(not all of the g. This impact could be detrimental to indigenous communities that are notably
poor and rely not only on traditional medicine, but on western medicine and the socialized
medicine the government provides for free (Which was one of the biggest concerns for a Maleku
male informant and the only person interviewed who expressed this view point). This also
corresponds to answers from question five that dealt with dangers in their communities when
many mentioned that illness that they had no cures for were dangers.
Much of the information that these communities have obtained about DR-CAFTA comes
from television of the radio, both of which can be very biased. In order to create accurate social
awareness amongst these tribes and communities, workshops should be carried out in a
manner that is both conducive in an indigenous language and in Spanish and where legal and
specialized vocabulary are defined and chapter clearly outlined and have individuals who can
answer any questions adequately.
92
Acknowledgements
I would like to first thank Luis Diego Gomez for his immense knowledge of these diverse
cultures and Hector Castaneda for his guidance throughout my project. I would also like to thank
the ethnobiology class as a whole for their support throughout my project.
APPENDIX
Table 2
Pre
¿Usted sabe que es el tratado libre de comerció?
gunta 1
Pre
¿Qué piensa usted de el Tratado Libre de Comerció?
gunta 2
Pre
¿Qué tipo de impacto cree usted que el Tratado Libre de Comerico va
gunta 3
tener en su comunidad?
Pre
¿Piensas que el conocimiento de las plantas y el medio ambiente debe ser
gunta 4
solamente para su comunidad todo el público?
Pre
¿Existe algo que está poniendo su comunidad en peligro?
gunta 5
WORKS CITED
Delong, J. Bradford, 2006, Afta thoughts on NAFTA, Center for Latin American Studies,
University of California, Berkeley, Fall
Hearn, Kelly., Drug Deal: If Congress ratifies Bush's controversial CAFTA bill, pharmaceutical
companies will be in for a windfall – and the casualties will be poor AIDS patients, Alter
Net.com, http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/display.article?id=5764&page=2
Lefever, 1992, Extract form the book Turtle Bog (a view of the life in Tortuguero, Costa Rica),
Monitoring Report: DR-CAFTA in year one, A report by the stop CAFTA coalition, September
12, 2006.
Museo De Costa Rica, Grupos Indigenas,
http://www.museosdecostarica.com/gruposindigenas6.htm
Reuters, Costa Rica wins 7 month CAFTA extension,
http://www.reuters.com/article/politicsNews/idUSN2748968820080228, Feburary 27,
2008
United States Department of State, Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress,
http://countrystudies.us/united-states/economy-12.htm. 2003-2008
93
¿CÓMO LOS GOBIERNOS Y LA SOCIEDAD ESTÁN AFECTANDO TANTO LA
AGRICULTURA COMO LOS ASPECTOS CULTURALES DE LOS GRUPOS ÉTNICOS EN
COSTA RICA?
Viladys Rivera Reyes
Universidad de Puerto Rico, Recinto de Carolina. HC-01 Box 4003, Utuado, PR 00641.
[email protected]
Summary: How the governments and the society affect the agriculture and the cultural
aspects in the ethnics groups?
This investigation is about how the governments with their regulations and the society cause
impacts in the management and the use of natural resources of the ethnics groups, in the
evolutionary or impost way or just for the needs of subsistence. Like part of the investigation I
visited five indigenous groups and the Afro-Caribbean culture. The indigenous groups were
Guaymi, Boruca, Chorotegas, Maleku and Bribri. I had interviewed a total of 27 people. The
81% of them have crops and the other 19% does not have but live from the arts and crafts. The
22% of those crops are with commercial purposes and the other 78% was for personal uses.
Other thing is that only 27% of the crops use agrochemicals and the other 73% are organics
crops. Moreover there is no governmental regulation for those crops. With these investigation I
can prove that the community are preserving the agriculture but not like their ancestors. They
are substituting the agriculture for arts and crafts and the commercialization of mono crops.
Introducción
Este trabajo investigativo presentado a continuación lo que busca es conocer o hasta
cierto punto ver cómo el Gobierno de Costa Rica a través de sus regulaciones y la misma
sociedad ha impactado el manejo y uso de los recursos naturales en los grupos étnicos. Ya sea
de forma evolutiva o impuesta o simplemente por necesidad y subsistencia.
Para conocer desde un comienzo las comunidades indígenas y afro caribeñas a ser
estudiadas, comenzaremos por presentar sus métodos o sistemas de manejo tradicional de los
recursos naturales y la vida silvestre. Las técnicas y prácticas ancestrales sobre la
conservación y manejo de los recursos naturales de las comunidades encuestadas se basan en
la relación mutua de convivencia entre el ser humano y la naturaleza.
En un principio estos disponían del bosque/montaña (estos utilizan estas palabras como
“sinónimos”) para la creación de los lugares de producción agrícola en bloques dispersos,
rotando los sitios y los cultivos en cada temporada, entre otros aspectos. Incluso estos
aplicaban sus propios modelos de producción y de aprovechamiento de los recursos naturales
(por informe sobre el perfil de los pueblos indígenas de Costa Rica 2000).
Entre las comunidades visitadas se encuentran los Guaimí, Borucas, Chorotegas,
Maleku, Bribri y comunidades Afro caribeñas. En la actualidad muchas de estas comunidades
tienen colindancia o estaban establecidas en áreas que el estado ha declarado como
protegidas y de acceso restringido (según informe sobre los pueblos indígenas octubre 2003).
Gran parte de esas áreas son consideradas por las comunidades como parte de sus territorios
ancestrales y patrimoniales, ya que las mismas amparan recursos necesarios para la
reproducción social y cultural, y sitios considerados como sagrados. Al ser convertidos en
reservas lo que ha llevado es a la alteración e incluso desalojo de las comunidades, lo que ha
implicado en la perdida de costumbres, métodos alimenticios y la convivencia entre ser humano
vs ambiente.
Cabe señalar una breve descripción de cada una de estas comunidades para ir
familiarizándonos con ellas durante el proceso investigativo.
94
-Guaimí, constituyen un grupo indígena numeroso, de un movimiento migratorio
producido hace más de 50 años desde Panamá. Encontramos la comunidad Guaymí en
Abrojos en el Cantón de Corredores, la de Conteburica en el Cantón de Golfito y la de Coto
Brus en el Cantón de Coto Brus, todas en la provincia de Puntarenas, Los Guaymíes conservan
sus costumbres como trajes y tradiciones, en especial las mujeres. Su lengua es el Ngöbe,
pero algunos también hablan el español, por lo que se ha empezado un programa de
alfabetización. Combinan la agricultura con la cacería, pesca y la cría de cerdos y aves. La
artesanía se destaca en la confección de artículos de fibras naturales. (Museo de Costa
Rica2004)
-Guatusos o Maleku hablan la lengua maleku y el español, y dada la importancia de
conservar su lengua, se da la enseñanza bilingüe escolarizada. Habitan tres asentamientos: los
Palenques Margarita, Tonjibe y el Sol. Su principal actividad agrícola es el cultivo del cacao,
pejibaye, palmito, y además son pescadores de río. Trabajan artesanalmente, en la confección
de figuras, cerámica, artículos de madera en balsa, y arcos y flechas en madera.
-Los Borucas o Brunkas son un grupo indígena que se encuentra localizado en la
Reserva Indígena de Boruca, formada por varias comunidades el Centro de Boruca, Rey Curré,
asentada en la carretera Interamericana Sur. Conservan muy pocos rasgos de su etnia, Tienen
una economía campesina, su agricultura es de granos básicos, teniendo además cría de
cerdos y ganado. Su expresión artesanal es de tejidos. También trabajan las jícaras con su
estilo propio.
-Bribris, constituyen uno de los más numerosos. Están localizados en las Reservas
Indígenas de Salitre y Cabagra en el cantón de Buenos Aires, Pacífico Sur, en la Provincia de
Puntarenas y al norte de la Reserva Indígena de Talamanca. El Bibrí, conserva su lengua en
forma oral y en su escritura. Su actividad más importante es la agricultura, de cacao y el
plátano, aunque también se cultivan maíz, frijoles y tubérculos. Crían cerdos, cazan aves y
pescan. Se especializan en la cestería y la fabricación de instrumentos musicales, utilizando
elementos naturales.
-Chorotegas, se han reducido a un pequeño asentamiento en la localidad de Matambú,
en el Cantón de Hojancha, en la provincia de Guanacaste. Este es otro ejemplo de la influencia
del medio rural campesino. Ya perdieron su lenguaje, sólo hablan español. Se dedican a la
agricultura, cultivando granos básicos, hortalizas y frutas, también han desarrollado la
apicultura. Mantienen la identidad étnica y protegen sus costumbres y tradiciones, como la
producción de cerámica de barro de olla.
-Afro caribeños, se encuentran en la provincia de Limón, especialmente en el área de
Cahuita. Los mismos cuentan con una historia muy particular de inmigrantes de Jamaica,
Trinidad y otras islas de las Antillas, los cuales vinieron como trabajadores para el 1880-1940
para la construcción del ferrocarril desde San José hasta Puerto Limón. Actualmente estos
viven del turismo, producción de artesanías y la pesca.
Desde el marco legal podemos decir que existe en Costa Rica uno favorable para el
reconocimiento de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas, especialmente considerando el
reconocimiento a la territorialidad, expuesto en la Ley Indígena desde 1977, y del derecho
consuetudinario, expuesto en el Convenio 169 de la OIT (adoptado por Costa Rica en 1992), el
cual tiene rango normativo constitucional. Sin embargo, el reconocimiento efectivo de los
derechos de los pueblos indígenas ha quedado, la mayoría de las veces, en el papel y ha
existido una desaplicación legal casi sistemática por parte del Estado, pues las instituciones
públicas y los mismos tribunales de justicia actúan y resuelven desconociendo estos
instrumentos jurídicos. Por lo que entonces nos debemos cuestionar, ¿Cómo los gobiernos y la
sociedad están afectando tanto la agricultura como los aspectos culturales de los grupos
étnicos?
95
Materiales y Métodos
Los métodos que serán utilizados durante la investigación serán a través de entrevistas, la
cual está compuesta por las siguientes preguntas:
1. Edad_____
Género_____
2. ¿Tipo de cultivos que utilizan, como huertos o hacen uso directo del bosque o las
montañas?
3. De hacer uso de huertos, ¿utilizan agroquímicos o la quema para la siembra de los
mismos?
4. ¿Hay alguna regulación por parte del gobierno o de la misma comunidad en cuanto al
uso de los recursos naturales y su manejo?
5. ¿Cómo esto ha afectado o contribuido a la comunidad?
6. ¿Qué tipo de cambios en cuanto a los alimentos has notado al pasar de los años en la
comunidad?
7. ¿Cómo han manejado estos cambios para poder preservar las costumbres y tradiciones
de la comunidad?
8. ¿Desde qué edades comienzan a llevar a los niños a los campos y les enseñan su
importancia?
9. ¿Quién decide cuanta área pueden utilizar para cultivo?
10. ¿Qué piensa del CONAI?
Por lo que se espera conocer de una forma más clara y detallada los tipos de cultivos que
estos poseen, si los mismo tienen alguna relación con sus antepasados y sobre todo como el
gobierno influye e interviene tanto directa como indirectamente a los grupos étnicos.
Resultados y Discusión
Comunidad Guaymí
La que tuvimos la oportunidad de visitar fue la comunidad de Coto Brus, en la cual Don
Alejandro Palacios es el médico y líder de la comunidad y Doña María su esposa es la líder de
la producción de artesanías. Don Alejandro como parte de ser médico y líder de la comunidad
hace uso de sus alrededores para el cultivo de plantas medicinales y de plantas para consumo.
Este lo hace de una manera natural sin añadir ningún tipo de pesticida o agroquímico, -“debido
a que el fruto tiene mucho mejor sabor y son más efectivos al ser mantenidos de forma
natural”-. Don Alejandro también me explico que estos establecen cuanto terreno utilizar para
cultivo, ya que el gobierno simplemente les da los lotes para la construcción de hogares y en
algunos casos las casas pre-construidas y nada más. Además de que me hizo el acercamiento
que lo único que ellos necesitan son ayudas monetarias, debido a que no reciben ningún tipo
de ayuda por parte de las organizaciones pro indígenas que existen en Costa Rica. Don
Alejandro asegura haber escuchado sobre algunas de ellas como por ejemplo el CONAI, pero
este prefiere no involucrarse directamente con ellos, ya que desde su punto de vista estos
están atropellando los derechos de los indígenas y solo buscan lucrarse ellos.
Por otra parte tuve la oportunidad de entrevistar a otros integrantes de la comunidad y solo
el 50% dicen utilizar agroquímicos en sus cultivos y que solo lo hacen cuando hay dinero en el
hogar, y mientras lo hacen de forma natural. La mayoría de estos cultivos son todos para
consumo personal de cada familia. De las cuatro personas entrevistadas en esta comunidad
solo Don Alejandro es quien tiene el conocimiento o ha escuchado sobre lo que es el CONAI.
Entonces ahí es cuando uno se comienza a hacer preguntas de si es cierto o no que están
contribuyendo con las comunidades de acuerdo a lo establecido en sus propuestas como
organización, pero eso lo discutiremos y los juzgaremos cada cual durante el transcurso de la
lectura.
96
En adición, los Guaymíes como comunidad han logrado preservar su lengua a pesar de los
cambios, además del programa de alfabetización que han implantado en las escuelas con el
propósito de rescatarla. Estos además de sus cultivos hacen uso del bosque para su
subsistencia, claro está, pero desde una perspectiva muy distinta a la implantada por los
gobiernos. Al mismo tiempo que estos hacen uso del recurso lo protegen, porque están
consientes de la importancia del mismo, de acuerdo con los cuatro integrantes entrevistados,
estos solo utilizan lo necesario, en cuanto a plantas medicinales y comestibles se trata para
permitir que se sigan reproduciendo las mismas. Entonces esto es una forma muy clara de
conservación. Por lo que deja muy claro que ellos forman una pieza importante en cuanto al
cuidado de la reserva, además de que los mismos conocen la reserva y en que partes
específicas se pueden encontrar los alimentos que estos necesitan y las plantas, animales,
entre otros aspectos. Como parte del hogar estos tratan de involucrar a los niños durante el
recogido de los alimentos y la creación de las artesanías.
Comunidad Boruca
Los Borucas o Brunkas son un grupo indígena que se encuentra localizado en la Reserva
Indígena de Boruca, formada por varias comunidades el Centro de Boruca, Rey Curré,
asentada en la carretera Interamericana Sur. Conservan muy pocos rasgos de su etnia, tienen
una economía campesina, su agricultura es de granos básicos, teniendo además cría de
cerdos y ganado. Su expresión artesanal es de tejidos. También trabajan las jícaras con su
estilo propio. El 80% de la comunidad vive de la artesanía, estos la están retomando como
fuente de ingresos para la comunidad, debido a la gran alteración de sus costumbres estaban
perdiendo casi por completo su cultura (basado en documental sobre la comunidad Boruca).
Esto los ha llevado a valorizar lo “perdido” por lo que se han unido como comunidad para
rescatarlo. Según documental sobre la Comunidad Boruca presentado en clase el 50% de la
vida de estos se encuentra dentro de sus montes y en su tierra por lo que se ha visto un poco
afectada debido a los desplazamientos por parte del gobierno. Debido a que ellos utilizan
plantas para obtener los tintes naturales para sus tejidos. Por tal motivo la comunidad se ha
unido fuertemente, creando una Asociación de Desarrollo, organizada por mujeres de la
comunidad con los fines de defenderse y hacer valer sus derechos, además de poder rescatar
su cultura. A esta asociación se le adjuntan 19 grupos comunitarios, los cuales se dividen las
tareas, como por ejemplo hay un grupo conformado por hombres que están a cargo de
mantener despejados los caminos y así sucesivamente.
En comparación con los Guaimí esta es una comunidad mucho más desarrollada y
organizada. La mayoría de los hogares poseen sus propios cultivos o huertos para uso
personal, al igual que los guaimíes ellos determinan cuanto sembrar y que sembrar, no hay
ningún tipo de regulación por parte del gobierno en cuanto a eso. De acuerdo a las entrevistas
se puede decir que hay varios tipos de cultivos desde los orgánicos hasta los convencionales.
De las seis entrevistas realizadas obtuve como resultado que 50% de estos utilizan
agroquímicos y el otro 50% no utilizan, los que utilizan agroquímicos lo hacen en su mayoría
para el control de plagas. Sin embargo un dato muy peculiar es que a pesar del desarrollo de la
comunidad el 99% de estos no conocen sobre el CONAI y si conocen al respecto no están de
acuerdo con estos debido a que ellos sienten que ellos solo se lucran de las comunidades
indígenas y que no contribuyen en lo absoluto con ninguna de estas. Como parte del proyecto
de recuperación cultural estos han añadido clases sobre las artesanías y fomento de la cultura
en el sistema educativo de la comunidad(Promovido por el CONAI según documentos
estudiados).
Comunidad Chorotega
Actualmente son un asentamiento en el pueblo de Guaytil, en el Cantón de Hojancha, en la
provincia de Guanacaste. Este es otro ejemplo de la influencia del medio rural campesino. Ya
97
perdieron su lenguaje, sólo hablan español. Mantienen la identidad étnica y protegen sus
costumbres y tradiciones, como la producción de cerámica de barro de olla, el cual tiñen con
colores naturales obtenidos de la tierra. Estos originalmente dependían de la agricultura, pero
debido al gran auge de la venta de artesanías estos han cambiado su modo de vida y la
mayoría ahora viven de estas. Por lo que se puede decir que han perdido la costumbre e
importancia de la agricultura. Prefieren producir vasijas y artesanías de barro debido a que es
más fácil y se obtienen mucho más ganancias. Por lo que puedo decir que en esta comunidad
los cambios y desarrollos por parte de ellos mismos han llevado a la pérdida de sus recursos.
Aunque por otra parte han pasado de generación en generación el uso y confección de la
arcilla para la creación de sus hermosas vajillas que sirven tanto para cocinar hasta para
decoración y las cuales tienen significaciones y diseños tanto zoomorfos como antropomorfos.
Comunidad Maleku
El Palenque visitado fue el de Margarita de las seis personas entrevistadas solo cuatro
de estos eran Maleku. Estos confirmaron que poseen cultivos para uso personal y que no
hacen uso de agroquímicos ni pesticidas para su desarrollo, además de que cultivan tanto
plantas medicinales como comestibles. Don Isidro quien nos recibió en su finca nos contó que
los conocimientos sobre plantas medicinales y culturales solo se les enseñan a los familiares
directos, aunque en las escuelas están integrando clases sobre tradiciones y lengua Maleku
con el propósito de mantener la cultura. Don Isidro y Don Adiel, de quienes más información
pude recopilar, al final del día note que coincidieron sus entrevistas, dejando claro que a ambos
los entreviste por separado y días distintos.
Ellos temen y están consientes de que sus costumbres y su lengua nativa se está
perdiendo, porque hacen muchos años llegaron a sus tierras extranjeros y a forma de trueques
le fueron intercambiando perros y manzanas por sus enormes terrenos quedando estos
desplazados inconscientemente en aquel entonces, además de que los jóvenes ya no quieren
aprender ni seguir la cultura, sin incluir todas las personas que están comenzando a vivir entre
ellos que no son Maleku. Don Adiel quien fue el primero en contarme la historia, dijo “que él
tiene su pedazo de tierra gracias a sus padres y por eso está logrando mantener a su familia,
tiene su propio huerto orgánico, más hacen artesanías para poder sostenerse”. Al día siguiente
Don Isidro confirmó varios de los relatos que ya había escuchado sobre la apropiación indebida
de los terrenos de los indígenas y como han sido atropellados por los más aventajados y al
igual que Don Adiel tiene su tierra por herencia de su padre.
Un dato muy importante entre las personas entrevistadas es que ellos están haciendo lo
mejor que pueden para preservar aunque sea un poquito de su cultura y su agricultura, porque
por la necesidad monetaria recurren a la creación de artesanías y abandonan la agricultura al
pasar del tiempo, pero sin embargo por lo menos las personas entrevistadas me confirmaron
que ellos están tratando de hacer un balance entre ambos. Claro está al igual que las
comunidades indígenas antes mencionadas el gobierno les ha ayudado proveyéndoles casas
pre-construidas, electricidad y seguro social, pero esto no es suficiente, como comunidad
necesitan satisfacer una serie de necesidades que antes era más fácil de satisfacer debido a
que hacían uso de la montaña, pero lamentablemente ya no la tienen. También como las
culturas antes mencionadas durante el trabajo estos no conocen sobre el CONAI, simplemente
lo han escuchado y sienten que nadie hace nada por ellos en realidad. Incluso Don Adiel
mencionó que el CONAI es una organización que se está lucrando de los indígenas y no está
de acuerdo en lo absoluto con ellos.
Comunidad Afro caribeña
Se encuentran en la provincia de Limón, especialmente en el área de Cahuita. Los
mismos cuentan con una historia muy particular de inmigrantes de Jamaica, Trinidad y otras
islas de las Antillas, los cuales vinieron como trabajadores para el 1880-1940 para la
98
construcción del ferrocarril desde San José hasta Puerto Limón. Según cuenta la historia a
estos se les pagaba con cupones de alimentos que solo eran aceptados en ciertos lugares y al
no poder conseguir el dinero necesario para regresar a su país se quedaron en Costa Rica. A
través de las personas entrevistadas pude notar de inmediato la gentileza y carisma de la
comunidad. Tuve la oportunidad de entrevistar a tres hombres y estos me hicieron el
acercamiento de que se está perdiendo la agricultura, que en tiempos de sus abuelos, todo el
mundo poseía y vivía de la agricultura, pero actualmente la mayoría vive del turismo y
artesanías y sobre todo de la pesca. Sin embargo los entrevistados me comentaron que ellos
poseen huertos frutales en estos momentos que los cultivan orgánicamente, pero que los
tienen porque los heredaron de sus padres y por eso los han mantenido. Adicional a esto me
dijeron que en las escuelas poseen programas educativos para los niños desde los siete años,
donde les enseñan cómo hacer huertos y los beneficios de los mismos. Por otra parte en
comparación con las comunidades anteriormente visitadas no poseen ningún tipo de regulación
en cuanto al uso y manejo de los recursos, obviando la reserva natural que se encuentra en la
comunidad que posee sus propias restricciones con el fin de conservar.
Un detalle que me percate tan pronto llegue a la comunidad fue que el desarrollo
turístico se está volviendo un eje principal de la economía y esto lo que está causando es el
desplazamiento de los locales. Factor que con el paso del tiempo lo que lleva es a la perdida de
la cultura.
Comunidad Bribri
La primera entrevista que realicé fue a Mariana López, la presidenta de la cooperativa
de mujeres que trabajan en la producción del chocolate. Esta organización lleva 17 años y está
compuesta por 71 mujeres, donde la mayoría e estas posee su propio cultivo de cacao
orgánico y las otras trabajan en la creación de artesanías. Hace cinco años comenzaron a
producir chocolate artesanal. El cacao utilizado se les compra solamente a las socias de la
organización, ya que el gobierno exige que estén las fincas certificadas cómo cultivos
completamente orgánicos. Una de las tantas razones que llevo a la fundación de la
organización fue la necesidad de hacer valer los derechos de las mujeres indígenas y por otra
parte el del defender su tierra, debido a que están llegando a la comunidad inversionistas
extranjeros que buscan comprar terrenos para proyectos mineros. Cabe destacar que en
adición a esta organización existe una Asociación de Desarrollo que trabaja directamente con
la comunidad un tanto parecida a la que hay en la comunidad de Boruca.
De las tres personas entrevistadas dos de ellas tienen fincas orgánicas y sólo una
posee cultivo convencional de plátano y banano, pero esta confirmó que utilizan pesticidas en
su cultivo debido a que los comercializan y cómo necesitan producir más en poco tiempo pues
recurren a esa práctica. Por otra parte el 100% de los entrevistados afirman que ellos
involucran a los niños en la recolección de los cultivos y durante el proceso de siembra, para
que estos aprendan y sobre todo porque en las escuelas les enseñan sobre la importancia de
los mismos. En cuanto a regulaciones por parte del gobierno no hay, pero si por parte de la
comunidad en un comienzo y sus antepasados poseían un “código ético” religioso, filosófico y
social que se encuentra en el Suwá o Siwá. El cual dicta las normas de comportamiento y
costumbres con respecto a los elementos de la naturaleza. (Libro Cultura y Conservación de
Talamanca 1997) Pregunte al respecto a los entrevistados a ver si aún era utilizado y ellos
dijeron no saber mucho al respecto pero que si saben que fue utilizado y que tal vez los
indígenas que viven más adentrados en la montaña si conocen más al respecto. En cuanto a
ayudas por parte del gobierno y el CONAI el 100% de los entrevistados dicen saber muy poco
al respecto, que si ayudan con alguno que otro detalle como por ejemplo, me comento una de
las mujeres entrevistadas que al morir algún familiar y ellos no poseer dinero el CONAI
contribuye con los gastos funerales. Y en cuanto a la Organización de mujeres llamada
ACOMUITA ahora es que el gobierno está comenzando a ayudarlas proveyéndoles
99
maquinarias para tostar el cacao.
Por otra parte los entrevistados me hicieron el acercamiento que en el tiempo de antes
la comunidad compartía lo que tenía y hacían intercambios por medio de trueques y ese tipo de
cosas y que actualmente todo a adquirido un valor monetario.
De las seis comunidades visitadas, logre entrevistar un total de 27 personas. De las
cuáles el 81% de estos poseen cultivos, mientras que el otro 19% no tienen. De esos que
poseen cultivos sólo el 22% lo hacen con fines comerciales, mientras que el 78% son sólo para
uso propio. Por otra parte sólo el 27% utilizan agroquímicos en sus cultivos mientras que el otro
73% son orgánicos. Sin embargo el 100% de los entrevistados afirman que sus hijos ya sean a
través de las escuelas o en su mismo hogar los involucran en actividades agrícolas y su
importancia. Además de que no existe ningún tipo de regulación por parte del gobierno en
cuanto a que sembrar y donde.
Conclusión
A través de toda la investigación pude comprobar que la mayoría de las comunidades
preservan lo que es la agricultura, aunque no como sus antepasados y si hay un temor entre
ellos en cuanto a la pérdida de dicha práctica. Ya que están recurriendo a nuevos métodos
para subsistencia como la confección de artesanías o comercialización de monocultivos. En
cuanto al gobierno no existe ningún tipo de regulación, en cuanto a que o donde sembrar, sin
embargo están influenciando en las comunidades debido a que están implementando el cambio
de sus viviendas por casas de concreto pre-construidas que estos les están proveyendo, les
brindan servicios de energía eléctrica y seguro social, los que ha llevado a la sustitución de
muchas de sus costumbres como por ejemplo en vez de fogones ahora utilizan estufa, entre
otros aspectos. Mientras que la sociedad local está ejerciendo un impacto en ellos debido a la
marginación que han creado y esto está llevando a los jóvenes indígenas a abandonar sus
costumbres por simplemente ser aceptados entre los demás, además de que todo está
adquiriendo un valor monetario y no como era anteriormente que se basan en trueques o
intercambios entre las mismas comunidades. Para futuros procesos investigativos considero
necesario el permanecer varios días en las comunidades y que se enfoquen en dos o tres para
que puedan abarcar mucho más información y sobre todo poder adquirir más conocimientos.
Bibliografía:
-Libro Cultura y Conservación en la Talamanca indígena, coedición Sociedad de Estudios para
el Desarrollo Rural Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia San José, Costa Rica 1997
-PERFIL DE LOS PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS DE COSTA RICAINFORME FINAL
Consultor: Marcos Guevara Berger, Juan Carlos Vargas, realizado en Mayo del 2000
-Información sobre los Pueblos Indígenas de Costa Rica como insumo para el
Proyecto Regional de Manejo Integrado de Ecosistemas por Pueblos Indígenas y Comunidades
de Centroamérica, Consultores: Edgar Silva de la Fuente, Vela Luz Salazar Espinoza y
Hugo Lázaro Estrada en Octubre 2003
-The Boruca Of Costa Rica By Doris Z. Stone, Cambridge, Massachussets, USA, Published by
the Museum 1949
-Notes on the Bribri of Costa Rica by Alanson Skinner, NY Museum of the American Indian
Heye Foundation 1920
- Ley indígena 1977
-Página principal sobre la Comisión Nacional de Asuntos Indígenas
-Enciclopedia Encarta Edición 2004
-http://www.museosdecostarica.com
-http://www.caminotravel.com
100
-http://www.wikipedia.org
Anexo
Definiciones
•
Agricultura: es el arte, la ciencia y la industria sobre el manejo del crecimiento de las
plantas y los animales para uso humano. En un amplio sentido la agricultura implica o
incluye el cultivo de los suelos, tanto para alimentar los ganados o cosechas de
comestibles y medicinales, vaquerías e incluso silvicultura o como es mejor conocido
reforestación. (Enciclopedia Encarta Edición 2004)
•
Agricultura Convencional: sistema de agricultura en el cuál se emplean el uso de
agroquímicos con el fin de agilizar el proceso de cultivo, control de plagas y reducción
de mano de obra. Dichos agroquímicos están hecho a base de petróleo, gas natural,
amonia, entre otros productos. Muchos de estos son activos e inactivos, los cuales son
altamente tóxicos y de larga duración. (Wikipedia)
•
Agricultura Orgánica: sistema de agricultura ambientalmente amigable que emplea
técnicas naturales para el desarrollo de los cultivos, sin el uso de químicos, pesticidas,
ni fertilizantes artificiales durante el crecimiento del cultivo, ni para el control o
prevención de plagas. En sustitución de estos se utilizan fertilizantes y plaguicidas
derivados de plantas, desechos de animales y minerales. Estos a su vez incorporan
métodos biológicos, como por ejemplo del uso de organismos para suprimir otros, con el
fin de controlar las plagas. Dichos métodos utilizados en fincas orgánicas aumentan la
fertilidad de los suelos, crean un balance en cuanto a la población de insectos y reduce
la contaminación del agua, suelo y aire. (traducido por mí de la Enciclopedia Encarta
Ed. 2004)
Building up hit Descomposition Using compost as fertilizer
101
•
Agricultura Rotativa: sistema de cultivo realizado en laderas, donde la
vegetación se seca rápidamente y tanto el viento y la lluvia contribuyen lavando
la capa fértil del suelo. Este se pone en práctica de forma secuencial o cíclica en
terrenos planificados. El ciclo de corte y quema consta de seis etapas: selección
del lugar, limpieza de la zona, quema, plantación, deshierbe y protección, y su
cosecha. Este tipo de agricultura se pone en práctica en áreas de bosque
secundario, y para poder llevarse a cabo depende en los requerimientos de la
fertilidad del suelo, entre otros aspectos. Lo importante del sistema es que no se
hace un monocultivo consecutivo, sino de manera intercalada o mixtos ya que
dan mejor resultado. Cabe destacar que la sucesión natural puede recomenzar y
muchas veces contribuye activamente al restablecimiento final del bosque. Este
tipo de cultivo no utiliza agroquímicos ni fertilizantes, ni se labra la tierra.
(Obtenida documento titulado, Panamá, alternativa para manejo de bosques
naturales)
102
TRADITIONAL AND LEISURE ACTIVITIES OF THE INDIGENOUS AND AFRO-CARIBBEAN
CHILDREN
Celeste Scott
Dept. of Biology, Clark Atlanta University. 223 James P. Brawley Dr., Atlanta, Georgia
[email protected]
Resumen: Esta investigación trata sobre los juegos tradicionales y actividades
culturates presentes en las comunidades indígenas y los Afro-caribeños de Costa Rica. La
información sobre actividades de ocio y juegos tradicionales fue recogida y grabada eu cinco
grupos indígenas: Los Ngobe, Boruca, Chorotega, Maleku y Bribri y de la comunidad AfroCaribeña. Comparando toda la información recopilada entre todos los grupos visitados, pude
notar que la mayoría de los juegos son relativamente los mismos, pero con pequeñas
diferencias en cuanto al tipo de música utilizada y los lugares en que los juegan. Las áreas
donde estos juegan no son necesariamente las mismas y es hasta cierto punto incontrolable
debido a los lugares y la geografía de donde viven. Algunas de las actividades culturales y de
los juegos tradicionales que existen en las comunidades son específicas de las mismas, pero
indiferentemente la comunidad que sea todos los niños quieren y desean formar parte de ellos.
Key words: Indigenous children: Broruca, Bribri, Chorotega, Maleku, Ngobe, AfroCaribbean children, traditional games, cultural activities.
Introduction
Traditional games and cultural activities that children do during their leisure time seem
present in today’s Indigenous and Afro-Caribbean communities. The Indigenous and AfroCaribbean children have traditional games and cultural activities that they participate in; by
comparing them to each other the games and activities of each community may differ. The main
objective of this research is to find out how the Indigenous and Afro-Caribbean children spend
their leisure time, what their favorite activities are, and traditional games that are still present in
their village.
“The Boruca Indigenous Reserve is located on the South-western Pacific coast of Costa
Rica. The community belongs to the family of the Chibchan language, yet the Indigenous
language is nearly extinct” (Hazlett 1986). The Boruca children are immersed in some levels of
traditional games and cultural activities that may consist of arts and crafts, such as masks and
weavings, designed for the Game of the Little Devils. It is a part of the Boruca Indigenous tribal
culture, not just strictly for games and activities. Some male children participate in the festival
and wear masks that are very colorful, but there are some masks that they wear that have no
color. Although the masks have no color, they look like they have more intricate designs and
carvings in them than the colorful masks.The Ngobe (Guaymi) Indians of the Coto-Brus
Reserve, originally from Panama, are located at 700 meters elevation in the Puntarenas
Province of South-Western Costa Rica. According to A Panama Forest and Shore, Natural
History and Amerindian Culture in Bocas del Toro, “the reserve is the largest Indigenous group,
and during the early part of the century the Ngobe population expanded and there were group
migrations to Costa Rica” (Gorden 1982). The Coto-Brus Reserve is found in San Vito seven
kilometers from the Las Cruces Biological Station. The Indian reserve’s hill and forest
communities are in isolation from society and lack modern culturalization. Most of the Ngobe
Indians speak Spanish, but they are trying to maintain the use of their own language, a MacroChibchan language. The women of the Ngobe still wear the colorful, traditional pollera dresses
imposed on them by the Spanish priests. It is also interesting that many of the women of the
Ngobe tribe of today have more than one child.
103
Although numerous children in the Ngobe village do not have the modern technology of
the present day, they still participate in their own games and activities as well as traditional
games such as baile and buerta. Buerta is a form of hide and go seek that the children play
outside. Someone counts without looking while the other person goes and hides. When the
person is done counting, he or she goes and tries to find where the person is hiding. Ronny
Velasquez states, “Balseria is the Spanish word for the most important social and musical event
in traditional Ngobe culture. It was a large gathering of men, women, and children from near and
afar for a pole throwing contest called krun” (Velasquez 1979). During the activity game krun,
people would compete to see how far they could through the pole against their opponent. “The
Ngobe also have many songs that correspond to various activities in their lives and relate to the
mythology and history of their culture” (Velasquez 1979). These cultural activities still exist in
their present day lives.
The Maleku Indigenous tribe are in the Costa Rican province of Alajuela near San
Rafael de Guatuso. All of them speak Spanish and Maleku, yet some elders speak only Maleku
which is the original language. The Maleku Indian’s ancestors explain to us the origins of the
earth: “Our ancestors said that at the beginning Toku, a large stone opened - from that stone
came a person, he said you are the people Maleku. Toku also created a large bird, the Red Ara,
the holy bird. This bird represents the symbol of my creation, the Great Spirit in you” (Shaffer
1984). The Maleku children learned some traditional stories about powerful animals, such as the
jaguar (tigre, in Spanish), from the Maleku tribe that were handed down from generation to
generation. Some other traditional activities of the Maleku are art, painting, and special
carvings.
The Bribri Indigenous Tribe live in the Talamanca canton inside the Limon Province of
Costa Rica and the people speak the Bribri language. Carlos Ramos states in his report, “The
majority of the Bribri Indians are a Caribbean Talamanca tribe who occupy an area of about
3600 sq. kilometers in Indigenous Reserves of La Amistad National Park, in the Region Huetar
Atlantica, province of Limon. The Bribri lie mainly in the south and east in the Talamanca Valley
and the surrounding mountain ranges” (Ramos et al 2004). “It is believed that the origin of the
Bribri are from the tribes of the Tupi-Guaraní family and the Chibcha” (Ramos et al 2004). The
Bribri tribe have many folklore stories about how the Indigenous community came into existence
and there are also narrative stories like “The King of the Wild Hogs.” “It is about a king who is
white and good-looking. The king lives in an enchanted place and his doors are guarded by a
jaguar. The king is displeased when the Indians wound his subjects” (Pitier 1903). The Bribri
children are most likely taught the Bribri narrative stories.
The Afro-Caribbean community and their children have a traditional music culture that is
present in the group’s cultural activities. Afro-Caribbean people possess a mixture of diverse
cross-pollination between all types of musical styles. “In the beginning, Tortuguero was one of
many places in the western Caribbean and eastern Central America, from Belize to Panama,
where people of African descent settled. Costa Rica is one of the few countries of the Caribbean
region in which none of the Afro-Caribbean population were descendants of former Costa Rican
Slaves. The Afro-Caribbean history consists of the islands and coastal areas north and northeast of Costa Rica” (Lefever 1992). The Afro-Caribbean people speak Mekatelyou or
Limonense Creole on the eastern coast of Costa Rica. According toVenture into Cultures, “the
Afro-Caribbean children play ring games and other singing games that are a mix of European
and African influences” (Kuharets 2001). There are also influences of the specific games played
and cultural activities that children do on various Caribbean Islands. “The children are taught
stories passed down from slaves who came from Africa like Anansi the spider, Tio Conejo, and
certain types of dances like calypso. The children especially have fun because they get to dress
up in colorful costumes and masks. The Afro-Caribbean children have a rich tradition of dances,
stories and music that differs in many ways from the Indigenous children of Costa Rica.
104
Materials: Notebook, voice recorder, digital camera, pen
Methodology
The Indigenous tribes of Costa Rica that were observed for the Ethnobiology research
project were the Bribri, Boruca, Ngobe, Maleku, and Chorotega Indigenous tribes and also the
Afro-Caribbean community. The focus of my investigation was on the children of each tribal
group. I examined how the Indigenous and the Afro-Caribbean children spent their everyday
leisure time. The research specifically focused on finding out about games and traditional
activities that may still exist in their villages.
As we approached an Indigenous Reserve or community, I observed their houses and
the environment in which they lived and made a note in my journal book. At each interviewee’s
house, the questioning began by asking the parent if they had any children. If their response
was yes, I requested to ask the child a few questions for my research project.
Information was also gathered from the mothers of the children and teenagers about
what they did as little children. This information served as an alternative strategic plan if younger
children were not around, at school, or the person simply did not have any children. My
research consisted of random people: children, teenagers, adults (mothers). I asked the mother
if she could tell me what games and activities her child participates in. Other questions that were
asked in the interview were: what was the child’s favorite place to play, favorite things to do, and
games played at school? If the child did not have time to play then why didn’t they? Some
homes of women had many children, like 2-7 children. It just varied from house to house. I also
asked the mothers if they did not have time for a lot of leisure did they work at a young age and
why?
I asked the children, mothers, and older children, “teenagers,” in Spanish of their most
favorite activities as small children, favorite places to play, and different games and activities
they do during their leisure time. If by chance the interviewee did not have time for games and
activities, I asked them why. I also asked if the teenagers had jobs, and attempted to find out
from some interviewees how much television they watched. Another question that followed was
how many televisions were in their houses. Extra questions that were asked were are their
traditional games and activities in the village? After the participant responded, I recorded their
responses to the questions in my notebook. If permitted by the interviewee, I used my voice
recorder in case I didn’t understand their responses in Spanish.
From interviewing twenty people of all ages at the Ngobe (Guaymi) Indigenous Tribe, I
found that the most frequent leisure activities were playing with a regular ball outside, hide and
go seek, soccer, and jump rope (Fig. 1).
105
The least frequent leisure activities were cooking, sowing, crafts, jumping, being funny
or comical, and playing around the house. This data was true for only the participants that were
interviewed. From gathering the data from the participants’ responses, I found that television
was present in the houses of some of the Ngobe, but didn’t seem to be prevalent. When the
question about television came up, quite a few responded to having watched it in their home or
at a neighbor’s house. Some even appeared to have at least one or two television sets in their
houses. Another question that came up was whether the participant worked as a child. Many
of the Ngobe adults and present-day Ngobe children that were interviewed did not/do not work
as children, and if they did it was light work around the house. Many of the Ngobe adults and
present-day children were/are specifically under the age of eighteen. From their responses,
most of the children said that they helped their parents work in the house or in the fields. Lists of
the traditional games were recorded, but the frequency statistics could not be taken because
there was not enough information. Buerta, a form of hide and go seek, and some of the Ngobe
traditional dancing were the most common recorded. It was said and written down from the
interviewees that many present day children did not want to learn the Ngobe traditional dancing.
Some people were just not willing to do it. The most frequent game mentioned may have been
more of a preference of the particular person and depended on what was available to them.
Most of the children interviewed played the same games at school and at home. Soccer, playing
with a regular ball outside, and hide and go seek could have been seen as popular because
they were what most people would play or had access to. If the child did not like the certain
game, then he or she would find another game to play or activity to participate in.
In the Boruca Indigenous Tribe, I found out from the eight people interviewed that the
most frequent leisure activities were soccer, jump rope, and studying in school. Television was
also popular, but it has a separate statistical graph recorded in the results and discussion.
During one of my interviews, a young teenage girl told me that she had four television sets in
her house, and it seemed as though many of the Boruca children were influenced by television
and music. For example while in the village, I heard music from a few houses that were playing
Sean Paul, Daddy Yankee, and Mr. Down. Soccer fields were present in the Indigenous tribe,
and it is the national sport of Costa Rica. That means the game is popular, even in Indigenous
tribes such as the Boruca. Most of the interviewees that were asked about the games they
played said soccer was their favorite game to play. Most of the children also seemed happy
about being in school as students. Some responded and let me know that they enjoyed their
friends and the games and activities that they played.
106
The least frequent leisure activities that were mentioned such as drawing, dancing,
playing tag, and singing were games and activities that most of the participants did not prefer to
do when the question surfaced. The name of a traditional game was “Baile de los diablitos”.
Both of these festival days were the most common celebrations mentioned where the Boruca
community wears their colorful masks.
The most frequent leisure activities of the Chorotega were soccer, dancing, singing,
making crafts, and playing marbles. Many of the participants in the interview said they had
played soccer before, and it was clear that soccer was the most valued leisure activity in the
village. The Chorotega did have a big field for people to play. Many of the participants said they
enjoyed the simplest of games like marbles, and I also found that several of the women or their
daughters had barbie dolls to play with (Fig. 3).
Some of the least frequent leisure activities were studying in school, hopscotch, making
ceramics, playing tag, hide and go seek, not playing games at all, and working as a child. One
107
lady in the Chorotega community that I interviewed made ceramics in the back of her house. It
was interesting to watch her show us how they were made, carved, and painted, and she also
sold them for profit. I did not record specifically who she sold them to, but it was recorded that a
lady would come by and take the ceramics to be sold somewhere. In the village there were
many ceramic shops in which people made and sold different artifacts. The woman also voiced
her love for crafts as a little girl. These leisure activities were the least mentioned when it came
up during the interview. Traditional games were not as common in this community. Most of the
people that were interviewed did not know of any traditional games. Some mentioned jacks and
marbles, but that might have been something passed down in their family instead of the entire
Chorotega community.
Out of the ten people that were interviewed, the most frequent leisure activities of the
Maleku were soccer, dance, singing, swimming, and marbles, and television was also very
frequent. Statistics for television were made into a separate graph shown later on in the results.
Soccer was again the top leisure activity that was popular among most of the children
interviewed. They simply said everyone plays and they loved the game. Children also enjoyed
hide and go seek and dancing. I interviewed a Maleku teenage boy and he told me his favorite
thing to do was to break dance to Mr. Down and Daddy Yankee.
The least frequent leisure activities recorded were playing tag, playing with a regular ball
outside, listening to music, break dance, cooking, playing with Barbie dolls, riding a bicycle,
playing hopscotch, drawing, being a student, working as a child, and not playing any games.
Only one or two people said they liked doing these activities.
Most children of the Maleku Indigenous Tribe that I interviewed played a sport or
participated in an activity in the community. Many did not work as children, but helped their
parents if necessary. Some traditional games were marbles, jacks, soccer, archery in which
they have a festival day where people get together and compete against each other, storytelling
of legends passed down from older family members, hide and go seek, and singing around the
campfire were recorded.
The four Afro-Caribbean children that were interviewed enjoyed dancing, listening to
Caribbean music, playing soccer, playing tag, swimming, hide and go seek, and drawing. These
were the most frequent leisure activities recorded (Figure 5).
108
The least frequent leisure activities that were recorded were crafts, foosball, playstation,
playing with a regular ball outside, sleeping, being a student, riding bicycles, jumping, playing on
the merry go round, and participating in the Cahuita Festival:Negra Day. Traditional games in
the community that were mentioned were basketball, marbles, jacks, Cahuita Day (Negra Day),
storytelling, dominoes, and playing checkers. I noticed when the Ethnobiology group went out to
eat in a couple of restaurants they had checkers, chess, and dominoes for people to play while
they waited for their food.
The most frequent leisure activities mentioned by the four Bribri Indigenous children
interviewed were soccer, dancing and singing, shopping, hopscotch, making crafts, and
participating in festivals.
The least frequent leisure activities were swimming, playing tag, marbles, and playing
with jacks because no one really said that they liked to do these activities. The main traditional
game that was mentioned was the Banana fight which the Bribri Indigenous tribe would perform
109
in the river when the tribal group played the game. This was recorded from a young boy who I
interviewed. He responded in Bribri to a translator, and then the translator responded to me in
Spanish. This was because the boy only spoke the tribal language, Bribri. After gathering all of
the data from the interviews, information was recorded on whether watching television was a
popular thing within the Indigenous tribes and Afro-Caribbean community. During most of the
interviews of each group several of the children, teenagers, and adults responded to either
watching television, owning a television, or knowing someone who owns and watches television.
It seemed to be one of the top activities, so from gathering data it was interesting to find out that
many of the children from both the Indigenous and Afro-Caribbean community have been
influenced by television programs and may be losing the opportunity to learn their tribe or
communities’ traditional ways because of it. By interviewing the participants on how much
television they watched, it was interesting to find out that the Boruca watched the most
television out of all the groups. All of the people interviewed said they had a television or had
watched it before. The Guaymi was the least group that watched television.
Conclusion
From gathering all of the data from the interviews of the Indigenous and Afro-Caribbean
people and comparing each other’s data, most of the games and activities were relatively the
same within each community; however, there were special cultural activities that existed within a
particular community such as the Boruca and the Devil’s Game or the Bribri and their yearly
Banana Fight in the river. The Banana Fight traditional game was recorded from a boy in the
Bribri Indigenous tribe’s school. The teenage boy said it to us when the question came up. The
only problem was that he spole in Bribri so we had to have a translator say everything from
Bribri to Spanish to us while in the room. It ultimately came down to the preference of the child
and what activities he or she was interested in playing.
There appeared to be differences in the music played in the different communities, and
specific areas where the children liked to play, but the responses for questions on the favorite
places to play were more random. The answers were simply based off of the environment in
which the child lived, which in a way was uncontrollable. For example, I found out that many of
the Afro-Caribbean children liked to play on the beach more than the Indigenous tribal children.
That may have been because the Afro-Caribbean children were next to the beach and the
Indigenous children were farther away. From doing this research project, I concluded that most
110
of the Indigenous children and Afro-Caribbean children play the same type of games and
activities. In the end, it depended on what each child liked or preferred to play. The traditional
games such as playing with marbles, jacks, or storytelling were present in all communities, but
the festivals and the method of how they celebrated special cultural activities were different.
Questions:
1. How old are you?
2. What is your most favorite thing to do?
3. Which games do you play?
4. How did you learn about this game? Did you learn from your parents or a friend?
5. Where is your favorite place to play?
6. Are their traditional games that the children still play in the village?
Questions for Mothers:
7. What games do you see your child playing?
8. If you did not have time for leisure time, why not? Did you work as a child?
Questions for Just Teenagers:
9. What games do they enjoy playing when they were little?
10. Are their traditional games that the children still play in the village?
11. Do you have a job instead of having free time for leisure activities?
Literature Cited
Shaffer, Peter. Amadeus. 1984. Culture of the Maleku . San Jose. pp. 1
Ramos et al. 2004. The Use of Tropical Forests (Agroecoystems and Wild Plant Harvesting) as
a Source of Food in the Bribri and Cabecar Cultures in the Caribbean Coast of Cost
Rica. Bronx, NY: The New York Botanical Garden Press. Economic Botany 58 (1): 5871.
Kuharets, Olga R. 2001. Venture Into Cultures: A Resource Book of Multicultural Materials and
Programs. Chicago: American Library Association. pp. 12-15
Lefever, H. 1992. Turtle Bogue: Afro-Carribean Life and Culture in a Costa Rican Village.
Tortuquero: squehanna University Press. pp. 56-65
111
Velasquez, R. Max H. Brandht. 1979 . Guaymi Panama. Caracas: Multinational Plan with the
collaboration of the Historical Heritage Office of the National Institute of Panama. pp.
120
Pitier, H. 1903. Folklore of the Bribri and Brunka Indians in Costa Rica. The Journel of
American Folklore 16 (60): 1-9
Gorden, B.L., 1982. A Panama Forest and Shore, Natural History and Ameriindian Culture in
Bocas del Toros. Boxwood Press. Pacific Grove, California(pp. not available)
112
THE USE OF PEST CONTROL METHODS AMONG THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF
COSTA RICA.
Lillian Smith
Department of Biology, Oakwood University, 7000 Adventist Blvd., Huntsville, Alabama
[email protected]
Abstract: Insecticide is a chemical that has beneficial effects, there are also medicinal
plants that have insecticidal properties. Insecticides are often used to preserve agricultural
crops and even home gardens that could become affected by pest. Most insecticides are toxic
containing metallic chemicals for instance, lead, mercury, sulfur, and arsenic. Many
environmental issues have arisen due to the use of insecticide, which has cause, a decline in
pollinator insects. Over the past decade indigenous tribes have benefited from the use of
medicinal plants in many was. One way is by utilizing medicinal plants as an insect repellent.
This paper will discuss the use of medicinal plants and insecticide among the indigenous tribes
of Costa Rica.
Sumary: Esta investigacion es un estudio comparativo sobre los diferentes metodos
para control de los insectos entre algunos de los pueblos Indigenas de Costa Rica. Despues
de llevar a cabo varias entrevistas dentro de las comunidades de los Boruca, Guaymi, AfroCaribbean, Bribri, Maleku, y Chorotega.; fui capaz de entender como estas culturas todavia
ejercen cierta influencia sobre las generaciones mas jovenes dentro de sus grupos. El uso
tradicional de plantas medicinales es informacion valiosa no solo para fines comerciales, si no
tambien deberia implementarse dentro del sistema escolar costarricense.
Tambien logre entender las similitudes dentro de las culturas indigenas del pueblo de
Costa Rica comparadas con otras culturas del mundo, permitiendome identificarme con la
juventud de estos grupos indigenas, ya que formo parte de la comunidad afro Americana de los
Estados Unidos. Sin embargo, encuentro que la pregunta mas dificil de responder es: ¿Como
podrian los indigenas de Costa Rica conservar su conocimiento del uso tradicional de las
plantas medicinales? Personalmente, despues de haber aprendido el uso de la Citronella como
insecticida, voy a plantar alguna de estas plantas alrededor de mi casa.
Key Word Index: Repellent, Zancudos, Boruca, Guaymi, Afro-Caribbean, Bribri,
Maleku, and Chorotega.
Introduction
Costa Rica is a country that contains a vast ecosystem of plants and animals. The
interactions between species of Costa Rica's highland forests are equally rich and complex.
Even habitats that have been extensively modified by humans, such as pastures, gardens and
yards (Wheelwright, 1999). Costa Rica protects nearly 26% of its territory with national parks
and private preserves, and holds around 6% of the world's bio-diversity, spread in twelve
tropical habitats that range from the tropical dry forests in the north, to the densely wet
rainforests in the south (Newton, 2002-2003). Over the past two decades, research on Costa
Rican mountain forests has increased considerably, focusing on issues such as forest
biodiversity and biogeography, forest dynamics, forest recovery and restoration following
clearing, plant community ecology, ecosystem and vegetation mapping and monitoring,
sustainable forest and land management, non-timber forest products and ethnobotany,
ecotourism, conservation and development (Price, 2000).
113
Costa Rica has twenty-two indigenous reserves, the government first set the reserves in
1971 and banned any settlement or development by non-indigenous people. set the reserves in
1971 and banned any settlement or development by non-indigenous people. The research
reported in this paper is on Boruca, Guaymi, Bribri, Maleku indigenous people, the selfappointed Chorotega and the Afro-caribbean community. Despite the law, non-Indians have
invaded several reserves, clearing the land for livestock and crops and prospecting for minerals
(Streissguth, 2004).
The Boruca reservation follows the river northward on both sides to a short distance
above Curre. This territory includes the section of the Changuena River on the east, and most of
the Cordillera Bruquena, which is the Maritime Range, on the west and east (Library of
Congress, 1985). The Boruca tribe has about 2,000 members, most of whom live on a
reservation in the Puntarenas Province in southwestern Costa Rica. They live on the Reserve
Boruca or the neighboring indigenous reserve of Rey Curré. The Boruca language is nearly
extinct, having only six elderly terminal speakers surviving, who speak the language fluently.
There exist 30 to 35 non-fluent speakers. It is also notable that the language is taught to the
children who attend the local school. The main language in Boruca is Spanish. It is the native
language and the only one spoken by the vast majority of the population (Morales).
The Guaymi reservation is located in the rugged hills and mountains of Coto Brus, Costa
Rica. Formerly, their territory was greater in extent. Today they occupy an area of about 2500
square miles and number about 36,000 (Young, 1971). The Guaymi are the largest indigenous
group in Panama (Gordon, 1982). During the early part of this century, Guaymi population
expansions included emigration to Costa Rica where they settled in 3 separate areas: 1) the
Coto-Brus Reserve, 2) the Abrojos- Montezuma Reserve and 3) the Conte-Boruca Reserve
(Ocampo, 1980) (Vargas, 1981). Guaymi migrants to Pacific slope savannas in Panama and
Costa Rica have lost certain horticultural traditions. However, forest-dwelling Guaymi in the
Bocas del Toro Province (Young, 1971)(Gordon, 1982) and in other large forested arrears, such
as the Coto-Brus Region, have retained more traditional horticultural practices (Hazlett, 1986).
There are several African-derived populations in the Caribbean and in Latin America
(Madrigal, 2006). However, most of the 75,000-100,000 Afro-Caribbean’s currently living in
Costa Rica are not the descendents of slaves. Rather, they are descendants of late-nineteenth
and early-twentieth century arrivals of Jamaica, San Andres, Panama and Nicaragua. Included
among the arrivals from Nicaragua are the Miskitu and Black Carib Indians. Garifuna (formally
called Black Carib), are an Afro-Indian group whom are descendants of the Carib Indians who
occupied the Lesser Antilles at the time of Columbus, and of Africans brought to the Antilles
during the Seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Very few books have been written on the
history of Afro-Caribbean’s, currently Costa Rica is attempting to incorporate more AfroCaribbean history and culture into the school curriculum (Lefever).
The Maleku are an indigenous tribe in Costa Rica located north of the town Guatuso.
Today they are mostly farmers who grow corn and a type of root called tiquisqui. Until a few
generations ago, Maleku strolled through San Rafael wearing clothes made of cured tree bark,
called tana. Maleku take great pride in their heritage. All continue to speak their native dialect
(Garcia-Serrano, 2004)
The majority of the Bribri occupy an area of about 3600km2 in the indigenous reserve of
La Amistad National Park, in the Atlantic Region, province of Limon. The Bribri lie mainly in the
south and east in the Talamanca Valley and the surrounding mountains ranges. The Bribri
believe that the environment is organized in a hierarchy similar to their social system (Wille,
1972). The earth and everything it contains, people, plants, animals, stones and the sub-soil,
belongs to BkubLu, the master spirit, who lives in depths of the Kamuk hill (Wille, 1977) (Wille,
1986) (Gabb, 1981) (Library of Congress, 1985). The use of plants and the rules and restrictions
limiting the use of plants depend on this relationship. According to the traditional beliefs of the
Bribri, the environment is divided in two parts, which can be divided as the “near-shape of
114
landscape” and the “far-natural, primary forest space” (Denevan, 1976)
Arthopods pose many problems for indigenous Costa Ricans, hindering the Costa
Ricans from completing many household chores and farm work. An Arthropod is an animal with
a hard, outer skeleton and a jointed body and limbs. Arthropods make up a phylum of
invertebrates that includes insects, such as ants, beetles, and butterflies; crustaceans, such as
lobsters, shrimps, and crabs; and arachnids, including scorpions, spiders, and ticks. In terms of
sheer numbers and the variety of niches they fill, arthropods are the most successful animals on
Earth. In Latin America mosquitos have been know to carry Dengue fever (Encarta,2008),
malaria, leishmania and chagas.
Dengue fever is a disease of worldwide distribution caused by four serotypes of the
dengue flavivirus. Serious, sometimes fatal complications of dengue fever are dengue
hemorrhagic fever and dengue shock syndrome. In recent years, large epidemics of this virus
have swept the Caribbean and Central America (Bozzoli,1986). Indigenous peoples faced an
even greater threat than armed invasion—disease. Within 100 years, the estimated total
Indigenous populations dropped from up to 150 million (before European invasion in 1492) to 11
million (Denevan,1976)(Tudela,1990) (Wrong,1965) (Whitemore,1996). This massive
demographic collapse was mainly due to foreign bacterial and viral diseases introduced by
Europeans. Smallpox and measles were among the most deadly diseases introduced,
(Whitemore,1996) but influenza, yellow fever, and typhus also arrived during this time.
The opportunity for controlling a disease either directly or indirectly depends on the
relationships among the disease-producing organism, the environment, and humans
(Joralenmon,2008). Over the past decades health care provided to Indian reserve has improved
however prevention is key to conservation. Few reports of Dengue fever amongst indigenous
people have been reported. This causes one to wonder what the indigenous tribes know that
urban Costa Rican do not. Knowledge that is passed down from generation to generation about
the use of medicinal plants for insecticidal purposes has proven successful but more indigenous
youth are seeking new and quick ways to prevent arthropods, and dengue mosquitoes from
hindering their life. This report is on how the use of medicinal plants and insecticide varies
among the indigenous tribes of Costa Rica.
Material and Methods
The fieldwork was conducted on the Indian reserves of Boruca reservation in
Puntarenas providence in southwest Costa Rica and on the Guaymi reservation in Coto Brus,
Costa Rica. The Maleku reside on the Tongibe reservation on the plain at the foot of Volcan
Tenorio (Baker,2007). The Afro-Caribbean’s are located in the slow paced town of Cahuita,
south of Limon and north of Puerto Viejo. The Bribri reside south of Puerto Limon on the
Talamanca indigenous reserve. The self-appointed Chorotega are located in the providence of
Guanacaste near the town of La Fortuna.
Field trips took place weekly to the various indigenous tribes. Random interviews were
conduced amongst the indigenous people. The interviewees were asked questions (see
appendix 1) regarding the type of arthropods, snakes, and rodents that are bothersome, what
and how they use the product to keep the arthropods, snakes and rodents away and where do
they obtain the product.
With permission, a pocket recorder was used to record the answers more accuracy
otherwise interview answers were recorded in a notebook during or after the interview. Plant
samples were taken with consent and a camera was used to capture the samples if plants
samples could not be obtained.
115
Results
B riB ri
Afro‐caribbean
Medicinal P lants
Maleku
Insectide C horotega
T ermite Mound
B oruca
Mosquito Net
G uaymi
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
120%
Figure 1 The use of medicinal plants, insecticide, termite mounds and mosquito nets
among the Indigenous People of Costa Rica. Percentages are based on estimated use of
medicinal plants, insecticide, termite mounds and mosquito nets among the Costa Ricans. A
total of 100% represents the whole tribe.
Table 1 Pest among the Indigenous People of Costa Rica
Indigenous Guaymi
Boruca
Chorotega Maleku
Tribes
AfroCaribbean
BriBri
1.Zancudo
Zancudo
Zancudo
Zancudo
Zancudo
Zancudo
2.Hormigas
3.Bocones
4. Mosca
Roaches
Bocones
Mosquito
Hormigas
Bocones
Cucaracha
Hormigas
Mosquito
Bocones
Hormigas
Cucaracha
Insects
Table 2 Pest Control Methods Used Among the Indigenous People of Costa Rica
* Miss communication and wrong interpretation of questions.
Indigenous
Guaymi * Boruca
Chorotega
Maleku
AfroBriBri
Tribes
Caribbean
Pest Control
Methods
1. Corn
2. Rice
Termite
mounds
Citronella
Use
Repellent
and
mosquito
nets
Cacao
Citronella
Sorosi
GalaInsecticide
116
Discussion
Upon completion of the ethnobiological interviews of the self-appointed Chorotega,
Boruca, Guaymi / Coto Brus, Afro-Caribbean, Bribri Talamanca, and the Maleku indigenous
tribe one is able to observe the types of pest that are common among the Indigenous People of
Costa Rica. Although the use of medicinal plants is still being utilized it is apparent that older
generations of Costa Ricans are the only users. The use of insecticide appears to become more
prevalent as younger generations of Costa Ricans seek to find new and more effective ways of
inhibiting insect bites.
Western couture appears to have the greatest impact on the use of medicinal plants and
insecticides. Figure 1 shows the use of medicinal plants, insecticide, mosquito nets and or
termite mounds. The use of insecticide among the Guaymi is not accepted because of the
chemical properties that can cause potential harm to the water supply. Less then 5% of the
Guaymi interviewed use insecticide and they also utilize the use of termite mounds.
The Boruca, Afro-Caribbean, Bribri, Maleku and Chorotega prefer the use of insecticide
and mosquito nets. Like the Guaymi the Boruca, Maleku and Afro-Caribbean are incorporating
traditional history into the school curriculums. This has advantages however, younger
generations of Costa Ricans prefer not be seen as Indigenous or Indian but just as Costa
Ricans. Table 1 lists the Insects that are bothersome among the Indigenous People of Costa
Rica. Zancudos, Hormigas, Bocones are the three major insects, knowing this enable one to
understand the methods that the Indigenous People of Costa Rica take in order to prevent
biting. Table 2 list the medicinal plants used by the Indigenous People of Costa Rica. The
Guaymi will burn termite mounds and various medicinal plants are also used as insecticide
however, information was not collected on these plants because the informants misunderstood
my questions. Roaches and Mice among the Guaymi are minimized with the use of household
animals for example, dogs and cats. The Boruca plant citronella around their homes or will use
insecticide to keep insects away. The use of mosquito nets and repellent is more common
among the Chorotega.
The Maleku plant citronella around their homes and the use of cacao butter (see
appendix 2.a) as a repellent is common. It is becoming increasing common for women to marry
men of indigenous tribes providing a possible explanation for why most Maleku use insecticide.
The Afro-Caribbean’s use a plant called sorosi that can be rubbed on ones body. AfroCaribbean’s will also keep their homes clean to minimize roaches and flies however, many will
use an insecticide called gala (see appendix 2.b) to keep insects away. Like the AfroCaribbean’s the BriBri also utilize gala and other insecticides like Raid, OFF and Deet. During
the day the BriBri will stay indoors or swat the mosquito and flies away, at night some will use
mosquito nets. The BriBri will not use insecticide on their crops for instance, cacao and banana
(see appendix 2.c) however, some use insecticide in their personal gardens.
The knowledge of medicinal plants as insecticide is important not only to preserve
tradition but also to prevent many complication that come with the use of insecticide. The more
humans utilize insecticide the more insects become adapt to it causing for the invention of
stronger insecticides. This adds to the pollution of rivers and streams that are a vital supply for
many Indigenous People of Costa Rica who use the rivers to wash clothes, swim, and obtain
drinking water. Farther studies can be conducted by asking the Costa Rican people if their
grandparents or great-grandparents use medicinal plants as an insecticide. This information will
possible provide an understanding on when and how knowledge of medicinal plant use was lost.
Aknowledgement
I thank Luis D. Gomez, Hector Castaneda and Claudia Lizana for their time and support
in the preparation of this paper. Patricia Kustron, Steve Hutchinson, Maggie Wallenta,
117
Zakiya D Farris and The UNCF Mellon Programs for their financial support and allowing me to
partake in this life changing experience.
Works Cited
Baker, C. P. (2007). Costa Rica (sixth ed.). AVALON TRAVEL PUBLISHING, INC .
Carlos Ramos Garcia-Serrano, J. P. (2004). The Use of Tropical Forest (Agroecosystems and
Wild Plant Harvesting) as a Source of Fod in the Bribri and Cabecar Cultures in the
Caribbbean Coast of Costa Rica. Economic Botany , 58 (1), 58-71.
Gabb, W. (1981). Talamanca, el espacio y los hombres. San Jose: Universidad Estatal a
Distancia.
Gordon, B. (1982). A Panama Forest and Shore. Natural History and Amrindian Culture in
Bocas del Toro. Pacific Grove, CA: Boxwood Press.
Harlow Newton, K. N.-K. (2002-2003). About Costa Rica. Retrieved July 24, 2008, from Costa
Rica Conservation Trust: http://www.conservecostarica.org/aboutcr/index.html
Hazlett, D. L. (1986). Ehnobotanical Observation form Cabecar and Guaymi Settlements in
Central America. Economic Botany , 40 (3), 339-352.
Joralenmon, D. (2006). New World depopulation and the case of disease. Journal of
Anthropology Res 1982 , 38, 108-127.
Lefever, H. G. Turtle Bongue: Afro-Caribbean Life and Culture in a Costa Rican Villange.
Cranbury, NJ, USA: Susquehanna University Press.
Library of Congress. (1985). Description of Selected Tropical Diseases. In U. Congress, Status
of Biomedical Research and Related Technology for Tropical Disease (p. 287). Darby,
PA, USA: DIANE Publishing.
Library of Congress. (1985). Introduction. In U. Congress, Status of Biomedical Research and
Related Technology for Tropical Disease (p. 287). Darby, PA, USA: DIANE Publishing.
Madrigal, L. (2006). Human Biology of Afro-Caribbean Populations. New York, NY, USA:
Cambridge University Press.
Martin F. Price, N. B. (2000). Mountain forests biodiversity and people cloud forest, Costa Rica,
ecotourism . In N. B. Martin F. Price, Forest in Sustainable Mountain Development: a
State of Knowledge Report for 2000 (5 ed., p. 624). Oxfordshire, UK: CABI Publishing.
Morales, M. L. (n.d.). History. Retrieved July 25, 2008, from Boruca Hand-made, Indigenous
Costa Rican Art: http://borucacr.org/history.html
Ocampo, R. (1980). San Jose de Cabecar. una comunidad en decadencia. . San Jose , Costa
Rica: Rep. Interno Univ. .
Tom Streissguth, T. S. (2004). History and Government. In T. Streissguth, Costa Rica in
Pictures (p. 80). Minneapolis: Twenty-First Century Books.
Tudela, F. (1990). Desarrollo y Medio Ambiente en América Latina y el Caribe Una visión
evolutiva. Madrid, Spain: Ministerio de Obras Públicas y Urbanismo.
118
Vargas, A. (1981). Nota Preliminar sobre la utilizacion de plantas en la confeccion de artesanias
menores en Alto Conte, comunidad Guaymi. y la ubicacion geograifica de los grupos
Guaymi en Costa Rica. San Jose, Costa Rica: Rep. Interno. Mus. National .
W.Denevan. (1976). The native population of the Americas in 1492. Madison, Wisconsin:
Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press.
Wheelwright, N. T. (1999). Conservation Biology in Monteverde. In N. M. Nathaniel T.
Wheelwright (Ed.), Monteverde: Ecology and Conservation of a Tropical Cloud Forest (p.
561). New York, New York, USA: Oxford University Pres.
Whitemore, T. (1996). Population geography of calamity: the sixteenth and seventeenth century
Yucatan. International Joural Population Geography , 2, 291-311.
Wille, M. B. (1986). Nacimiento y muerte entre los Bribris. San Jose: Universidad de Costa
Rica.
Wille, M. B. (1977). Narraciones bribris. Vinculos , 3 (1-3), 67-104.
Wille, M. B. (1972). Notas sobre los sistemas de parentesco de los indigenas costarricenses.
America Indigena , 32 (2), 551-571.
Wrong, D. (1965). Population and Society. New York: Random House.
YOUNG, P. (1971). "Nagwbe" Traditions and Change Among the Western Guaymi of Panama.
Stud. Anthropol (7).
Appendix 1
1.
2.
3.
4.
Interview Questions
¿ Que tipos de insectos son una molestia para usted?
¿ Que hace usted para mantener alejados a los insectos?
¿Donde saca estos productos para mantener alejados a los insectos?
¿Como se utilizan estos productos
Appendix 2
Photos Gallery
2.a Cacao butter utilized by the Maleku as an insecticide
119
2.b Gala utilized by the by some of the Afro-Caribbean’s, BriBri and Maleku as an
insecticide.
2.c Banana Trees with special blue plastic bags covering the fruit.
120
THE PREVALENCE OF HYPERSTRESS IN INDIGENOUS GROUPS AND
INDUSTRIALIZED COSTA RICANS AND CORRESPONDING COPING METHODS
Corin White
Dept. of Biology, Spelman College, 350 Spelman Lane S.W., Atlanta, GA.
[email protected]
Resumen: Estrés es la reacción del cuerpo contra cosas que causan estrés tales como:
sucesos importantes, el medio ambiente, estar muy preocupado y problemas con su familia o
su comunidad. Los síntomas del estrés incluyen sentimientos como tristeza, ansiedad,
nerviosidad y frecuente agitación. Una mujer llega a ser hiperestrésada cuando el estrés es
demasiado mucho. Cuarenta y sies mujeres indigenas fueron entrevistadas sobre el tema del
estrés. Las comunidades como Guaymi, Boruca, Chorotoga, Maleku, Bribri y las mujeres en
San Vito, Costa Rica fueron estudiadas. Estadísticas básicas fueron usadas para analizar y
para procesar unos datos. La presencia de hiperestrés en las mujeres es baja en estas
comunidades. Los datos tienen más diversidad en comunidades industriales. Generalmente, se
conversan y se hablan con sus familias o sus amigos cuando tienen estrés.
Key Word Index: Stress, Hyperstress, Indigenous, Costa Rica, San Vito, Guaymi,
Boruca, Bribri, Maleku, Afro-Caribbean, Chorotega.
Introduction
In general, between 60 and 90% of all illnesses are associated with stress (Jaffe-Gill et
al., 2001). Stress is a physiological and psychological bodily response to stressors that upset
the body’s natural equilibrium. When certain daily stressors become a threat to this equilibrium,
the sympathetic nervous system initiates the “fight or flight response.” The “fight or flight”
response involves a secretion of hormones such as norepinephrine, adrenaline and cortisol that
with repeated secretion can lead to one of the many symptoms of stress. These symptoms
include anxiety, depression, memory problems, obesity, agitation, constant worrying,
moodiness, headaches and backaches (ibid; Mayo Clinic, 1998). Although, the level and
amount of stress is monitored by individual personality and genetics, there is a general
consensus of typical sources of daily stress (Mayo Clinic, 1998). Daily stressors may include
major events, environmental, work, social, family and relationship stressors. Major events can
include preparation for a local festival or a wedding. Environmental stressors correspond to the
individual’s surroundings, including poverty or an annoyingly high level of noise. Work stressors
include an over load of work or dissatisfaction with a current position or ranking. Social stressors
are related to politics, social status and or rank in a given society. Lastly, family and relationship
stressors include conflicts with friends, family or one’s spouse. In fact, 5 of the 10 most common
events that cause stress have to do with marriage. Other sources of stress can be internal such
as low self esteem, perfectionism and a pessimistic attitude (Jaffe-Gill et al., 2001).
There are four main types of stress: estress, distress, hyperstress and hypostress.
Estress, is the most positive form of stress and can be considered a person’s natural driving
force. In general estress helps an individual to control the level of focus and concentration when
completing a certain task. Distress, is the opposite of estress and is your body’s negative
response to major, tragic or life-changing event. Hypostress occurs with extreme boredom and
when a person is under stimulated from external events. The extreme opposite, hyperstress is
overwhelming stress that is commonly experienced by people that have a great number of
responsibilities. Mothers are often victims to hyperstress because of an unmanageable
workload and the juggling of marriage, housework and childcare (King, 2006). Studies have also
121
shown that excessive crying or colic syndrome can cause significant levels of stress or distress
in mothers (Miller et al., 1993; Barr, 1999). Socioeconomic limitations such as the women’s role
in the formal labor market and informal division which includes household responsibilities and
implications of how work roles are integrated with household work also sources of stress
(Nathanson, 1980; Arber, 1991). The division of work and the pattern of exchange in the
household can also have varying consequences on women’s health (Power, 1998; Nanda,
2000). For most women, other responsibilities consist of nurturance and the provision support
to children, siblings or friends which cause many women to experience the very draining
“double” or “triple” day (Hochschild, 1997). Women are also involved in community activities that
are interwoven with household tasks (Barrett, 1995). Depending on the constraints and roles of
women in certain societies daily activities can have both positive and negative affects on overall
health. Generally, in western industrialized counties activities may include volunteer work and
involvement in community and political campaigns. In non-industrialized nations activities
usually include washing clothes, gathering food and water, childrearing and household
maintenance (Moss, 2003).
In regards to coping with stress, studies have shown that women and men are very
similar in the cognitive (appraisal) approach on stress. However it was proven that women tend
to rely more on social support (Ptacek, 1994). Social support includes the consultation of friends
or family when a person encounters stressful situations in daily life. Others methods of dealing
or coping with stress include a consistent healthy diet, exercising regularly and avoiding
stressful situations (King, 2008).
In comparing the amount of daily stressors in local Costa Ricans and western
industrialized groups the pressures of daily work are very similar. These women have more
defined roles in society with jobs in education, customer services and housekeeping.
Conversely, there has been little to no research done on the presence of hyperstress in the
indigenous women of Costa Rica; they undergo similar daily stressors as industrialized women
and thus should have some level of hyperstress. The women of these communities have many
household responsibilities and some work on revenue producing projects such as weaving,
ceramics and fashioning jewelry. The presence of hyperstress will be determined in the
following indigenous groups: Guaymi, Boruca, Chorotega, Maleku, AfroCarribean and Bribri.
The Ngobe or Guaymi are native to Panama and Southern Costa Rica. The bulk of the
population (54,285 people) is located in Panama and 10, 568 live in Costa Rica, although the
exact number is often questioned. A total of four Guaymi reserves have been established in the
southern part of Costa Rica: the Coto Brus reserve (7,500 ha.) on the interior slope of the Fila
Cruces, the Abrojos Montezuma (1,480 ha.), Conte Burica (11,910 ha.) and the Osa (1,700 ha.)
(Koshear, 1995). The Guaymi communities rely on a variety of crops for their subsistence and
have been known to consume roots, fruits, wild game and the pejibaye plam. General revenue
is generated from subsistence farming, hunting and gathering, handcrafts, tourism and outside
employment (Castaneda, 2004). The Guaymi are also primarily agricultural and have
maintained their native tongue (L.D. Gomez pers. comm. 23 July 2008).
The Boruca or Brunka are also an agricultural society and are known for their traditional
masks and naturally dyed weaved goods such as purses that help to generate revenue
(L.D.Gomez pers. comm. 24 July 2008). They are located in the southwestern part of Costa
Rica alongside the Diquis River. This area contains five settlements and includes parts of the
Changuena River and the Maritime Mountain Range. The Boruca have no remaining original
vocabulary and only one group has maintained their traditional dress. The subsistence of the
Boruca includes rice, beans, corn, sugar cane, cacao, bananas, and tobacco. The gardens and
farm lands of the Boruca are fenced in and they often use machetes to cut down roots or dig
holes for agriculture (Stone, 1949).
The Chorotega are native to Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica. The area in which
they mostly inhabited includes the Ulua River valley and the Mosquito Coast. The Chorotega.
122
Studies suggest that the Chorotega were democratic with an elected chief. Most of the
Chorotegan culture disappeared during the time of Spanish conquest and there are no existing
elaborate ruins of their culture (Columbia Encyclopedia, 2004). Currently, they are a modernized
people with no agriculture and no reminisce of their original language derived from the
Manguense, a macro-chibchan language. The population sampled, located in Guaytil, Nicoya;
call themselves chorotegas but are not recognized as such by modern anthropologists. Even if
true ascendancy were proven, there is a 500 year gap between the original settlers and this
group (L.D.Gomez pers. comm. 28&31 July 2008).
In the mid 19th century, the Maleku used to control an area of about 100,000 ha. in the
Río Frío watershed, with a population range of 1,500 to 2,000 people. This land has been
reduced to 2,000 to 3,000 ha. containing about 600 people. They have three settlements called
“palenques”: Margarita, Tonjibe and El Sol and currently have the most complex and conserved
language. The diet of the Maleku includes plantains, yuca, fish, tubers, cacao, rice and beans
(L.D.Gomez pers. comm. 29 July 2008). The Maleku people have also maintained their religious
beliefs. However, other cultural elements such as traditional dress, burial customs, music,
dances and food taboos have been lost (ibid; Castillo-Vásquez, 2004).
There are about 75,000 to 100,000 Afro-Caribbeans currently living in Costa Rica that
are descendants of Jamaican, Panamanian and Nicaraguan migrants. The area in which most
Afro-Caribbeans reside is the Tortuguero. In general the Afro-Caribbean culture dominates the
Caribbean coast of Central America and is very different from the other groups because of the
many influences. Subsistence includes coconut, cocoplums, seagrapes, breadfruit, honey and
various leaves for teas. Hunting, fishing and farming provide the Afro-Caribbeans with a source
of food (Lefever, 1992).
The Bribri speak a macro-chibchan language and are located in South Central Costa
Rica and Northern Panama. The Bribri have two sub tribes called the Touboruak (Bribri proper)
and the Korkuak (or Cabecar) with many clans (L.D.Gomez pers. comm. 31 July 2008). There
has been evidence of polygyny and the tribe has three classes of Shamans: the high priest,
tsuku and community doctor, generally referred to as awapa. Traditional houses usually consist
of conical roofs with thatched leaves from twenty to forty feet long and eight to ten feet in height.
Subsistence includes colorful corn, cacao, plantains, bananas and other traditional foods. Bows
and arrows are very common among the Bribri and are used for hunting. The weaving of bags,
fashioning of necklaces, pottery and traditional headdress is also a big part of Bribri culture
(Skinner, 1920).
Methods
Local and indigenous women ages 15-74 were interviewed with a series of open-ended
questions. The questions were designed to determine the presence of hyperstress in a sample
of 46 women. The interview was structured, formal and systematic in order to attain adequate
data. The local women included women in the community near San Vito and who work at the
Las Cruces Biological Station. The indigenous women interviewed were from one of the
following groups: Guaymi of the Reserva Forestal of Coto Brus, Brunka Tribe in Boruca,
Chorotega of Guaytil, Nicoya, Maleku of the Margarita settlement in San Rafael, Afro-Carribean
people of Cahuita and the Bribri of the Talamanca Valley. Interviews were conducted in Spanish
and recorded when the interviewee agreed. A digital camera was also used on occasion to
obtain visual documentation of the groups. After the interviews were completed, the Spanish
was translated to English through analysis and group interpretation. Any names of the
informants are excluded to protect their privacy. Basic statistical analysis and logistic regression
were used to quantify the results obtained. Pie charts were utilized in the event that responses
were to diverse to be represented in a single bar graph.
123
Interview Questions:
1. How old are you?
2. How many children do you have?
3. How old are your children?
4. Do you have a spouse or partner?
5. With whom do you live?
6. What do you do when you have muscle pain, backaches or headaches?
7. What do you do when you feel depressed?
8. What do you do when you feel anxious or nervous?
9. What do you do when your children or other adults agitate (bother) you?
10. How many hours a weak do you work?
11. In general, do you feel that you have stress?
Results & Observations
Figure 1: Living situations for residents within seven communities in Costa Rica.
As presented in Figure 1, all of the communities have at least a small percentage of
women that live with their husband and children. In the more developed communities such as
the Boruca and locals in San Vito, the percent that live in these types of homes is very high.
According to the above results the Maleku, Bribri and Guaymi are the only communities in which
women live with their extended family. There were also a high percentage of people in the
Maleku, Bribri and Afro-Caribbean communities that live primarily with their intermediate family.
These communities seemed more family oriented and relied greatly on verbal support from their
families in coping with stress. Conversely, women of the Boruca, Chorotega and locals in San
Vito seem to rely more heavily on friends and their husbands for social coping. The Chorotega
were the only tribe in which one household consisted of just husband and wife.
124
Figure 2: Natural and cotemporary coping methods for body aches and muscle tension
in seven Costa Rican communities.
As shown by Figure 2, the use of medicine for aches and muscle tension was observed
in all of the communities. Only a few women in the Boruca and Guaymi, however, mentioned
the use of natural or traditional medicine. A key informant from the Guaymi tribe revealed a
medicinal plant possibly of the species S. toruum, genus Solanum and family Solanaceae that is
used for headaches (L.D. Gomez pers. comm. 24 July 2008). Alternative coping methods for
aches and muscle tension such as exercise and massages were seen in all communities except
for the Guaymi.
Figure 3: Coping methods of seven Costa Rican communities for general depression.
As shown by Figure 3, social coping (talking to family and friends) for depression is
utilized in all communities. Alternative coping methods such as listening to music were seen in
the more developed communities: San Vito, Chorotega, Boruca, Maleku, Afro-Caribbean.
125
Religious beliefs were also revealed in the Maleku and Afro-Caribbean communities with
responses involving faith and prayer; a more spiritual coping method.
Figure 4: Coping methods for agitation due to family and relationship stressors in seven
Costa Rican communities.
As seen by Figure 4, social coping is again the most common method of dealing with
family and relationship stressors in all communities. Removal from the stressful situation is
again seen with women in San Vito, Boruca, Bribri, Maleku and Afro-Caribbean communities.
Alternative and less patient methods such as yelling and spanking were seen in older women in
Boruca and Afro-Caribbean communities. An older woman that is Maleku stated that she “plays
with her children when she is agitated with the stressors of daily life.”
126
Figure 5: Pie charts displaying coping methods for continous anxiety and worrisome
behavior in seven Costa Rican communities.
As displayed in Figure 5, coping methods such as taking medicine and listening to music
for anxiety and nervousness remerge. The Maleku were the least diverse in their responses;
although, there are many different methods of finding distractions. The Boruca and Bribri also
felt that finding distractions was a good way of coping with stressful anxiety and nervousness.
One of the more common coping behaviors for anxiety such as eating or drinking was found in
the locals of San Vito, Guaymi and Afro-Caribbean communities. Exercise, a common coping
method for the other symptoms of stress was again mentioned by locals in San Vito, Boruca
and Afro-Caribbean communities. Social coping was also brought up for anxiety and
nervousness by the Boruca, Bribri, Chorotega and Afro-Caribbean.
127
Figure 6: The number of women that admitted that they had some level of stress in
seven Costa Rican communities.
Table 1: Results of unweighted logistic regression with an average p value of 0.687 and
a level of significance of 0.011 with 89% accuracy.
Predictor
Variables
Work Hours
Marriage
AfroCaribbean
Chorotega
Maleku
Bribri
Boruca
Coefficient
STD
P value
0.179
1.728
5.474
0.074
1.065
2.056
0.016
0.105
0.008
6.448
5.573
6.871
4.021
3.313
2.054
2.519
1.586
0.052
0.007
0.006
0.011
Additional Information and Observations
Group: Locals in Las Cruces
Sample number: 7 women, Average Age: 40.71, Average number of children: 3
Average age of children: 20.43, Average hours worked per week: 48.29 hours. Jobs included
housekeeping and positions in education. San Vito is a very modernized community with
houses with fenced yards and gardens.
Group: Guaymi Tribe of the Reserva Forestal of Coto Brus
Sample number: 8 women, Average Age: 32.25, Average number of children: 3.25
Average age of children: 14.23, Average hours worked per week: 56hours (all day)
Work consists of daily chores around the house including wash clothes, cooking and
tending to the children. When asked the number of hours in which they worked, most replied all
day and everyday. The estimated quantity of 56 hours is based on an average of 8hours per
day. Some women also make jewelry in small groups during their leisure time.
Group: Brunka Tribe in Boruca
Sample number: 8 women, Average Age: 40.63, Average number of children: 4
Average age of children: 20.12, Average hours worked per week: 56 hours (all day).
128
Similarly to the Guaymi, everyday work consists of chores around the house including
wash clothes, cooking and tending to the children. However, these women seemed to have
more kept gardens and the women that run the Brunka museum weave for profit. When asked
the number of hours in which they worked, most replied all day and everyday. The estimated
quantity of 56 hours is based on an average of 8hours per day.
Group: Chorotega Tribe of Guaytil, the Guanacaste Providence
Average age of children: 23.08, Average hours worked per week: 50.4 hours
Work in this village consists of housework, cooking, making and selling ceramic goods.
The older women tend to work a lot less than the younger women which contradict with the
earlier tribes. The Chorotega also have an organization of women called the “Cooperativa” that
make and sell pottery locally to bring in their own revenue. One informant commented that
making ceramics with her associates of the “Cooperativa” helps her to relax.
Group: Maleku Tribe of the Margarita settlement in the Providencia Alajuela
Average age of children: 13.8, Average hours worked per week: 27 hours
Work also includes household chores but these tasks seemed more shared by other
members of the household than in other tribes. There was no mention of the making of crafts or
other responsibilities outside the household. There were some traditional houses in which crafts
were sold for revenue.
Group: Afro-Caribbean people of Cahuita
Sample number: 6 women, Average Age: 37, Average number of children: 1.71
Average age of children: 13.67, Average hours worked per week: 40.29 hours. Many of
these women owned and/or worked at local shops and food establishments. The average
number of hours worked was more concise since the women interviewed had an exact number
of hours worked at a certain job. Cahuita is a very industrialized beach town with houses, and
establishments relatively close together.
Group: Bribri Tribe of the Talamanca Valley in the Limon Providence
Average age of children: 6.8, Average hours worked per week:54 hours
Most of the work done by these women includes household chores and babysitting
children. A couple of the women interviewed had jobs that included housekeeping at Finca
Educativa.The houses of the Bribri were very spread out with some houses on stilts and
contained few cattle and horses.
Discussion
Responses were generally more diverse in the more developed communities such as
the AfroCaribbean, Boruca, Chorotega and Maleku; especially when it came to the diversity of
certain coping methods. The Chorotega had several stressors and coping methods for certain
symptoms such as singing that were solely unique to the tribe. The reliance of social coping
methods such as talking with family or friends was present in all of the communities and overall
the most common. Alternative coping mechanisms such as singing, praying, listening to music
or going for a walk or run were also common in women of all ages and in all communities.
Several women in the Afro-Caribbean and San Vito communities stated that they never
had any pain which corresponded to their admittance of having no stress. Although, most
people admitted to having headaches or muscle tension often, they choose to take medicine as
a last resort such as in the Afro-Caribbean and Maleku communities. In these communities,
healthier, contemporary methods such as massages and exercise were preferred. Only a few
women of the Boruca and the locals of San Vito even mentioned the possibility of visiting a
129
doctor or specialist for the treatment of pain. This coincides with the fact that Costa Rica is a
third world country; visiting the doctor and/or specialists is generally a more westernized
concept.
The Guaymi women were the most simple group of women interviewed. In fact, the
Guaymi women were the most limited in their willingness to communicate. As shown by Figure
5, women in all communities except for the Guaymi admitted that they have some amount of
stress. The more recently industrialized and developed communities of the Boruca, Chorotega,
Maleku, Bribri and Afro-Caribbean have a higher admittance of stress. This is probably due to
factors such as government influence and tourism that has recently uprooted their culture and
changed their lifestyles. The Guaymi seem perfectly content with their simple lifestyle and
consider most of their stressful symptoms a part of life or nonexistent. A couple women from the
Guaymi also mentioned that they have fear or "susto" when they are nervous or anxious. In this
community, the word "susto" can be used in reference to stress (L.D. Gomez pers. comm. 24
July 2008).This could explain why none of the interviewees of this community admitted to
having stress.
As shown in Figure 1, there are a small percentage of women living alone, with children
and friends and with only their children in all of the communities. The absence of the husband or
partner could be due to the fact that men in these communities have more traveling and
opportunistic jobs and thus are not home very often. This could be another cause of stress for
these women in having to raise children in a single family home.
As seen by Figures 1-5, there are a small percentage of women that have none of the
symptoms of stress and thus would be considered to have no stress. However, these numbers
are not significant enough to deduce that stress is not prevalent in these communities. As
shown in Figure 6, the women of San Vito, that is the most industrialized of all the communities
has the most equal ratio of women with and without stress. This maybe due to the fact that San
Vito is very developed and has been industrialized for quite some time. The women of San Vito
thus are more adapted to a more industrialized society and have access to a more diverse set
of coping methods that are very similar to western culture. Interestingly, women in the AfroCaribbean, Bribri, Maleku and local to the San Vito area admitted that they were stressed
mainly because of an overwhelming amount of work. In these communities, most women also
stated that they were not bothered by their children. Conversely, women in the Borucan and
Chorotegan communities said that they were stressed because of their children and when they
were overwhelmed with work. However, most women did not frequently have one or more
stress symptoms such as depression, frequent agitation, anxiety or nervousness. Therefore it
can be assumed that the presence of hyperstress is very low in the sample of women
interviewed and that stress is seen as a natural part of life in these communities. I had one
informant in San Vito comment that “she doesn’t have time for such feelings, she cannot not be
weak.”
As seen in Table 1, people of the Chorotega and Bribri tribes have the most significant
risk of hyperstress. Correspondingly, people in the Afro-Caribbean, Maleku and Boruca
communities also have a moderately high level of risk due to the environmental stressors posed
by living in these communities. Although women stated that children and an overwhelming
amount of work were some of the causes of their stress; these variables were not highly
significant. The amount of work hours was fairly significant to the presence of stress while the
age and number of children were not significant. Although marriage and relationships have been
proven to be great causes of stress, none of the women verbally stated that her husband or
partner was a source of her stress. This was probably due to the fact that the husband or
partner was usually present during the interview. These women could have also preferred not to
share their personal relationship problems with a random stranger. This may be why marriage
was only a moderately significant variable for predicting stress.The age of the women was also
fairly significant with an inverse relationship. Generally, as the age of the informant increased,
130
the level of stress decreased. This could be due to the fact that as women get older, they tend
to live more independent lives separated from their children, family and sometimes spouse.
Conclusion & Future Work
In conclusion, the presence of hyperstress in the selected Costa Rican communities is
very low. However, the presence of stress is generally prevalent. Since some of the tribes
seemed to rely heavily on the revenue made and controlled by women, future work should be
done to further investigate some of the women’s organizations. Further research should be
done on how women feel about their predetermined roles in society and how those feelings
contribute to stress. An associated project should also be done on why living in certain, more
developed indigenous communities produces a higher risk of stress. Sources of error include
miscommunication due to a lack of advanced Spanish vocabulary and misinterpretation of
Spanish to English. A longer and more intense study of these indigenous groups and local
women is necessary to assess the significance of certain independent variables in a larger
sample.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank all 46 of my informants in the selected Costa Rican communities for
their patience and honesty. I thank Duke University for this unique opportunity and the
Organization for Tropical Studies (OTS) for my scholarship. Lastly, I would like to thank the
Spelman United Negro College Fund (UNCF) Office for the stipend that provided funding for my
travel to and from Costa Rica.
References
Arber, S. 1991. Class, paid employment and family roles: Making sense of structural
disadvantage, gender and health status. Social Science and Medicine, Vol. 32,p p. 425436.
Barret, H. 1995. Women in Africa: The neglected dimension in development. Geography, Vol.
80, pp. 215-224.
Barr, R.G. 1999. Infant Crying Behavior and Colic: An Interpretation in Evolutionary Perspective.
In W.R.Trevathan, J.J. Smith ed., Evolutionary Medicine 2:27-51.
Castaneda, H. 2004. Species Diversity for the Cultural Domain of Wild Plants Used by Guaymi
as Food. University of Florida.
Castillo-Vásquez, R. 2004. An ethnogeography of the Maleku indigenous peoples in northern
Costa Rica. Dissertation. Ph.D. The University of Kansas (USA), pp. 285.
Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition. 2004. Columbia University Press. Lernout & Hauspie
Speech Products N.V.
Hochschild, A.R. 1997. The Second Shift. New York, Avon Books.
Jaffe-Gill, E. Smith, M. Larson, E. Segal, J. 2001. Understanding Stress: Signs, Symptoms,
Causes, and Effects. Helpguide.org.
131
King, J. 2008. The Most Common Types of Stress. The Most Common Types of Stress.
EzineArticles.com.
Koshear, J. 1995. Guaymi agriculture, forest utilization and ethnobotany In Coto Brus, Costa
Rica: An ananlysis of Sustainability. Ph.D. Dissertation University of California, Berkeley,
pp.1-206.
Lefever. 1992. Afro-Caribbean Contacts. Turtle Bog: A view of life in Tortuguero. Costa Rica.
Ch.4, pp.56-65.
Lefever 1992. Eating and Drinking. Turtle Bog: A view of life in Tortuguero. Costa Rica. Ch.13,
pp.196-206.
Mayo Clinic. 1998. Stress: Unhealthy response to the presences of life. 1998. Mayo Foundation
for Medical Education and Research (MFMER). Mayoclinic.com.
Miller, A.R. Barr, R.G. Eaton, W.O. 1993. Crying and motor behavior of six-week-old infants and
postpartum maternal mood. Pediatrics 92:551-558.
Moss, N. E. 2003. Gender equity and socioeconomic inequality: A framework for the patterning
of women’s health. In S. Arber, M. Khlat, ed., Social and Economic Patterning of Health
among Women / Les facteurs sociaux et économiques de la santé des femmes. Paris,
CICRED, pp. 29-56.
Nanda, A. K. 2000. Socio-economic determinants of health among women: Some evidence
from a poor society. Paper presented at the CICRED seminar on Social and Economic
Patterning of Health Among Women. January, Tunis.
Nathanson, C. 1980. Social roles and health status among women: The significance of
employment. Social Science and Medicine, Vol. 14A, p. 463-471.
Power, C. Matthews, S. Manor, O. 1998 Inequalities in self-rated health: Explanations from
different stages of life. Lancet, Vol. 351, pp. 1009-1014.
Ptacek, J.T. Smith, R.E. Dodge, K.L. 1994. Gender Differences in Coping with Stress: When
Stressor and Appraisals Do Not Differ. Society for Personality and Social Psychology
Bulletin, Vol. 20, No. 4, pp. 421-430.
Skinner, A. 1920. Notes on the Bribri of Costa Rica. Indian Notes and Monographs, Vol. VI,
No.3.
Stone, D.Z. 1949. The Boruca of Costa Rica. Peabody Museum of American Archeaeology and
Ethnology. Harvard University, Vol. XXVI No.2.
132
TRASH DISPERSAL AND DISPOSAL
Rachel Workin
Department of Biology, Reed College, MS 1124, 3203 SE Woodstock Blvd, Portland
Oregon
[email protected]
Resumen: Se analizaron los métodos e infraestructuras existentes para el tratamiento
de la basura en las comunidades indígenas, dentro del contexto del proceso de aculturacíon.
Para esto se llevaron a cabo entrevistas en las comunidades de los Guaymi, Boruca, Maleku,
Bribri, Afro-Caribeños y Chorotega. Adicionalmente, se realizaron muestreos de la cantidad de
basura presente en las calles, para determinar si existe una relacíon entre la cantidad y el tipo
de basura encontrada con respecto a la estrategia que se implementa para encargarse de la
basura en los hogares. Se concluyó que hay un progeso sinergico con la llegada de las
pulperías y las personas foraneas que traen una cantidad y diversidad mayor de desechos,
luego un sistema de recoleccíon que disminuye la cantidad pero deja la diversidad de la basura
encontrada en las calles.
Keywords: Trash, Litter, Acculturation, Burning, Recollection System, Infrastructure
Introduction
For most families in the United States, taking out the trash is merely a weekly chore.
Handed off to the government, the fate of their waste ceases to be an issue. However, what if
the government’s services were unreliable or completely nonexistent? While the Costa Rican
government is internationally recognized for its environmental progressivism, this criticism of
substandard waste collection has plagued them for decades. With landfills overcrowded, rivers
and public use sites have become depositories for as many as 300 tons of trash a day, a barrier
to being recognized as a truly environmentally friendly country (McPhaul 2007). Efforts have
been made to rectify this situation such as the passage of laws 7152 and 7375 requiring
recycling in all public institutions (Matamoros et al. 2008) and San Jose’s shift from leased to
owned garbage trucks ("San Jose Buys New Garbage Trucks to Resolve Collection Problem”
web search 2008).
Nevertheless, these projects do not extend into the many indigenous areas that populate
Costa Rica- relatively hands off zones for public works projects. As a result, these areas
become examples of how communities function without the help of government municipalities
collecting their garbage- do they create their own waste services or let it pile up? And what if
municipalities do not maintain trashcans and make littering a ticketable offense - does garbage
amass on the streets? Archaeological evidence supports the use of communal landfills called
kitchenmiddens by pre-Columbian indigenous people, but did any group preserve the practice
following occupation by the Spanish who would have attempted to make trash dumping a more
private affair (L.D. Gomez pers. Comm. 6 August 2008)? These questions were asked of the
Guaymi, Boruca, Maleku, Bribri, Afro-Caribbean, and Chorotega people, as well as how they
incorporated the refuse of newer modern goods like plastic into their systems to determine the
differences in waste accumulation between communities and along the road toward complete
acculturation.
It was hypothesized, that the more influences the group has from the outside, the more
litter they would have, but also the more advanced the systems for dealing with them, as such
infrastructure tends to be a key component in modernization.
133
Guaymi: The Guaymi, or Ngäbe, are a tribal group originally from Panama and Southern
Costa Rica. This research was conducted in the Reserva Forestal Guaymi de Coto Brus who
numbered 1,963 in 2003. They continue to maintain a Chibchan language as well as speak
Spanish. An agricultural community, the Guaymi grow such products as coffee an cacao. The
group uses plants for such uses as food, building materials, handicrafts, and dyes (Castaneda
2004).
Boruca: The Boruca or Brunka live in Southeastern Costa Rica. Mainly residing in five
settlements, this research was conducted in the Buenos Aires region. Most of the original
Borucan language has been lost as have much of their culture with the increasing acculturation
brought with the Pan American highway. The Boruca are an agricultural community that grows
corn, sugar, cane, rice, and plantains. The families also keep chicken, pigs, and oxen. They are
the only Indians of Costa Rica that weave, and they also make baskets. The Boruca claim to be
Roman Catholic and the children there go to government school (Stone 1949).
Maleku: The Maleku are a people of Northern Costa Rica. In recent years they have
suffered huge losses of numbers and culture. They are an agricultural people growing tubers
and cacao, though increasingly turning to more market centered activities. However, they have
maintained their language, crafts, and religion (Castillo-Vasquez 2004).
Talamanca Bribri: The Bribri are a Caribbean group that inhabits the Atlantic coast of
Costa Rica in the Talamanca Valley. There are approximately 3000 to 4500 Bribri people
descended from their ancestors, the Tupi- Guarani. The community utilizes manioc, maize,
plantain, and cacao, and they practice slash and burn agriculture. The Bribri inhabit less isolated
land than their counterparts and so have been influenced in many “Western” ways (Garcia
Serrano et al. 2004).
Afro-Caribbean: The Afro-Caribbean people represent descendants of Africa that
moved to Central America during the sixteenth century and the Carib Indians of the Lesser
Antilles. Many Afro-Caribbeans arrived in Central America from Jamaica to help on railroad
projects. Currently in Costa Rica they number 75,000-100,000 people, mainly along the Atlantic
coast. The people work as turtle catchers, and hunt, farm, and fish for subsistence. Wild edible
materials such as breadnut, cocoplums, and seagrapes are also utilized. The people have
retained much of the Afro-Caribbean style of food distinct from the Spanish style of the Central
Plateau of Costa Rica. Traditional methods of baking include a wood fire, and traditional dishes
include bammy, rundown, and rice-and-beans (Lefever 1992).
Chorotega: The Chorotega have been greatly reduced and have lost their language, but
retain much of their traditional costume. They reside in the Canton de Hojancha in the
Guanacasta province. An agricultural people, they grow fruits, vegetables, and other plants for
subsistence as well as bees. The Chorotega produce ceramics, candies, and figures ("Grupos
Indigenas Actuales de Costa Rica- Chorotegas" 2008).
In each community a standardized list of questions (see Appendix A) was asked to one
member of each household concerning their method of disposing of waste and opinions of litter.
Depending on the received answers, additional questions were supplemented. As many
interviews that could be carried out were conducted. The answers were recorded manually,
though sometimes with the help of a translator. In each community, on three stretches of streets
along which interviews were conducted, the amount of litter on the roadside was counted. In
order to ensure consistency, a ten-meter stretch of rope was cut and tied with a stick on each
end. This functioned as a measuring length on which to count. Trash within a one-meter radius
on each side of the rope was counted to ensure a constant ten-meter by two-meter plot. The
types of trash were divided into the categories Plastic- Wrapper, Plastic- Other, Aluminum Can,
Glass, Paper, Organic Waste, Metal and Other, and the tally system was used to calculate how
134
many of each type present in the plot. For research, the Internet was consulted as well as the
Ethnobiology Reader for background information on each group. Statistical information was
analyzed using Microsoft Excel.
In order to assess the validity of the hypothesis, I attempted to analyze the quantity of
litter present in each community, the number of different types of litter present in each
community, and how the community members disposed of their waste.
Following a calculation of the average amount of trash per square meter based on the
results of the physical survey, it was determined that the Maleku community had the greatest
amount of trash in the streets with at least one piece per square meter (see Graph 1). The
Boruca community had the second largest source of street debris with an average of 0.733
pieces per square meter. The Talamanca Bribri community recorded the least amount of litter
with 0.0333 pieces per square meter. With only 0.367 pieces of trash per square meter, the
Guaymi society contained the second lowest amount on the list. The Chorotega and AfroCaribbean streets had approximately the same amount of debris with an average of 0.517 and
0.533 pieces per square meter respectively. According to the results of a Two-Sample
Assuming Equal Variance T-Test with an assumption of greater than 80% as significant, it was
determined that the amount of litter in the Guaymi and Talamanca Bribri communities differed
significantly from everyone else, including each other (see Table 1). It should also be noted that
the lowest difference in significance occurred between Chorotega and Afro-Caribbean
communities, with a value of 0.542.
Further analysis of the results from the physical survey was undertaken with diversity
and similarity indices to determine the number of different types of trash encountered and
Simpson’s diversity range amongst the six different communities. From this, it was determined
that the Talamanca Bribri and the Guaymi experienced the fewest different types of trash out of
the aforementioned categories with a respective species richness of two and three types. The
Afro- Caribbean and Chorotega communities had the greatest diversity with respective eight
and seven different types of trash.
In the analysis of the Simpson’s diversity data, with 1 symbolizing a dispersal of the type
of trash amongst many different categories and 0 signifying that the trash is concentrated in one
or very few categories of trash, it is concluded that the Afro-Caribbean community has the
highest diversity of trash with a value of 1, and the Maleku have the lowest diversity of trash with
a value of 0.520. However, the Maleku data may be skewed because of the incredibly high
amount of plastic wrappers (See Table 3). It is believed that the Simpson’s Diversity Value of 1
for the Maleku is also biased because of the incredibly low amount of litter observed. The
Boruca had the second highest instance of diversity at 0.666, and the Guaymi had the second
lowest instance of trash diversity at 0.586. Within this diversity, according to Table 3, the most
common source of trash was plastic wrappers, which appeared in every community. The least
common type of trash found was glass bottles, which were observed only twice in totality.
To supplement the physical surveys of the communities, interviews concerning methods
of trash disposal were conducted amongst the different groups. Within the Guaymi community,
an area leader escorted the group to different houses. Interviews were obtained from members
of seven households of which 57% claimed to burn the majority of their paper and plastic, 29%
claimed to bury the majority of their paper and plastic within their yard, and 15% claimed to
carry their paper and plastic far away down the river for disposal which results in a mere
transition of rubbish to communities down waters or the main rivers outside the county of Coto
Brus. In further elaboration, the respondent who answered that he dumped his waste in the river
and his partner both commented that this is the more traditional method that the younger
generations had abandoned and cited health concerns in keeping the garbage close to home.
135
Otherwise, the decision of whether to burn or bury seemed to be a matter of personal
preference rather than community recommendation or practice. Some informants also remarked
that their neighbors used the public streets as a dump rather than digging a hole or burning All
interviewed answered that they fed their organic waste to the chickens and dogs that
proliferated within reservation. When asked whether they had observed a change in the amount
of refuse in the streets, 71% of respondents affirmed that the amount had been increasing of the
years, because of the children dropping their food wrappers.
Within the community of the Boruca, six interviews were obtained by approaching people
within their homes or on the streets, and two interviews were obtained from community leaders.
Through these interviews, it was learned that a group of men within the Boruca community
organized for trash and recyclables collection through the municipality. Once every fifteen days,
for a price of fifteen thousand Colones a month, trucks come and remove the trash from
peoples’ homes. This price is much higher than a comparable service in San Jose. However, it
should be noted that one informant claimed that the service was free, and one person
questioned expressed much doubt that the aluminum and glass were being recycled as
claimed. Of those asked, 20% used their organic waste as compost and 80% fed it to animals.
As for whether the community had experienced an increase or decrease in litter, a majority of
63% noticed a decrease in litter and 38% had not noticed a change. This can be attributed to a
Boy Scout troop that collects the trash off the roadside approximately once a month as part of
their community service. One woman also expressed that the Boruca forbid littering, and antilitter signage was noticed. However, the statistic of a decrease in leader may be false as
respondents may have been reluctant to admit an increase in litter to a visitor in this community.
Six interviews were obtained within the Chorotega community by approaching people at
their home, business, or on the streets. Sixty-six percent of the respondents, all of whom lived
on the same street, said that the municipality of Santa Brus picked up their trash once a week
for 1500 Colones each time- a service that began this year. The remaining thirty-three percent
of respondents who lived farther from the main road said that trash pick up occurred only once
every fifteen days for 1500 Colones each time (a price not encountered for similar services in
San Jose). However, they commented that they did not desire more frequent pickup. All
respondents said they gave their organic waste to dogs or chickens, and none recycled.
Seven interviews were obtained from people living within the Maleku community, though
not all were of Maleku heritage. Burning plastic and paper was practiced by 57% of
respondents and burying it in the backyard or under the house was practiced by 28% of
respondents. As with the Guaymi, the decision of whether to burn or bury appeared to be a
personal choice. The remaining informant claimed that the municipality started picking up the
trash ever since a rise in dengue one year ago; however this claim was not supported by any of
her neighbors. For organic waste, 71% gave it to their animals, and the remainder used it for
compost in their gardens. All interviewees answered that they noticed a change in the amount of
trash in the street over their life time with 43% citing an increase and 57% citing a decrease
because sometimes volunteers come and clean up the community.
Three people in the Afro-Caribbean town of Cahuita were questioned over how they
disposed of the waste within their home. One respondent answered that the municipality divides
the area into four districts, three of which have garbage collection service that receive trash pick
up once a week on different days. All respondents said that the service was not incredibly
reliable, but that it did include recycling. A price of 3000 Colones a month was given by two of
the respondents and the remaining informant gave a price of 2000 Colones. The most prevalent
garbage and recycling bins were noticed in this area, as well as the most anti-littering signage.
All interviewees remarked that their had been a decrease in roadside trash within recent years,
and one respondent said community members picked up debris in the street. For organic waste,
one informant claimed to throw it away, another claimed to burn it and wood waste, and the last
claimed to give it to animals.
136
Interviews from four Talamanca Bribri community members were obtained by
approaching people within their homes and following a presentation on Bribri culture. Of those
respondents, all said they buried their trash, but only because of personal preference. There
was no form of trash collection service; however, the interviewees said that most community
members were conscientious about their trash, so litter was not a huge problem.
It should be noted that the presence of a grocery store was noted within every
community except for the Guaymi. This leads to the conclusion that the Guaymi experienced
significantly different levels of litter quantity and diversity of litter than the other groups because
of lower access to more modern goods of whose wrappings to dispose of, and the relatively
lower degree of acculturation. Yet, the consensus of an increase in litter in recent years
highlights the need for a system to deal with the growing presence of outside goods within their
community.
The presence of tourism was most prevalent in the Boruca, Chorotega, and Afro-Caribbean
communities in the form of organized presentations for visitors, advertisements for crafts, and
promotions as a vacation destination. From the accrued data it can be concluded that
communities with the highest reliance on tourism are on the forefront of government-sponsored
trash programs. These groups also ranked in the middle for the average amount of litter per
square meter- more than the Guaymi but less than the Maleku. This is because with tourism
comes increasing acculturation and dependence on packaged goods and the consequent need
to deal with this waste as well as the need to make the area more appealing and seemingly ecofriendly to guests.
The community of the Maleku had the highest rate of litter with diversity almost
comparable to the Chorotega and Afro-Caribbean. While not differing significantly from groups
beside the Guaymi and Bribri, the Maleku have such high rates of litter, because of the lack of
infrastructure to deal with the arrival of new trash from the grocery store. Based on Graph 1 and
Tables 1-3, it seems that the communities can be grouped into three categories with increasing
levels of litter as follows
1) Pre- Grocery Store, Pre- Collection System
2) Post- Grocery Store, Post- Collection System
3) Post- Grocery Store, Pre- Collection System
As proven by the diversity indices and exemplified by the Maleku, high diversity of trashwhich is reflective of access to and dependence on a wide variety of goods- occurs with the
arrival of the grocery store. The exception to these rules is the Talamanca Bribri. While this
community has a grocery store, community pressure appears to have kept the levels of litter
down without a trash collection system. Analysis of Table 3 leads to the conclusion that plastic
wrapping, based on its prevalence in modern goods, is the most commonly littered and the
hardest to incorporate into a traditional lifestyle. Types of waste for which a paid recycling
system is in place, such as glass, are the least commonly littered. As composting and using
waste to feed animals appears to be incredibly prevalent amongst these cultures, biodegradable
goods like organic/food waste and paper are also infrequently littered.
This data supports the hypothesis that an increasing use on modern goods leads to more
litter and then the eventual development of an infrastructure to dispose of the trash.
Errors within this experimental design are prevalent because of the small sample size used
due to time constraints. Other errors may have occurred in the translation of Spanish.
137
1.2
1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
Guaymi
Boruca
Chorotega
Maleku
AfroCaribbean
Bribri
Fig. 1. A comparison of the average amount of trash per square meter over an area of
sixty square meters amongst six different indigenous communities in Costa Rica.
Table 1. A comparison of the levels of significance in the difference in the average amount of
litter per square meter over an area of sixty square meters in six different indigenous
communities. Significant differences are bolded under an assumption of 80% significance.
Guaymi Boruca
Chorotega Maleku Afro-Caribbean Bribri
Guaymi
Boruca
0.844
Chorotega
0.716
0.818
Maleku
0.659
0.792
0.858
Afro-Caribbean 0.994
0.718
0.542
0.792
Bribri
1.000
0.954
0.985
0.934
1.000
-
Table 2. A comparison of the species richness and Simpson’s diversity for the different
types of trash found over sixty square meters in six different indigenous communities using the
categories Plastic-Wrappers, Plastic-Other, Glass, Aluminum Cans, Paper, Metal, Organic
Waste, Other
Guaymi
Boruca
Maleku
Chorotega
Bribri
Afro-Caribbean
Species
Richness
3
6
6
7
2
8
Simpson's D
0.585921325
0.666666667
0.520021645
0.769480519
1
1
138
Table 3. The total amount found of different types of trash within sixty square meters in
six different indigenous
Type of
AfroTrash
Guaymi
Boruca
Maleku
Chorotega
Bribri
Caribbean Total
PlasticWrappers
10
22
44
20
1
14
111
PlasticOther
11
12
5
5
9
42
Glass
1
1
2
Aluminum
Cans
2
4
1
1
8
Metal
2
2
3
7
Paper
5
4
1
1
1
12
Organic
1
1
1
3
Other
1
3
2
6
Conclusion
There exists a relationship between the amount of litter present in the community, the
diversity of trash within a community, and the system for disposing of trash within the
community. Groups without a grocery store or a community wide trash disposal system have the
lowest diversity and amount of trash, groups with a grocery store but no disposal system have
more trash than similar groups with a disposal system but comparable diversity. Communities
have an easier time integrating biodegradable goods into their lifestyle as well as goods in
which monetarily compensated recycling programs. Plastic goods are the number one source of
litter debris and are the first type of litter to arrive in acculturating communities.
Acknowledgements
Appreciation for help received in this project goes to Alejandro for escorting me through
the Guaymi community; group members Erin Platter, Kate Hurley, and Eric Butters for Spanish
assistance; and Hector Castañeda for the Diversity and Similarity Index program.
Works Cited
Castaneda Langlois, Hector. 2004. Ethnobotanical analysis of different succesional stages as
sources of wild edible plants for the Guaymi People in Costa Rica." University of Florida
1-47.
Castillio-Vasquez, R. 2004. An ethnogeography of the Maleku Indigenous People in Northern
Costa Rica. Lawrence: University of Kansas.
Garcia Serrano, Carlos Ramos; Del Monte, Juan Pablo. "The use of tropical forest
(agroecosystems and wild plant harvesting) as a source of food in the Bribri and
Cabecar cultures in the Caribbean Coast of Costa Rica. 2004. Economic Botany 58 (1):
58-71.
Gomez, Luis Diegeo. Personal Commentary. 6 August 2008.
Grupos Indigenas Actuales de Costa Rica- Chorotegas." Museos de Costa Rica. 25 Jul 2008
<http://www.museosdecostarica.com/index.html>.
Lefever, Harry. 1992. Turtle Bogue: Afro-Caribbean life and culture in a Costa Rican Village.
Associated University Press, 1992.
Matamoros, A., Moreira- Arturo M. 2000. The recycling in waste products in Costa Rican
139
hospitals by people living with HIV/AIDS. NLM Gateway. U.S. National Institute of
Health. 24 July 2008
<http://gateway.nlm.nih.gov/MeetingAbstracts/ma?f=102242059.html>.
McPhaul, John. 2007. Scavengers jobless as Costa Rica cleans up trash. Reuters. 21 July
2008. <http://www.reuters.com/article/lifestyleMolt/idUSN0836106120070809>.
San Jose buys new garbage trucks to resolve collection problems.
insidecostarica.com. 21 May 2008. 24 July 2008
http://insidecostarica.com/dailynews/2008/may/21/nac02.htm
Stone, Doris Z., 1949. “The Boruca of Costa Rica” Peabody Museum. Volume 26 (2) 37pgs.
Appendix A
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Base Questions:
When you have paper waste, where do you put it?
Glass?
Plastic?
What do you do with organic waste
Have you noticed a change in the amount of trash in the streets?
Do you know why?
What do you think of litter?
140
Ethnobiologist on action
Se me cuidan
chiquillos.
With the Award of The best driver: Don Carlos (aka. DC)
Y esta
otra planta sirve
para…
Would it taste
good with some
cacao?... I bet it does
Profe Hector with Don Alejandro (Guaymí Reserve)
Say:
¡¡¡cheese!!!
¿Cheese?
Luis Diego Gómez at Boruca
¡Confites!
:-D
141
Food tasting
Project… That’s
what I am talking
about!
¡Upe señora!
Shukura Umi at some Cahuita Restaurant
After all this candy, I’ll
give you this tooth
paste and tooth brus!
Lillian Smith at Guaymí community
Delicioso:
Sin Duda!!
Za, Za, Za
Erin Platter with some Guaymi children
Zaa!!!
Katie Pollock, Alvaro Palacios and Evan Groendick tasting the Guaymi Bollo.
142
It’s like dancing:
to the left, to the
left; to the right,
to the right
Cool
Viladys Rivera in the middle of a survey in Guaymi Reserve
Grrrrr
Shelly, Kennetra, Eric and Evan looking at a Boruca woman weaving
Puez majo, zi zoiz
Maleku oz voy a hacer
unaz preguntitaz…
¿vale?
¿De
donde
será
este tío?
Ethnobiology student transform after the course
Eric and the teacher from the primary school at Maleku community
143
Celeste Scott asking some questions to a Maleku kid
Corin, Lillian and Viladys in Maleku
The group visiting the palenke of Don Isidro in Maleku
Erin and Leah in Maleku, with the Yuka and Machaca
144
Leah enjoying her Machaca
Katie trying the old Maleku art of hunting, while the rest of the group watch in the
safety zone
Crossing the river in to the way to Puerto Vargas in Cahuita (Lilly, Kennetra, Corin and Cate is
the one in the log)
At the Willy Wonka Chocolate factory in Bribri
145
Osvaldo, the professor in Bocas with Al and the healer apprentize in Panama
The group visiting the archeological site at Bocas del Toro
Visiting the burial worked by a UCLA archeological group
146
Joe with Leah and Rachel up to 40 feets from the ground on that amazing three
Erin chilling out at 40 feets from the ground
Sailing through Bocas del Toro sea
Osvaldo with the indigenous affected by the pression of the turism in Bocas del Toro
147
The group on the controversial field of the indigenous vs turism issue
The group visiting the Jade museum in San José
Last night in Costa Rica for the group
148

Ethnobiology 2008 - Organization for Tropical Studies

Transcripción

Documentos relacionados

FOR SALE - Sitges Houses