Reviews - Hipatia Press
Transcripción
Reviews - Hipatia Press
Volume 5, Number 1 Hipatia Press www.hipatiapress.com h Natives, Subjects, Consumers: Notes on Continuities and Transformations in Indian Masculine Cultures - Sanjay Srivastava ……………………………………………………………………………………....1 Articles Las Masculinidades y los Programas de Intervención para Maltratadores en casos de Violencia de Género en España – Victoria A. Ferrer & Esperanza Bosch ………………..…………………….……………………………………………….28 The Role of Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood in the New Korea – Richard Howson & Brian Yecies ……………………….…...…………………………………………………………54 Dialogic Leadership and New Alternative Masculinities: Emerging Synergies for Social Transformation – Gisela Redondo …………….………………….…………………………………...........................70 Reviews Las Masculinidades en la Transición– Guiomar Merodio ……………..…………………………...………………………………………......92 Hegemonic Masculinities and Camouflaged Politics: Unmasking the Bush Dynasty and its War against Iraq –Ana Burgués…………………...95 Instructions for authors, subscriptions and further details: http://mcs.hipatiapress.com Natives, Subjects, Consumers: Notes on Continuities and Transformations in Indian Masculine Cultures Sanjay Srivastava 1) Jawaharlal Nehru University, India Date of publication: February 21st, 2016 Edition period: February 2016-June 2016 To cite this article: Srivastava, S. (2016). Natives, Subjects, Consumers: Notes on Continuities and Transformations in Indian Masculine Culture. Masculinities and Social Change 5(1), 1-27. doi: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1905 To link this article: http://doi.org/10.17583/MCS.2016.1905 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE The terms and conditions of use are related to the Open Journal System and to Creative Commons Attribution License (CC-BY). MCS – Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016 pp. 1-27 Natives, Subjects, Consumers: Notes on Continuities and Transformations in Indian Masculine Cultures Sanjay Srivastava Jawaharlal Nehru University, India Abstract This article explores recent histories of masculine cultures in India. The discussion proceeds through outlining the most significant sites of the making of masculinity discourses during the colonial, the immediate post-colonial as well as the contemporary period. The immediate present is explored through an investigation of the the media persona of India's current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi. Through constructing a narrative of Indian modernity that draws upon diverse contexts -- such as colonial discourses about natives, anti-colonial nationalism, and post-colonial discourses of economic planning, 'liberalization' and consumerism -- the article illustrates the multiple locations of masculinity politics. Further, the exploration of relationships between economic, political and social contexts also seeks to blur the boundaries between them, thereby initiating a methodological dialogue regarding the study of masculinities. The article also seeks to point out that while there are continuities between the (colonial) past and the (post-colonial) present, the manner in which the past is utilised for the purposes of the present relates to performances and contexts in the present. Finally, the article suggests there is no linear history of masculinity, rather that the uses of the past in the present allow us to understand the prolix and circular ways in which the present is constituted. Keywords: Indian masculinities, colonial masculinity, post-colonial masculinity, consumerism 2016 Hipatia Press ISSN: 2014-3605 DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1905 MCS – Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016 pp. 1-27 Nativos, Sujetos, Consumidores: Notas en la Continuidad y las Transformaciones de las Culturas Indias Masculinas Sanjay Srivastava Jawaharlal Nehru University, India Resumen Este artículo explora historias recientes de las culturas masculinas en la India. La discusión continúa a través de esbozar los sitios más importantes de la elaboración donde se han concretado los discursos de masculinidad durante el periodo de colonización, la post-colonialización inmediata y en la actualidad. El presente artículo describe una investigación de la personalidad mediática del actual primer ministro de la India, Narendra Modi. A través de la construcción de una narrativa de la modernidad de la India en diferentes contextos - como discursos coloniales sobre los nativos, el nacionalismo anticolonial y los discursos post-coloniales de la planificación económica, la "liberalización" y el consumismo - el artículo ilustra los múltiples aspectos relacionados con la masculinidad política. Además, la exploración de las relaciones entre los contextos económicos, políticos y sociales también pretende diluir los límites entre ellos, iniciando así un diálogo metodológico sobre el estudio de las masculinidades. El artículo también pretende señalar que si bien existen continuidades entre el pasado (colonial) y el (post-colonial) actualmente, la manera en que el pasado se utiliza para los fines del presente se refiere a actuaciones y contextos en el presente. Por último, el artículo sugiere que no hay historia lineal de la masculinidad, ya que los usos del pasado en el presente nos permiten comprender las formas circulares y extensas en las cuales se constituye el presente. Palabras clave: masculinidades indias, masculinidad colonial, masculinidad postcolonial, consumismo 2015 Hipatia Press ISSN: 2014-3605 DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1905 MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 3 T his article seeks to explore cultures of masculinity in India through investigating relationships between different kinds of histories and political economies that characterise Indian modernity. These relationships emerge out of a number of contexts, including the social symbolism of the post-colonial state, the politics of ‘Indian traditions’, ideas regarding economic planning and the ‘free’ market, and articulations between new consumer cultures, family forms and individual subjectivity. Masculinity studies is located in a scholarly context within which the concept of gender has come to be seen to offer a means of renewing feminist discourse by encouraging a more relational approach to masculinity and its perceived antithesis, femininity. It also allows of the investigation, problematization and interrogation of masculinity, equally with femininity. Notwithstanding these enabling possibilities, however, gender is still largely deployed in contemporary social science discourse as a synonym for women, its relational aspect obscured and the invitation to interrogate masculinities largely ignored. This article proceeds from the position that the study of masculinity is important in that it ‘is simultaneously a place in gender relations, the practices through which men and women engage that place in gender, and the effects of these practices in bodily experiences, personality and culture’ (Connell, 2005, p.71). Further, as the historian Rosalind O’Hanlon has pointed out, ‘A proper understanding of the field of power in which women have lived their lives demands that we look at men as gendered beings too’ (O’Hanlon, 1997, p.1). Hence, the study of masculinity concerns the exploration of power relationships within the gender landscape, where the dominant ideals of masculinity impact both on women as well as on different ways of being men. This way of understanding masculinity is an exploration of the naturalization of the category ‘man’ through which men have come to be regarded as both un-gendered and the ‘universal subject of human history’ (O’Hanlon 1997, p.1). The field of masculinity studies inspired by feminist approaches to gender has a different history to that of feminist scholarship and activism. The different histories of women’s studies and masculinity studies account for this situation. Feminism’s political project sought to identify, contest and dismantle the naturalization of gendered subjectivity across diverse 4 Sanjay Srivastava – Native, Subjects & Consumers contexts such as labour, religion, parenting, sexuality, the state, domesticity and creativity. The historical experience of being a woman has been fundamental to the project of feminism and personal experience has fuelled the politics of resistance and change that interrogates patriarchal structures. Within India-related feminist scholarship, the struggle against patriarchy has also engaged with the articulation of patriarchal frameworks with those that derive from, say, class and caste privilege, ethnicity and capital. The most significant participants in feminism’s project of transformation have been women since their experience of power has been both immediate and lacerating. The sites of production of counter-discourses are those where the effects of power are directly experienced. The gender politics of Indian modernity has primarily been traced through exploring discourses surrounding women. The female body and ‘feminine chastity’ have had significant careers as sites of interrogation within feminist historiography as well as sociological and anthropological studies that seek to track the complex contours of power in the making of sociality. India-related scholarship has produced a rich body of work relating to topics as diverse as women as repositories of Indian traditions (Mani, 1993; Chatterjee, 1993a; Sunder Rajan, 1993), the nation as goddess (Ramaswamy, 2010), tele-visual femininity (Mankekar, 1999; Munshi, 2010), women and Hindu nationalism (Bacchetta, 2004; Chakravarty, 1998; Sarkar and Butalia, 1995) and women and new middle-class class identities (Donner, 2011). ‘Gender’, however, has rarely been understood in its proper sense as a relationship: one between women and men, and between men, women and various other kinds of genders. And yet, as a steadily accumulating body of work suggest, A proper understanding of the field of power in which women have lived their lives demands that we look at men as gendered beings too: at what psychic and social investments sustain their sense of themselves as men, at what networks and commonalities bring men together on the basis of shared gender identity, and what hierarchies and exclusions set them apart. (O’Hanlon 1997, p.1) In order to stand in a relationship of superiority to feminine identity, masculinity must be represented as possessing characteristics that are MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 5 binary opposites of (actual or imagined) feminine identity. However, this is not all. Dominant masculinity stands in a relationship not just to femininity but also to those ways of being male that are seen to deviate from the ideal. It is in this sense that masculinity possesses both external (relating to women) as well as an internal (relating to ‘other’ men) characteristics. Both these aspects assist in bolstering what scholars have referred to as ‘hegemonic’ masculine identity (Connell, 2005). So, the heterosexual, white-collar married male who is the ‘breadwinner’ is a useful (if somewhat caricatured) type to think about hegemonic masculinity. For, embedded in this representation is an entire inventory of the behaviours and roles that have been historically valourised as becoming of ‘ideal’ masculinity. Hence, the dominant modes of being men could be said to be manufactured out of discourses on sexual orientation (heteronormativity), class, race, conjugality, the ‘protective’ function of males and women as recipients of protection, and the place of emotions in the lives of men and women. Ideas of dominant and ‘hegemonic’ masculinities, as significant as they are, do not, however, exhaust ways of comprehending male cultures, particularly in the non-western world with its prolix colonial and postcolonial social, political and economic histories. This article explores the trajectories of cultures of Indian masculinities across a number of recent registers of social and political life. It is not exhaustive in scope and is intended, rather, as a selective introduction to the topic that is, nevertheless, indicative of significant themes and preoccupations within Indian society. Recent Histories of Indian Masculinities Masculinity refers to the socially produced but embodied ways of being male and, as suggested above, not only does it signify relationships between men and women but also those between men. The following discussion on some of the sites and processes of masculine cultures in India is, in this sense, also an exploration of the hierarchy of male-ness. I will begin by outlining some recent histories of masculinity as there are specific relationships between these histories and discourses of the Indian present. The colonial era was particularly important in the career of modern masculinity. It can be argued that colonialism consolidated forms of masculinity that combined the valorisation of science, the ‘feminization’ of 6 Sanjay Srivastava – Native, Subjects & Consumers non–European people, and the perceived role of men in expressing their masculinity. In many ways, then, colonialism became an expression of the masculine ideal which had been developing in Europe through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Histories of colonialism also suggest that an understanding of modern European male identity is incomplete without a concurrent understanding of the colonial encounter. However, we should not take from this that colonial powers, such as the British in India, invented certain types of masculine cultures and introduced them into the culture of the colonies; and that certain ideas that came to be associated with masculinity—such as being war-like—simply did not exist in colonised societies before colonialism. As Rosalind O’Hanlon has argued, “martial masculinity” (O’Hanlon 1997, p.17), to take just one example, was an important aspect of pre-colonial life, and the colonizers built upon it and incorporated it into discourses of colonial masculinity. Nevertheless, it is important to understand that there was an intensification of certain forms of discourses around masculinity that occurred during colonialism and that several of these continued to circulate during the post-colonial period. The term colonial masculinity expresses the importance of the relationship between two social contexts, viz., colonialism and masculinity. Colonial masculinity does not simply refer to the ways in which colonial processes produced certain ideas about natives; rather, this term also suggests that colonialism influenced the identities of both the colonized as well as the colonizers. It is in this sense, for example, that the making of British male identities during the nineteenth century should be seen as related to events and processes of the colonial era. One scholar speaks of this relationship between European identity and the colonial sphere by asking us to ‘rethink European cultural genealogies across the board and to question whether the key symbols of modern western societies—liberalism, nationalism, state welfare, citizenship, culture, and ‘European-ness’ itself— were not clarified among Europe’s colonial exiles and by those colonized classes caught in their pedagogic net in Asia’ (Stoler, 1995, p.16). Keeping the above in mind, let us briefly explore some of the contexts of colonial masculinity. The nineteenth century British public school presents us with a rich site for the analysis of gender configurations during the colonial era. For, these institutions not only produced the (elite) personnel for the colonial MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 7 enterprise—administrators and soldiers who manned the levers of empire— but they also manufactured a coherent discourse on the connection between gender, religious identity, and the colonial civilizing mission. The British public school was a crucial link in the making of discourses of ‘muscular Christianity’ and ‘moral manliness’ through which colonialism came to be identified both as divine calling as well as a rite of passage for ‘real’ men (Mangan 1986). The ideal of moral manhood (Mangan, 1986, p. 147) took on the nature of an imperative that defined the essence of elite British malehood, and, explained the glittering successes of the imperial enterprise. The public school emphasis of physical prowess as a significant ingredient of leadership articulated well with those discourses of imperialism where ‘manly men’ were to be in charge of the world’s affairs. As ‘real’ men, the colonizers possessed a justification for bringing vast areas of the world under colonial rule, for not only were they bringing civilization to these areas, they were also the harbingers of scientific thinking to people who had earlier been unscientific and hence wanting as human beings. ‘It is this vision of rationality as a relationship of superiority’, Seidler says, ‘that gets embedded within modernity and which helps organise our relationship with the self within western culture’ (Seidler, 1994, p.16 Emphasis in the original). Within the colonial sphere itself, the obverse of the masculinisation of Britishness, was the feminization of the natives, where the latter term refers to the attribution of ‘women-like’ traits to women in the context of the lower value placed on feminine gender identity. Hence, whether in Asia, or in other parts of the colonized world, there emerged a remarkably consistent discourse on the native’s incapacity for self-government and informed decision making due to his inherent ‘effeminacy’ (see, for example, Sinha, 1997). This argument was bolstered by a number of others that derived from a variety of pseudo-sciences (such as colonial psychology and psychiatry) that sought to provide the proof of this position. As one historian has pointed out, the process of the feminization of the native has a history that is intimately connected to perspectives on the nature of the non-western milieu. At the close of the eighteenth century, Robert Orme, official historian of the East India Company was to speak of Indians as ‘people born under a sun too sultry to admit the exercise and 8 Sanjay Srivastava – Native, Subjects & Consumers fatigues necessary to form a robust nation’ (quoted in Sen, 2004, p.77). And that such people: were naturally weak in their constitution. As a result of this general lack of strength, the most popular source of livelihood was the manufacture of cloth, spinning and weaving. The weavers of India were deprived of the tools and machine skills available in England or other parts of Europe, yet their cloth was of exceptional quality. Such remarkable skills were accounted for in the fact that the Indians in the form of their labouring bodies possessed qualities unique to women and children (Sen, 2004, p.77). However, while some natives were feminized, others were represented as ‘martial races’ (Omissi, 1991) and hence worthy of respect, even though they could not be regarded as equals of the British since they did not possess sufficient intellectual prowess. The martial races idea—one that was never fixed but changed according to circumstances—was particularly deployed in India in the aftermath of the 1857 Indian mutiny against the colonial rulers and was significant in the subsequent reorganization of the Indian army. New groups came to be identified as particularly suitable for making war, while others—usually those identified as trouble makers during the mutiny—were effectively excised from recruiting mechanisms. The Sikhs and Gurkhas—martial races to this day—benefited from the context produced by post–1857 political anxiety over native loyalty and an earlier history of ‘racial hygiene’ (Omissi, 1991) that decreed that ‘pure races’ produced the best kind of military men. As historians have emphasized, the taint of effeminacy fell most heavily upon those sections of the native populations who were seen to have formal education of a similar kind to the rulers, and hence conversant with the ideas of freedom and liberty which Europeans characterized as the legacy of the Enlightenment. The ‘effeminate Bengali’ (Sinha, 1997) was the antithesis of a martial race and, perhaps, the best known of a number of such stereotypes that circulated during the colonial era. Closely allied to the effeminacy perspective was the colonial discourse on non-heterosexual masculinity. In the wake of a European history of the production of the homosexual as a distinct identity, one that an influential line of thinking (Foucault, 1979) has identified as closely linked to the rise MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 9 of a normalized bourgeois identity during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the colonial sphere saw similar stigmatization of nonheterosexual masculinity. It is now a common enough observation among scholars and activists that Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code that prohibits ‘unnatural sex’ is, in fact, a colonial artefact that was brought into law in 1861. The relative lack of censure regarding homosexual relationships as a fact of pre-colonial Indian life – an aspect remarked upon by many historians – slowly gave way to public and legal heteronormativity. The colonial era in India did not, however, completely overwrite those indigenous contexts where gender identities continued to be ambiguously inflected. The example of the transvestite performer in the regional Parsi, Gujarati, and Marathi theatres during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is a case in point. During this period, Kathryn Hansen points out, there existed a public cultural space of ‘transgender identification and the homoerotic gaze’ (Hansen, 2004, p.100) that was sustained by a number of highly celebrated male performers such as Naslu Sarkari, Jayashankar Sundari, and Bal Gandharva. Hansen further notes that ‘The Pleasures of the homoerotic gaze and transgender performance were linked in the urban theatre with the satisfactions of social and economic privilege. Both Jayashankar Sundari and Bal Gandharva, rather than bearing any stigma, became national icons and recipients of the Padma Bhushan [an official civilian honour]’ (pp.118–119). Finally, in this context, it is important to note Hansen’s contention that the popularity of the transvestite male performer such as those above cannot be simply attributed to the lack of availability of female performers; rather, she suggests, that it may actually have been due to a preference for female impersonators who, in fact, competed with women actors. Notwithstanding the existence of hybrid spaces such as the above, however, it is reasonable to say that the dominant tendency among the Indian intelligentsia of the period was to accept the rigid binaries of gender identity that colonialism intensified; after all, the tradition of the transvestite performer did decline, his place eventually taken by women actors doing women’s roles. Perhaps the most salient context within which masculine identities became codified according to the colonial discourse was that of nationalism. National identity came to be seen as a way of reconstituting the subject position of Indians on a number 10 Sanjay Srivastava – Native, Subjects & Consumers of fronts, and gender was one of these. So, the nationalist response to the British characterization of ‘Indian effeminacy’ was to both to seek to provide ‘proof’ to the contrary, as well as embark upon measures of improving and rejuvenating Indian masculinity. Rather than interrogate the colonial model, nationalists implicitly, agreed with its premise that Indians lacked manliness and sought to rectify this ‘defect’ through various means. Historians have pointed out that this ‘self-image of effeteness’ (Rosselli, 1980) came to be widely accepted among nineteenth century Indian (Hindu) intelligentsia, and many among them came to believe that the ‘emasculation’ was, among other things, due to the long history Muslim rule which had reduced Hindus to the status of a subject population. Attempts at ‘rectification’ were many and varied. So, one response was connected to the acceptance of the association between science and masculinity, and consisted in promoting the spread of western science. Indeed, being scientific also became an indispensable sign of Indian modernity. Religious thinkers such as Swami Vivekananda and Dayanand Saraswati sought evidence for Indian manliness and rationality in ancient texts; and institutions such as famous boys-only Doon School, established in 1935 with explicitly nationalist aims to produce an Indian boarding school for the training of a modern intelligentsia, became important sites for the development of a post-colonial scientific masculinity (Srivastava, 1998). It was also this context that was the grounds for the emergence of certain discourses on the relationship between masculinity, caste, science and the future possibilities of nationhood. I refer to the emergence of a significant sexology and eugenic movement in the early 20th century in India. In 1927, N.S. Phadke, Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy at Rajaram College in Kolhapur, Maharashtra, published his Sex Problem in India. Being a Plea for a Eugenic Movement in India and a Study of all Theoretical and Practical Questions Pertaining to Eugenics. Phadke pointed out that his discussion was concerned with the exploring ways of maintaining the vigour of a ‘declining race’, for [he said] ‘who could deny that physical strength and military power will be for us an indispensable instrument to keep Swarajya [self-rule] after it is won?’ (Phadke, 1927, p.8). In effect, Phadke was making an argument for the ‘scientific’ nature of the caste system and how it was based on the ‘science’ of eugenics. ‘It need MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 11 never be supposed’, he was to say, ‘that the ancient Aryans were ignorant of the first principles of eugenics’ (Phadke, 1927, p.18). Along with Phadke, another significant figure in western India was the medical doctor AP Pillay, a key personage in the family planning movement that persists to this day. In 1948 Pillay published The Art of Love and Sane Sex Living and was many years the editor of The Journal of Marriage Hygiene. In both Phadke and Pillay’s writings, there is both a concern for the nature of Indian masculinity after Swarajya (self-rule), and also the play of the politics of upper caste masculinity at a time when anti-caste movements were gaining public voice. Their argument connected the caste system and eugenics with modern nation-hood in as much as the caste system was presented as being able to produce the kind of men – through ‘scientific’ selection – who would be required for modern and robust nationhood. From Scientific Masculinity to Homo Economicus: The Five-Year Plan Hero Contiguities between colonial and post-colonial regimes of thought across diverse registers have been extensively documented by scholars (see, for example, Chatterjee, 1993b). These extend to discourses of masculinities and include contexts of masculinities and caste politics (Anandhi & Jeyaranjan, 2001), masculinity and Hindu nationalism (Bannerjee, 2005; Chakravarty, 1998; Chakraborty; 2011), and celibacy and the male body (Alter 1992, 2011). Cultural discourses of science and masculinity continued to play a significant role in the life of the modernizing postcolonial nation-state in the decades following the end of colonial rule. The discourse of ‘scientific reason’ was deployed during the early post-colonial period to define modern subjectivity in India and formed a cornerstone of thinking regarding the project of the transforming the ‘native’ into the ‘citizen’. The national heroes of post-colonial modernity were, typically, men such as scientist and statistician P.C. Mahalanobis (1893-1972), an active member of the Brahmo Samaj movement that sought to ‘modernize’ and ‘reform’ Hinduism , keen researcher of anthropometry, founder of the Indian Statistical Institute, and a leading influence upon the formulation of India’s second Five Year Plan (Rudra, 1996; see also Chatterjee, 1993b, 12 Sanjay Srivastava – Native, Subjects & Consumers chapter ten, for a discussion of social aspects of economic planning in India). It is the context of twentieth century theory of economic development, as expressed through the post-independence planning regime and concurrently articulated in the Hindi films of the 1950s and 1960s that animates this part of my discussion. What is of significance is the relatively popular currency of ideas that located post-colonial Indian modernity within the spirit of a ‘scientific’ world-view. In another work (Srivastava, 2004) on the career of India’s most famous ‘playback’ singer, Lata Mangeshkar (b. 1929), I have discussed the emergence during the immediate post-independence period of a masculine type I have referred to as the Five Year Plan (FYP) Hero, and have suggested that ‘Lata Mangeshkar’s shrill adolescent-girl falsetto’ (Srivastava, 2004, p. 2020) was intended to be the feminine counterpart of a specific post-colonised masculinity, that of the FYP hero. The FYP hero of Indian films represented a particular formulation of Indian masculinity where manliness came to attach not to bodily representations or aggressive behaviour but, rather, to being ‘scientific’ This was the idea of a middle-class ‘epistemological’ or science-based masculinity as it emerged from institutions such as the Doon School, a boarding school for boys established in 1935 (see Srivastava, 1998). One of the ways in which epistemological masculinity came to be represented in Indian cinema was through the operation of very specific spatial strategies, where roads and highways and metropolitan spaces came to be the ‘natural’ habitat of the FYP hero. As well, an important strand in 1950s and 1960s films was the profession of the hero: he was an engineer (building roads or dams), a doctor, a scientist, or a bureaucrat. In significant instances, the filmic presence of the hero was one which could be quite easily characterised as ‘camp’. However, the camp persona of the heterosexual hero could co-exist quite comfortably with a nationalist ideology which identified post-independence manliness as linked to the ‘new’ knowledges of science which, it was held, would transform the ‘irrational’ native into the modern citizen. In the field of popular culture, the immediate post-independence period was particularly important in terms of representations of what could be called the aesthetic of planning and development. MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 13 The iconic presence of the FYP hero gained some its legitimacy through the Keynesian models of economic thought, and he stood both for government intervention and for delayed gratification through the re-investment of savings for the ‘national’ good. The FYP hero represents, in a broad sense, a particular formulation of Indian masculinity where manliness comes to attach not to bodily representations or aggressive behaviour but, rather, to being ‘scientific’ and ‘rational’ (Srivastava, 1996). In the Indian case, economic development policies, especially in the guise of the Soviet inspired Five Year Plans, traced a particular lineage to the world of science through, among others, the public lives of mediating figures such as P.C. Mahalanobis, mentioned above. Spatial strategies, I have noted above, played a significant part in representations of the FYP Hero. So, in the films of 1950s and 60’s, the bitumen road became the space of encounter between the hero and the heroine, backdrop to crucial song sequences, and the linear space which provided the musical interlude for the display of the FYP hero’s technological aptitude as he adeptly handled that epitome of modernist desire - the motor car. Indeed, roads and highways in these films carried such an aura of a planned modernity – all those aspirations of ‘progressing’ in both literal and figurative senses – that the woman at the steering wheel and women on bicycles riding along the open highway become one of the most powerfully evocative representations of ‘modern’ Indian woman-hood. The recurring association between the road/highway and the FYP hero served to emphasise another point: that of the ‘natural’ milieu of the FYP hero: the metropolis. We get some idea of the metropolis as a structuring trope through a series of post-independence Hindi films. So, ‘in films such as Shri 420 (1955, Raj Kapoor), New Delhi (1956, Mohan Segal), Sujata (1959, Bimal Roy) and Anuradha (1960, Hrishikesh Mukherjee), the struggle over meaning and being in a post-colonial society takes place in a context where the metropolis is always a willful presence’ (Srivastava, 1998, p. 165). Here, as in other films, the metropolis is, by turns, a site of decadence and extravagance luring ‘innocent’ people into its web, a progressive influence upon ‘backward’ intellects, and the promise of a contractual civil society that would undermine the atavism of kin and caste affiliations, ostensibly typified by the cinematic village. But perhaps, most 14 Sanjay Srivastava – Native, Subjects & Consumers importantly, the metropolis is also home to the modern, male, ‘improver’, the FYP hero. The Demise of the Five-Year Plan Hero It has been variously noted that the cinematic success of India’s best known Bollywood star, Amitabh Bachchan (b. 1942), lies in the anti-state, ‘angryyoung man’ presence of his on-screen persona (Prasad, 1998). This is not doubt true. However, I would also like to speculate that Bachchan brought to the screen some other very significant aspects of small-town masculinity, one’s that have to do with the consuming and expressive capacities of the previously unrepresented provincial – non-metropolitan – male body. I suggest that a significant aspect of the Bachchan phenomenon concerns the representation of provincial masculinity in a metropolitan milieu. And that, unlike films of the 1950s and 60s, in Bachchan’s films – his biggest hits were in the 1970s and 80s – the provincial man comes to be associated with various forms of action, commerce, and individualism. Hence, the Bachchan hero moves – physically – through a world of container terminals, five-star hotels, wedding-cakes, fancy-shoes, international brand alcohol, dance halls, casinos, airports, and other sites and objects of industrial production and consumption. The Bachchan hero is the first generation consumer, having recently broken the shackles of the savings-regime of the FYP political economy. He is both anti-statist in taking the law into his own hands, as well as harbinger of the age of consumerism. His significance lies in the iconisation of the loss of faith in the intentions and capacities of the (Nehruvian) Five Year Plan state, as well as the positioning of the provincial male as a potential participant in consumerism. Further, through Bachchan’s body, metropolitan and provincial spaces become intertwined: provincial masculinity haunts metropolitan spaces, seeking to share in its fortune, interrogating its lifeways, and taking up residence in its shanty and slum localities. The FYP hero model of masculinity was located within the Keynesian model of economic thought, representing both government intervention and delayed gratification through re-investment of savings for the ‘national good’. While the FYP Hero was not a-sexual, his sexual self could only be read as the preoccupation with reproduction, rather than recreational sex: he was the father of the nation. We might say, then, that the putative Indian MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 15 concern with ‘semen anxiety’ (see Alter, 2011, for example) – regarding ‘wastage’ of an essential fluid – is particularly relevant for the personality and preoccupations of the FYP Hero. For, his manly vigour derived from his ability to sublimate non-reproductive desire – which may lead to semen wastage – into the service of the nation; it is the constant risk of nonsublimation (represented by the vamp, for example) that was the source of anxiety. The death of the Five Year Plan Hero was marked both by a loss in faith in the ‘socialist’ state as well as a slow but perceptible move away from the savings orientation of Nehruvian era and towards the possibilities of consumerism. It was also marked by transformations in social relations, including intimacies. The dominant form of Indian masculinity – that which was publicly expressed at least – increasingly came to be located within contexts of both consumer cultures as well as cultures of non-reproductive sexuality. The burden of saving the nation through saving for the nation and the equally serious task of fathering – and being the father – was giving way to a different model of man-hood that was entangled in newer political and cultural economies. I am not, of course, suggesting a causal relationship between economic liberalization and a change in libidinal economies. This is both far too simplistic a perspective. Rather, my gesture is towards contiguous and overlapping contexts. And, as I discuss below, I am not also arguing for linearity in the making of masculine cultures in India such that these have progressed from being less socially liberal to more so. However, I will come to this point – the persistence of the past in the present – later in my discussion of the discourses of masculinity that surrounded India’s current Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Let me, for moment, stay with the consumerist juncture mentioned above. The 1990s mark a significant decade of change in India. Following its re-election to government in 1980, the Indira Gandhi-led Congress party issued the New Industrial Policy Statement that is seen to be the key to the dramatic changes in the economic sphere that characterized subsequent decades. The Statement focused attention economic ‘liberalisation’ and ‘export-promotion’ as ‘catalysts for faster growth in the coming decades’ (Dutta, 2004; p. 170; see also Sengupta, 2008). Indira Gandhi’s successor, her son Rajiv, enthusiastically built upon the new economic agenda whereby ‘The main objective of the industrial policy under the Rajiv 16 Sanjay Srivastava – Native, Subjects & Consumers [Gandhi] government was... to encourage economic growth led by the private sector, with the public sector playing more and more a subordinate role’ (Dutta, 2004, p. 170). The ferment in the economic sphere found significant echoes in social and cultural spheres, including the rise of a new consumer culture. Beginning from the late 1990s, and related to the ‘opening’ up of the economy, Indian public culture was the site of a multitude of representations and discourses that provide glimpses into newer notions of masculinity. A case in point is the culture of masculinity that characterises ‘footpath pornography’. By ‘footpath pornography’, I mean Hindi language booklets that are available all over India. Typically, they are cheap to acquire (with prices ranging from Rs. 10-30) and are poorly printed and bound. They are, as my naming of the genre indicates, most frequently available at make-shift book-stalls that crowd the footpaths surrounding some of the busiest transit areas of the city – such as railways stations and inter-state bus stands – as well as commercial and small-scale industrial localities. The booklets are part of a world of ceaseless circulation: for, their purchasers most frequently acquire them in between, say, catching a bus or a train, and, as commodities, they circulate among men who are themselves vulnerable to frequent changes of employment and residence. Another aspect to their life as circulating commodities is that the publishers frequently disappear, switch trade, and commonly have their material carted away by the police. While the audience for this material can be varied in terms of class, a very sizable section consists of young men of limited means, quite often living in slums and shanty towns under conditions of great insecurity of tenancy and landholding, and working as factory labour and in a variety of other casual (or ‘informal’) occupations. Theirs is a world of constant and enforced mobility: changes in market conditions lead to frequent job losses and changes in government land policies lead to evictions from their ‘unauthorised’ places of residence. Booklet cover photographs often portray European women or versions of westernised Indian women in poses of ‘rapture’ and ‘seduction’. The authorship of the booklets is mostly male. And, given their status as goods that are on public display and hence must be purchased in public, it is men who are also the purchasers. MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 17 The booklets address a masculine context that is located within – what might be called – an erotics of consumerist modernity. A wide variety of women jostle for male attention both in visual and narrative forms. Typically, (and as noted above), visual representations consist of European women, or ‘westernised’ Indian women. There is the relationship here with Indian cinema and the persona of the ‘vamp’, the most famous of whom was Helen, the Anglo-Indian actress who was famous for her ‘western’ dance numbers. Helen constituted a displacement of Indian male desire: a western looking woman who was the focus of transitory desires that could not be directed at the ‘traditional’ Indian woman. The Indian woman was the object of a more permanent desire for domesticity whereas the western woman embodied a desire that was fleeting: she was more suitable as mistress and girlfriend. One of the most significant thematic strands within footpath pornography concerns the male desire for the ‘modern’ woman. In an age of hyper-consumerism, the desire for the active and consumerist woman is also a desire to take part more intensively in the cultures of consumerism. Her deep modernity is the site of an intense erotic charge as well as threat. It concerned the following question: ‘How to consume modern sexuality and yet remain in control of one’s masculinity?’ The subaltern masculine cultures of the footpath booklets are embedded within an erotics of modernity that is both the grounds of aspiration as well as a context of masculine fear of losing control. The erotics of modernity is characterised by the scattering of desire across a number of material and symbolic registers. The thread that connects these is the intense engagement with worlds that become erotic through their apparent inaccessibility. This, in turn, conjures the figure of the subaltern male who desires, is chastised by, and fears the object of his desire (the ‘modern’ woman). Maleness is made in this crucible of seeking control and encountering rebuff. Modi-Masculinity In this final section, I bring together the various strands of my discussion in order to suggest and foreground a non-linear history of Indian masculinity. The focus of my discussion is ‘Modi-masculinity’, a term I use to refer to the swirl of discourses that characterised the election strategy of Narendra 18 Sanjay Srivastava – Native, Subjects & Consumers Modi who attained the office of prime minister in the Indian general elections of 2014. Modi-masculinity, I suggest, is the site of a combination of both the terriorialised nationalism of the FYP Hero as well as that of his consumerist antithesis. What is new is the recuperation and braiding of the past with features of the present and, hence, the collapsing of past time and present time. We can analyse the 2014 general elections as a rich and prolix context for a focussed elaboration of the otherwise dispersed popular discourses on masculinity. The deployment of what could be identified as ‘traditional’ masculinity politics as a significant electoral strategy was as unprecedented as the role of the media during the elections. It was, however, the imbrication of the ‘traditional’ and the ‘modern’ that made the elections unlike anything in the past. The elections were significant for the significant investments made by political parties for campaigning through various media. The dividends of such investment were recognised slightly earlier during the famous 2011 anti-corruption campaign led by an ex-bureaucrat, Arvind Kejriwal. Kejriwal and his team successfully utilised traditional electronic as well as social media to garner massive support. Soon after joining Twitter in November 2011, Kejriwal gathered a following of 1.5 million. In 2012, he launched the Aam Admi Party (AAP) which gained unprecedented success in the state elections in Delhi in 2013, with Kejriwal becoming chief minister of Delhi till his resignation in February 2014. In the 2014 general elections, media management played an even greater role, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that swept into power by a massive majority deploying a sophisticated and massively funded campaign that centred upon its publicly declared prime ministerial candidate, Narendra Modi. Modi was quick to set up his own website and establish a twitter account. Of particular importance was his projected image in mainstream print and electronic media A significant aspect of the media discourse that gathered around Narendra Modi focused on his ‘forceful’ masculinity. Modi’s election campaign – as well as popular discourse that surrounded his pre-prime ministerial persona – significantly focused upon his ‘manly’ leadership style: efficient, dynamic, potent and capable, through sheer force of personality, of overcoming the ‘policy-paralysis’ that had putatively MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 19 afflicted the previous regime. In this, Modi was explicitly counterpoised to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of the , his ‘impotent’ predecessor, and more generally against an ‘effeminate’ Indian type who is unable to strike hard at both external enemies (Pakistan and China, say) and internal threats (‘Muslim terrorists’, most obviously). This aspect was reinforced by the metonymic invocation by the BJP’s publicity machine of Modi’s ‘56 inch chest’ – able and willing to bear the harshest burdens in the service of ‘Mother India’ – that gained massive currency through the media. The following statement by fashion writer Shefalee Vasudev exemplifies the recognition that Modi’s image has been specifically crafted for the media: If we can read nationalism in Modi’s dressing, Obama’s look is about accessible glamour, just as Kennedy’s was about spirited decadence. If Libya’s Colonel Gaddafi was the most garishly dressed politician in the world, former French first lady Carla Bruni was about Parisian sophistication and nonchalant sexiness. Each made a different statement. (Vasudev, 2014, n.p.) The recognition that masculinity was a significant aspect of Narendra Modi’s media image was recognised in specific ways. A blogger pointed out that Modi’s Empire Line is most flattering to himself — of opulent turbans adorned with pearls and feathers,...chariots of gold and chrome, a machismo swagger with his self-proclaimed ‘chappan chatti’ (56 inch chest), giant cut-outs in every street, to 3-D virtual images that walks, talks and eats; mammoth road shows of pomp and pageantry; flashy showmanship and stagecraft at public meetings; it’s an intoxicating cocktail of hyper masculinity, virility and potency. Good Grief, Narendrabhai [Brother Narendra] does sound like a Mughal Emperor in Modern India! (Gopinath, 2014, n.p.) Further, as sociologist and media-commentator Shiv Vishwanathan noted, Originally Modi appeared in the drabness of white kurtas, which conveyed a swadeshi [indigenous] asceticism. Khadi [hand-spun cloth, 20 Sanjay Srivastava – Native, Subjects & Consumers championed by Mahatma Gandhi] is the language for a certain colourlessness. Modi realized that ascetic white was an archaic language. His PROs forged a more colourful Modi, a Brand Modi more cheerful in blue and peach, more ethnic in gorgeous red turbans. ...Hair transplants and Ayurvedic advice served to grow his hair. ...He senses he has to sustain himself as both icon and image of a different era. (Vishwanathan, 2013, p.54) The political valence of media discourses of Modi-masculinity was recognised by his opponents through their efforts to dispute it: little by little they cast their criticism in terms of his claims to ‘real’ manhood. Hence, in October 2013, a member of the Congress party (that led the political coalition then in power) told a Hindi newspaper that Modi could never become prime-minister as he had not married (though married, Modi has lived separately from his wife) and hence lacked ‘manhood, and in February 2014, TV news-reports showed leading Congress politician Salman Khurshid referring to Modi as ‘napunsak’ (impotent) for not putting a stop to anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat in 2002. ‘Masculinity’ came to be invoked to describe both Modi’s personal and political choices. What I suggest here is that though couched in the language of ‘traditional’ – and corporeal – manhood, Modi-masculinity is, in fact, a recension in a time of consumerist modernity and that the media was a significant site of the re-fashioning. Modi-masculinity stands at the juncture of new consumerist aspirations, the politics of ‘Indian traditions’ and gender, and the re-fashioning of non-upper caste identities. Some idea of the ‘new-ness’ (and peculiarity) Narendra Modi’s mediated image can be derived from the fact that his masculinity was, in fact, counterpoised to that of a political opponent (Manmohan Singh) whose ethnic identity as a Sikh should have positioned him in the ranks of the ‘martial races’ (Omissi, 1991). Modi-masculinity is a specific effect in the times of consumerist modernity. While borrowing ideas of the strong father and the traditionalist male from pre-national and nationalist discourses, its peculiar characteristic lies in the judicious presentation of Indian manhood as both deeply national (and hence territorialised) but also global (and de-territorialised). And, subsequently, it offers a model of ‘choice’ that is based around the notion of – what could be called – ‘moral consumption’. Within this, there is no MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 21 condemnation of consumption as ‘illegitimate’ grounds of identity (cf. van Wessel, 2004, p.104) or emphases on the ‘morality’ of savings-behaviour (Srivastava, 2006). Rather, the key concern is with ‘appropriate’ participation in consumerist activities. This has been the most significant manner in which Modi-masculinity has found articulation in the media. There are two specific contexts that are important for a fuller engagement with the meanings of Modi-masculinity. These are ‘post-nationalism’ and, what I have referred to above as ‘moral consumption’. These concepts (or contexts) also allow for an understanding of the two (or, at least two) specific constituencies of Modi-masculinity that consist of territorialised and de-territorialised Indians. The former consists of older and newer (or, in Modi’s terms, ‘neo’) middle classes, whereas the latter refers to the Indian diaspora. Firstly, post-nationalism is the articulation of the nationalist emotion with the robust desires engendered through new practices of consumerism and their associated cultures of privatization and individuation. It indexes a situation where it is no longer considered a betrayal of the dreams of ‘nation-building’ to either base individual subjectivity within an ethic of consumption (as opposed to savings), or think of the state’s statism in a context of ‘co-operation’ with private capital (as encapsulated by public-private-partnerships, say). The second term, moral consumption, concerns a civilizational debate that seeks to accommodate older social identities – wife, mother, husband, son, sister, for example – within newer individualizing tendencies of consumerism. It does not constitute a rejection – or critique – of consumption (cf. van Wessel, 2004; Lim Chua, 2014), but rather, an attempt to locate the new forms of subjectivities (individualism) within existing social structures. Hence, in a parallel discussion, I have suggested (Srivastava, 2011) that the commoditization of religious and ritual contexts allows for the situation where women can be both hyper-consumers (subjects of the world) as well as ‘good’ wives (able to return home to ‘tradition’). Modi-masculinity stands at the cross-roads of post-nationalism and moral consumption and, in this, combines the continuing imperatives of long-standing power structures and relations of deference with newer political economies of neo-liberalism. That is to say, it combines the idea of an Indian essence with the notion of global comity. Modi-masculinity is, in the most obvious way, the counterpoint to the figure of the ‘Five-Year Plan 22 Sanjay Srivastava – Native, Subjects & Consumers Hero’ (Srivastava, 2006) in as much as the former ‘transcends’ both territorially defined notions of national identity and disavows ‘savings’ in favour of consuming as an act of citizenship. In as much as Modimasculinity presents the case for a dominant (and domineering) male figure who can forcefully champions the cause of ‘minimum government, maximum governance’ (one of Narendra Modi’s favourite election slogans), he speaks to a middle class constituency that has, in recent times, sought to disengage from state mechanisms (Jaffrelot 2008) in favour of private enterprise. Simultaneously, in severing the link between national identity and national territory – through the emphasis on consumption rather than savings – Modi-masculinity also addresses a diasporic audience. What is crucial in both cases is the irreducible nature of masculine power articulated through ‘Modi-ness’. It gestures at and seeks to overturn historical ‘emasculation’ – the putative social inability to deal with internal and external ‘threats’ and the economic inability to be seen as ‘global’ through disenfranchisement from the world of consumption – through discourses of gendered power. Modi-masculinity offers both the possibilities of worldliness but also the promise that men might continue to maintain their hold on both the home and the world. For, Modi’s right-wing Hindu nationalist politics is strongly associated with the defence of ‘Indian values’. Hence, within Modi’s world view, while both men and women are offered equal chances of becoming consumers, masculine anxieties over female consumption – the woman as the sacrificing figure who facilitated male consumption rather than consumed herself has been a long-standing cultural discourse – are assuaged through Modi’s ‘strong’ masculinity. He takes part in the world of consumption while simultaneously gesturing that the world of ‘tradition’ will not be effaced. He is the advocate of moral consumption: consumption is good as long as it ‘appropriate’ to the Indian cultural context. In this way, Modi-masculinity, while aligned to an emerging discourse of ‘Enterprise Culture’ (Gooptu, 2014) is not quite neo-liberalism’s ‘self-regulating, autonomous’ individual (Gooptu, 2014, p.12) spoken of in analyses of neoliberalism in the West. What we have, instead, is individualised subject who is encouraged to make (his) own enterprise, though not exactly as he pleases but through the dictates of structures such as the family and kin networks. It is entirely proper, then, that recent television advertisements MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 23 for personal insurance – a significant index of ‘subjectivity and sociality and neoliberal financing’ (Patel, 2006, p. 29) – present the high-achieving (and enterprising) child purchasing a policy not for himself, but for his ageing parents. Conclusion This article has sought to provide an account of Indian masculine cultures as a history of Indian modernity and its multiple registers. More specifically, the article has sought to outline this history through an account of relationships between economic, political and social contexts, thereby seeking to blur the boundaries between these aspects. The article also seeks to point out that while there are continuities between the (colonial) past and the (post-colonial) present, the manner in which the past is utilised for the purposes of the present relates to the performances and contexts in the present. The anthropologist Edward Bruner speaks of the manner in which performances ‘re-fashion’ reality. ‘It is in the performance’, as he puts it, ‘that we re-experience, re-live, re-create, re-tell, re-construct, and re-fashion our culture ... the performance itself is constitutive’ (1986, p.11). That is to say, my analysis of Indian masculine cultures has sought to outline the significance of the present in constituting the present. 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Contact Address: Direct correspondence to Sanjay Srivastava, Room 19, Centre for the Study of Social Systems, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, 110067, India, email: [email protected] Instructions for authors, subscriptions and further details: http://mcs.hipatiapress.com Las Masculinidades y los Programas de Intervención para Maltratadores en casos de Violencia de Género en España Victoria A. Ferrer1 Esperanza Bosch1 1) Universitat de les Illes Balears, España Date of publication: February 21st, 2016 Edition period: February 2016 - June 2016 To cite this article: Ferrer, V. A., & Bosch, E. (2016). Las Masculinidades y los Programas de Intervención para Maltratadores en Casos de Violencia de Género en España. Masculinities and Social Change 5(1),28-51. doi: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1827 To link this article: http://doi.org/10.17583/MCS.2016.1827 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE The terms and conditions of use are related to the Open Journal System and to Creative Commons Attribution License (CC-BY). MCS – Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016 pp. 28-51 Masculinities and Batterer Intervention Programs in Gender Violence in Spain Victoria A. Ferrer & Esperanza Bosch Universitat de les Illes Balears, Spain Abstract Intimate partner violence against women (called gender violence in the Spanish legal framework) is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon that has been explained from different theoretical viewpoints. In this paper, we take as a starting point to analyze this violence a multi-causal model, called pyramidal model, which understands traditional masculinity and their conditionants as an important explanatory key for violence against women. In this context, data on the low presence of the notion of masculinity in the intervention programs for the rehabilitation of perpetrators that have been applied in Spain are presented, and suggestions on the need to increase the role of this element are provided. Keywords: intimate partner violence against women, perpetrators, masculinities. 2016 Hipatia Press ISSN: 2014-3605 DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1827 MCS – Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016 pp. 28-51 Las Masculinidades y los Programas de Intervención para Maltratadores en Casos de Violencia de Género en España Victoria A. Ferrer & Esperanza Bosch Universitat de les Illes Balears, España Resumen La violencia contra las mujeres en la pareja (denominada violencia de género en el marco jurídico español) es un fenómeno complejo y poliédrico que ha sido explicado desde diferentes puntos de vista teóricos. En este trabajo, se toma como punto de partida para analizar esta violencia un modelo multicausal, denominado modelo piramidal, que entiende la masculinidad tradicional y sus condicionantes como una clave explicativa importante para la violencia contra las mujeres. En este contexto, se aportan datos sobre la escasa presencia de la noción de masculinidad en los programas de intervención para la rehabilitación de los maltratadores que se han venido aplicando en España y se reflexiona sobre la necesidad de incrementar el protagonismo de este elemento. Palabras clave: violencia de género, maltratadores, masculinidades 2016 Hipatia Press ISSN: 2014-3605 DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1827 30 Ferrer & Bosch. – Masculinidades e intervención maltratadores E n el intento de desarrollar un marco de investigación europeo para el estudio de las violencias masculinas, Jeff Hearn y cols. (2013) desarrollan algunos principios metodológicos clave y, entre otras cosas, concluyen que entre nuestras prioridades de investigación debería estar el determinar qué reduce y detiene estas violencias. En este contexto, el trabajo desarrollado desde nuestro grupo de investigación se ha venido centrando en el estudio de las violencias ejercidas por los varones contra las mujeres y, especialmente, de aquella que ocurre en la pareja (y que recibe la denominación de violencia de género en el ordenamiento jurídico español a partir de la Ley Orgánica 1/2004 de Medidas de Protección Integral contra la Violencia de Género). Esta violencia la hemos abordado y estudiado desde diferentes puntos de vista, incluyendo: los cambios en la percepción social de esta violencia en España (Ferrer & Bosch, 2014a); los factores que llevan a las mujeres a permanecer en una relación de maltrato (Bosch, Ferrer & Alzamora, 2006); el papel de las actitudes sexistas y la misoginia como factores causales en esta violencia (Ferrer & Bosch, 2014b); o los mitos sobre la violencia contra las mujeres y de género (Bosch & Ferrer, 2002, 2012a). Como fruto de estos trabajos y de la reflexión sobre el tema, hemos generado una propuesta de modelo hermenéutico – heurístico, al que hemos denominado Modelo Piramidal (MP), que entendemos teóricamente plausible para explicar las violencias contra las mujeres en general y en el que, además, encajarían los resultados de las investigaciones sobre la cuestión que van conociéndose. Este modelo ha sido presentado en algunos trabajos previos (Bosch & Ferrer, 2013; Bosch, Ferrer, Ferreiro & Navarro, 2013) y lo hemos aplicado hasta ahora, básicamente, al caso de la violencia contra las mujeres en la pareja (Ferrer & Bosch, 2012, 2014c). En el marco de este modelo, y como expondremos en la primera parte de este artículo, las creencias patriarcales y el modelo de masculinidad tradicional hegemónico dominante serían claves explicativas importantes para la ocurrencia de estas violencias. Paralelamente al trabajo descrito, y, especialmente, a partir de la entrada en vigor de la LO 1/2004, hemos asistido a importantes cambios en el tratamiento de estas violencias, por ejemplo, en los programas de intervención para maltratadores en casos de violencia de género que se MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 31 habían comenzado a implementar en España a partir de los años 90. En relación con ellos, y siempre desde una perspectiva de análisis feminista crítico, se ha realizado una revisión sistemática sobre estos programas y sus características. El estudio del papel otorgado a las masculinidades en dichos programas constituye el objetivo principal de este trabajo, que será presentado en la segunda parte del mismo. El Papel Modelo Masculino Tradicional en la Génesis de la Violencia de Género. Análisis desde el Modelo Piramidal (MP) Como hemos señalado anteriormente, a partir del análisis e integración del material empírico y teórico que hemos ido revisando y de las conclusiones de la investigación empírica previa (Bosch & Ferrer, 2002; Bosch et al., 2008, 2012) desarrollamos un modelo explicativo, que incluye muchos de los elementos presentes en otros modelos multicausales y aporta, además, algunas claves de análisis complementarias, y al que denominamos Modelo Piramidal (MP). Este modelo tiene una estructura piramidal y consta de cinco etapas o escalones (cuatro de ellos constituyen los mecanismos explicativos de la violencia (sustrato patriarcal, procesos de socialización, expectativas de control y eventos desencadenantes) y el quinto sería, propiamente, el estallido de la violencia contra las mujeres, en cualquiera de sus diferentes formas), más un proceso, al que hemos denominado de filtraje. En este marco, la violencia se gestaría en un proceso de escalada de los agresores a través de estas etapas o escalones, y el proceso de filtraje, por su parte, visibilizaría qué ocurre con aquellos varones que, aunque han vivido el mismo sustrato patriarcal y han estado expuestos a las mismas claves durante los procesos de socialización, no ejercen esta violencia. En trabajos anteriores (Bosch & Ferrer, 2013; Bosch et al., 2013) hemos presentado una descripción de los diferentes elementos que conforman este modelo. En este trabajo vamos a poner el foco sobre algunos de ellos. Así, en primer lugar, en el contexto del MP se recoge la idea de que, mediante los procesos de socialización diferencial, las personas aprendemos e interiorizamos las normas de comportamiento que se derivan de las actitudes y creencias que legitiman y mantienen el dominio de los varones sobre las mujeres (ideología patriarcal) y que, desde un orden social 32 Ferrer & Bosch. – Masculinidades e intervención maltratadores patriarcal, se entienden como adecuadas y apropiadas para unos y otras (en qué consiste ser un hombre masculino y una mujer femenina). Estos modelos normativos hegemónicos y tradicionales de masculinidad y feminidad, supuestamente universales, dicotómicos y opuestos entre sí, actuarían como marco de referencia socialmente compartido y transmitido, convirtiéndose en mandatos de género (Bonino, 2001; Lagarde, 1999, 2005; Pescador, 2010; Rebollo, 2010) para muchas personas, hombres y mujeres. Estos mandatos se caracterizarían del modo siguiente (Alcántara, 2002; Bonilla, 2008; Martínez-Benlloch, 2008; Pescador, 2010; Rebollo, 2010): El mandato de género tradicional masculino se caracterizaría como “ser-para-sí”, asociando la masculinidad con la heterosexualidad, el control, el poder, la dominación, la fuerza, el éxito, la racionalidad, la autoconfianza y la seguridad en uno mismo, y con las tareas productivas (como el trabajo remunerado o la política, que responsabilizan a los varones de los bienes materiales). En esencia, este mandato incluiría no poseer ninguna de las características que se les suponen a las mujeres, y contrapesar éstas con sus opuestos (racionalidad por oposición a irracionalidad, fuerza frente a debilidad, ausencia de emociones frente a emocionalidad, etc). Para una descripción más detallada al respecto pueden consultarse, entre otros, trabajos como los de Bonino (2001) o López (2013). El mandato de género tradicional femenino se caracterizaría como “ser-para-otros”, asociando la feminidad con la sumisión, la pasividad, la dependencia, la obediencia, la abnegación, la renuncia, y con las tareas reproductivas (como el cuidado de la pareja, los/as hijos/as, etc., que responsabiliza a las mujeres del bienestar de los demás y de los bienes emocionales). Vinculado a su rol como cuidadora y responsable del bienestar de otros/as, este mandato otorga un lugar central a los roles de esposa y madre (hasta considerar que una mujer sólo pueden alcanzar su plenitud y satisfacción ejerciendo estos roles, especialmente, a través de la maternidad), y un peso importante a la (supuesta) predisposición al amor (hasta el punto de considerar a las mujeres como completas sólo cuando “pertenecen” a alguien). MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 33 En definitiva, “Desde el imaginario cultural se mantienen modelos de masculinidad y feminidad que, en forma de ideales, son tomados como referentes de identificación, pasando a formar parte de los deseos, fantasías y creencias personales” (Bonilla, 2008, p. 24). Aunque otros puntos de vista entienden que no hay relación entre la violencia de género y el amor (Yuste, Serrano, Girbés & Arandia, 2014), de acuerdo con el Modelo Piramidal (MP) desde el que se desarrolla el análisis que presentamos en este trabajo, estos mandatos tendrían su corolario en la denominada ideología de género tradicional, y una fuerte vinculación con modelo de amor romántico imperante. La ideología de género es el conjunto de creencias que las personas poseemos sobre cuáles son los roles, y comportamientos considerados apropiados para varones y mujeres (por razón de su sexo) y sobre las relaciones que unos y otras deben mantener entre sí (Ferrer & Bosch, 2010; Moya, 2004), esto es, las creencias prescriptivas sobre los roles de mujeres y hombres. Esta ideología se concibe como una dimensión cuyos extremos pueden etiquetarse como ideología de género tradicional vs. ideología de género feminista – igualitaria (Moya, Expósito & Padilla, 2006; Moya, Navas & Gómez, 1991). La ideología de género tradicional supone, pues, asumir y validar los modelos normativos hegemónicos y los mandatos de género tradicionales, y se caracteriza por enfatizar las diferencias sexuales o biológicas entre varones y mujeres y, consecuentemente, la necesidad de una estricta diferenciación de roles y ámbitos para unas y otros: como consecuencia de considerar a las mujeres como seres débiles y necesitados de protección, se las relega a los roles de esposa, ama de casa y madre (ámbito privado); como consecuencia de considerar a los varones como seres fuertes con autoridad y protectores, se les asignan roles de proveedor, vinculados a la toma de decisiones y la esfera pública (Moya et al., 2006). Un análisis más detallado sobre lo que supone y sobre las repercusiones de la ideología masculina tradicional se halla descrito, entre otros, en trabajos como el de Martínez y Paterna (2013). En resumen, puede decirse que los mandatos de género tradicionales se plantean como complementarios en el sentido propuesto por Edgar Sampson (1993): la identidad masculina se define como autónoma, independiente y controladora, pero para que ello sea posible, es necesario 34 Ferrer & Bosch. – Masculinidades e intervención maltratadores que haya quien asuma una identidad dependiente y relacionada con el cuidado y el servicio (la identidad femenina). Pero, el mandato de género masculino implica no sólo una hegemonía externa (la dominación de los varones sobre las mujeres), sino una hegemonía interna, esto es, la ascendencia social de unos varones sobre otros, la subordinación de otras formas de masculinidad alternativas a la masculinidad hegemónica tradicional (Demetriou, 2001; Díez, 2015). Por su parte, el modelo de amor romántico, también denominado amor fusional, relación fusionada o vínculo fusional romántico (Bosch & Ferrer, 2012b, 2014; Bosch et al., 2013; Esteban & Tavora, 2008; Herrera, 2011; Labonté, 2010; Leal & Nieto, 2007; Luengo & Rodríguez-Sumaza, 2009; Tavora, 2007) hace referencia a qué significa enamorarse, qué sentimientos se consideran apropiados y cuáles no, cómo debe ser la relación, y qué papel ha de desempeñar el amor en nuestras vidas. Además, incluye una serie de mitos y creencias irracionales al respecto, como, por ejemplo, que el único requisito para alcanzar la felicidad es tener a la otra persona, que cada miembro de la pareja tiene capacidad para satisfacer completamente todas las necesidades del/la otro/a, que existe la “media naranja”, etc. (Barrón, Martínez-Íñigo, De Paul & Yela, 1999; Ferrer, Bosch & Navarro, 2010; Ferrer, Bosch, Navarro & Ferreiro, 2009a, 2009b, 2010; Yela, 2000, 2003). Este modelo lo aprendemos, y, en su caso, lo interiorizamos, durante el proceso de socialización. Pero el amor no es una experiencia neutra, sino fuertemente generizada (Burns, 2000; Denmark, Rabinowitz & Sechzer, 2005; Leal, 2012; Redman, 2002; Schäfer, 2008), de modo que los mandatos de género condicionarían de forma diferencial tanto la elección del objeto de amor, como la centralidad del amor y la pareja en nuestras vidas (central, y de sumisión y renuncia para el mandato de género tradicional femenino; y periférico, y de dominio para el masculino). En este contexto, aquellos varones que asumen como propia y no cuestionan ni la ideología de género tradicional ni las bases en las que se asienta, asumen pues la superioridad masculina (y, por tanto, la necesaria subordinación femenina), creen tener unos derechos (expectativas de control) sobre las mujeres que consideran válidos y legítimos, y se comportan en consecuencia, es decir, esperan mantener el control sobre ellas, sobre sus vidas, sus cuerpos, su sexualidad, sus amistades, su MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 35 economía, etc. En el caso concreto de la violencia contra las mujeres en la pareja, el maltratador, que asume la ideología de género y el mandato de género masculino tradicionales, cree tener unos derechos (expectativas de control) sobre su pareja que le permitirían controlar su vida. A esto se suma el hecho de que una relación de pareja basada en los mitos del amor romántico incrementa aún más si cabe el riesgo de crear falsas expectativas sobre lo que es o ha de ser la pareja (Bosch & Ferrer, 2012b, 2014; Bosch et al., 2008, 2012, 2013; Ferrer & Bosch, 2014c; Ferrer et al., 2009a, 2009b, 2010). Estas expectativas de control pueden dispararse y/o materializarse ante ciertos eventos desencadenantes (personales, sociales o político-religiosos) que constituirían el cuarto escalón del MP (Ferrer & Bosch, 2014c). Así, en el proceso de tránsito a lo largo de los diferentes escalones o etapas del modelo propuesto, aquellos varones que asumen (de modo rígido y sin cuestionarlo) el mandato de género masculino tradicional (y la ideología patriarcal subyacente), ante un evento (desencadenante) que les lleva a ver frustradas sus expectativas de mantener un control sobre sus parejas, que ellos consideran plenamente justificado y legítimo, y/o que refuerza (o ellos creen que refuerza) su posición, considerarían también legítimo pasar a la acción y dar rienda suelta a una serie de estrategias (que incluirían desde los celos hasta la violencia en sus formas más extremas) con objeto de recuperar ese control perdido. En este contexto, algunos varones (los que ejercen la violencia) tendrían una actitud de legitimación hacia los mandatos del patriarcado, de modo que aceptarían tanto los privilegios que se derivan de la ideología patriarcal y el mandato de género masculino tradicional, como la legitimidad para ejercer violencia y castigar a aquellas mujeres que quiebran el mandato de género femenino tradicional (Bosch & Ferrer, 2013). El Modelo Masculino Tradicional en los Programas de Intervención para Maltratadores en Casos de Violencia de Género en España Aunque los primeros programas de intervención para maltratadores en casos de violencia de género fueron implementados en España a mediados de la década de 1990 en ámbito comunitario por el profesor Enrique Echeburúa y su equipo de la Universidad del País Vasco, en colaboración 36 Ferrer & Bosch. – Masculinidades e intervención maltratadores con el Instituto Vasco de la Mujer (Echeburúa, De Corral, FernándezMontalvo & Amor, 2004), no será, como se ha señalado anteriormente, hasta la entrada en vigor de la LO 1/2004 cuando se produzca un importante y rápido incremento de estos programas en España (Lila, 2013). Esto ha tenido como consecuencia que en todo el país se han desarrollado y adaptado a las nuevas necesidades (y también a la nueva legislación nacional, y a las legislaciones autonómicas que han ido aprobándose en los diferentes territorios) programas de intervención para maltratadores, tanto de asistencia voluntaria en la comunidad, o en el interior de las prisiones, como en el ámbito de las medidas penales alternativas (Carbajosa & Boira, 2013). Paralelamente a la creación e implementación de estos programas, se fue también incrementando la necesidad de determinar su eficacia (Lila, 2013). Para ello se hacía necesario, en primer lugar, determinar los criterios de calidad y estándares comunes que tales programas deberían de cumplir, y, posteriormente, revisar en qué medida se daba tal cumplimiento. En este contexto, y como parte de nuestro interés por este tema, formulamos un proyecto de investigación denominado “Programas de intervención con maltratadores en casos de violencia de género aplicados en España (1995-2010): Análisis cualitativo y cuantitativo de características y eficacia” (FEM2011-25142), cuyo objetivo general era analizar y evaluar de modo científico y sistemático, y tanto desde un punto de vista cuantitativo como cualitativo, las características y la eficacia de los programas de intervención con maltratadores en casos de violencia de género aplicados en España entre 1995 y 2010. La revisión sistemática de la literatura científica sobre el tema mostró que los primeros trabajos sobre el tema se publicaron en 1994, por lo que se amplió el período de análisis. Para la recogida de información y el posterior análisis de la calidad de estos programas, se diseñó un cuestionario cualitativo. En un trabajo previo (Ferreiro, Ferrer, Bosch, Navarro & Blahopoulou, 2015) se presentaron el proceso de revisión y selección de los criterios y estándares de calidad, tanto nacionales como internacionales, que fueron tenidos en consideración para el diseño de dicho cuestionario, el contenido de dichos criterios, y el cuestionario final resultante. A modo de resumen, puede decirse que el citado cuestionario incluye criterios y subcriterios relativos a las siguientes características de estos MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 37 programas: su orientación teórica; sus contenidos; la formación y las características de los/las terapeutas que los aplican; los procedimientos para su aplicación y seguimiento; la evaluación de su eficacia; o la relación que se establece con los sistemas penales y de justicia. Así, y como parte de este cuestionario se incluyó un criterio relativo a los componentes de la intervención, y, dentro de él, se incluyeron como indicios de calidad los subcriterios siguientes: Analizar si la intervención incluye un componente cognitivo para desmontar o desactivar el modelo mental sexista sobre la violencia de género (esto es, trabajar y deconstruir las ideas sexistas, las distorsiones y sesgos cognitivos sobre la violencia, sobre el sexismo, sobre el rol masculino y sobre la identidad masculina tradicional), y Analizar si la intervención incluye un componente emocional para modificar las asociaciones emocionales con la conducta violenta (esto es, trabajar emociones de ira, frustración, impotencia, celos, miedo,… ligadas a la identidad masculina tradicional y la violencia). Por tanto, y recogiendo de modo explícito la recomendación que realizaron Rothman, Butchard y Cerdá (2003), y que contemplan también la mayoría de estándares y guías de buenas prácticas desarrolladas en el ámbito europeo para trabajar con maltratadores (Ginés, Geldschläger, Nax & Ponce, 2015), se incluyó en el cuestionario diseñado y como parte de los criterios básicos a considerar para evaluar los programas de intervención con maltratadores, el análisis de la masculinidad, esto es, el análisis sobre la forma en que las normas sociales sobre el género afectan al modo en que los hombres se comportan en las relaciones de pareja. Por lo que se refiere a los resultados obtenidos, la revisión sistemática de la literatura sobre el tema mostró la existencia de 148 registros, publicados entre enero de 1994 y enero de 2013. La mayoría de ellos correspondían a artículos en revistas científicas (41.89%), que habían sido publicados entre 2008 y 2010 (46.62%), y que describían uno o más programas de intervención con maltratadores aplicados en España (44.59%). Cabe señalar que, si bien en estos registros se identificaron hasta un total de 47 programas (21 desarrollados hasta 2004 y 26 a partir de la implementación de la LO 1/2004), para 25 de ellos sólo se obtuvo una somera descripción 38 Ferrer & Bosch. – Masculinidades e intervención maltratadores (en algunos casos, sólo una referencia al nombre y poco más) y sólo en los 22 casos restantes se ofrecía una información más completa. Los programas a los que hacían referencia un mayor número de registros eran aquellos desarrollados por el profesor Echeburúa y su equipo (17.57%), y los programas Galicia (9.46%), Contexto y Navarra (6.08%, respectivamente), y Espacio (5.41%). Cabe señalar que los diferentes programas identificados fueron agrupados en tres categorías (Ferrer, Bosch, Navarro & Ferreiro, 2013; Geldschläger et al., 2009, 2010; Montero, 2009): a) Programas llevados a cabo en los centros penitenciarios y sus secciones abiertas (basados en el artículo 42.1 de la LO 1/2004), que fueron diseñados y son gestionados y aplicados por la Secretaría General de Instituciones Penitenciarias (2005, 2010) (excepto en Cataluña, donde dependen del gobierno autonómico) para internos condenados por delitos relacionados con violencia de género que participan en ellos voluntariamente. Se caracterizan por su elevado nivel de estandarización y por ser objeto de seguimiento y evaluación (Echeburúa & Fernández-Montalvo, 2009; Echeburúa, FernándezMontalvo & Amor, 2006). De hecho, el primer programa piloto de intervención se realizó en 2001. Este programa inicial fue revisado y evaluado posteriormente (en 2004 y 2009) hasta alcanzar su formato actual. b) Programas como medida penal alternativa (basados en el artículo 35 de la LO 1/2004), que suponen el cumplimiento de penas alternativas para maltratadores condenados a menos de dos años, que no ingresan en prisión, pero están obligados judicialmente a seguir uno de estos programas. Son llevados a cabo por los servicios sociales de Instituciones Penitenciarias, o conveniados y gestionados por otros organismos. Inicialmente mostraban un importante grado de variabilidad, pero, poco a poco (y, especialmente, a partir de 2010 cuando se puso en marcha un programa piloto para su armonización), han ido tendiendo hacia un mayor estandarización. Ejemplos de ellos serían los programas Galicia (Arce & Fariña, 2010) o Contexto (Lila, García & Lorenzo, 2010); MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 39 c) Programas de asistencia voluntaria, que trabajan con varones que acuden voluntariamente y se desarrollan en contextos comunitarios (por ejemplo, ayuntamientos, colegios profesionales, centros terapéuticos, asociaciones y organismos autonómicos). No están estandarizados y se caracterizan, precisamente, por su diversidad metodológica y conceptual, tanto en lo relativo a sus características, como a su aplicación y evaluación. Entre ellos estarían, por ejemplo, el programa Espacio (Boira & Jodrá, 2010) o el programa de carácter comunitario desarrollado por Echeburúa y cols. (Echeburúa et al., 2009). Cabe señalar que este tipo de programas ha ido disminuyendo con el paso del tiempo, especialmente desde la implementación de la LO 1/2004. Por lo que se refiere a la efectividad de estos programas, la revisión realizada nos permitió determinar que, aún a pesar de las discrepancias que suelen producirse (Arias, Arce & Novo, 2014), para la mayoría de ellos este análisis se realizó, básicamente, a partir de cuestionarios administrados a los varones participantes en los programas (sólo en un 38.3% de los casos se incluyó alguna medida de la opinión de las parejas), y que el criterio de éxito considerado fue, principalmente, el cambio entre antes y después de la intervención en las características psicológicas y las distorsiones cognitivas de los maltratadores sobre las mujeres y sobre el uso de la violencia como forma aceptable de solucionar conflictos. Sin embargo, apenas se analizaron los mandatos de género tradicionales o la masculinidad. Como ya se ha comentado, los programas con maltratadores se realizan desde diferentes enfoques teóricos y metodológicos, si bien los más extendidos combinan la terapia cognitivo-conductual con una perspectiva de género. Por lo que se refiere a sus contenidos, Geldschläger y Ginés (2013) apuntaban que éstos suelen incluir la asunción de responsabilidad por la violencia ejercida, el análisis de episodios violentos para comprender su significado e intencionalidad, el trabajo sobre la masculinidad y el aprendizaje del uso de la violencia, la creación de maneras alternativas de relacionarse y el entrenamiento de las habilidades necesarias para ellas, así como la prevención de recaídas. Sin embargo, y como este mismo autor ya había detectado en una revisión previa (Geldschläger, 2010), aunque el análisis y comprensión de la violencia contra las mujeres y sus 40 Ferrer & Bosch. – Masculinidades e intervención maltratadores fundamentos, y el trabajo con los mitos y creencias erróneas sobre las mujeres y la violencia como forma de resolver los conflictos sí forman parte habitual de los programas que se han venido implementando (en más de un 80%-90% de los casos), la noción de masculinidad como contenido explícito y directo de la intervención es, en cambio, mucho menos frecuente. Así, de entre los programas analizados tan sólo aquellos que adoptan de modo claro una perspectiva de género y feminista para la intervención mencionan como objetivo explícito la masculinidad. A modo de ejemplo, cabe citar: el programa de asistencia voluntaria del Servei d’Atenció a Homes que Maltratan (SAHM), que ha venido gestionando la Fundación IRES para diferentes ayuntamientos (incluyendo los de ciudades como Barcelona o Palma de Mallorca) y en los que la masculinidad se incluye como objetivo que la intervención (Calle, 2010); o el Programa Psicosocial para Agresores en el Ámbito de la Violencia de Género de la Universidad de Granada (Expósito, 2010; Expósito & Ruiz, 2010), un programa diseñado como medida penal alternativa, que se realiza desde una orientación de género y centra la intervención en los comportamientos concretos utilizados por los hombres para mantener el control y el poder dentro de la relación de pareja. Este programa incluye una unidad para trabajar sobre los privilegios masculinos que se concreta en modificar las ideas estereotipadas relacionadas con los roles del varón y la mujer y la justificación del uso de la violencia. Conclusiones y Propuestas En definitiva, a lo largo de los párrafos anteriores se ha tratado de poner de manifiesto una doble realidad: por una parte, que las explicaciones actuales y multicausales de la violencia contra las mujeres en la pareja muestran que la noción de masculinidad (específicamente, el mandato masculino tradicional que conforma la masculinidad hegemónica que ha venido imperando) es un elemento clave en la génesis de esta violencia y, por tanto, en los programas de intervención con quienes la cometen (Ginés et al., 2015; Wojnicka, 2015); y, por otra, que, a pesar de ello, la mayoría de programas de intervención para maltratadores en casos de violencia de MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 41 género abordan esta cuestión tan sólo, y en el mejor de los casos, de forma colateral. Obviamente, y como la propia complejidad de la violencia de género implica, la intervención con los maltratadores debe ser también amplia y poliédrica. Cuestiones como el concepto de violencia, su definición y sus causas o los mitos sobre esta violencia no pueden, lógicamente, ser ajenas a cualquier intervención que pretenda ser adecuada y efectiva. Las creencias sobre las mujeres y la violencia y, especialmente, las creencias y estereotipos sexistas han de ser otro de los ejes en torno a los cuales se articulen este tipo de intervenciones. Pero, más allá de estas cuestiones, parece evidente que la rehabilitación de los maltratadores pasa también por confrontarlos con la propia idea de masculinidad imperante y, alternativamente, por la construcción de un nuevo modelo de masculinidad. Explicado en términos del Modelo Piramidal (MP), al que hemos hecho referencia anteriormente (Bosch & Ferrer, 2013): Los varones maltratadores tendrían una actitud de legitimación hacia los mandatos del patriarcado, aceptando tanto los privilegios derivados de la masculinidad hegemónica tradicional y el mandato de género masculino, como la legitimidad de ejercer violencia y castigar a aquellas mujeres que quiebran el mandato de género femenino (Herrera, Expósito & Moya, 2012; López, 2013). La mayoría de programas de intervención trabajan en potenciar en los varones maltratadores una actitud de resistencia, esto es, en alcanzar una postura de rechazo hacia la violencia masculina, pero sin entrar a cuestionar sus bases o los privilegios vinculados al mandato de género masculino. Esto, que en un determinado momento puede ser considerado útil, en tanto en cuanto puede frenar la ocurrencia de determinadas formas de violencia, puede no ser suficiente, permitiendo, o bien que se mantengan aquellas violencias catalogadas como de baja intensidad, o bien que la violencia vuelva a surgir ante determinados eventos desencadenantes. La propuesta que surge de todo ello es la necesidad de que los programas de intervención con maltratadores adopten en su conjunto una perspectiva feminista o de género que les lleve a trabajar en profundidad la noción de la masculinidad, generando una actitud de proyección, que suponga una redefinición de la masculinidad tradicional, aceptando 42 Ferrer & Bosch. – Masculinidades e intervención maltratadores renunciar a los privilegios que, tanto a nivel social (macro) como individual (micro), les ha venido ofreciendo la sociedad patriarcal. Si bien esta tercera alternativa es, sin lugar a dudas, la más costosa de alcanzar, sería también la que, previsiblemente, daría lugar a cambios de mayor profundidad y más duraderos y, en definitiva, no sólo a la desaparición de la violencia actual, sino a la prevención de la violencia futura por parte de los maltratadores que participaran y completaran con éxito aquellos los programas de intervención diseñados desde estas premisas. Agradecimientos Este trabajo fue llevado a cabo en el marco de un proyecto de investigación financiado por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (FEM2011-25142). Referencias Alcántara, M. D. (2002). De abnegada a maltratada: la socialización en la violencia de género. En M. T. López, M. J. Jiménez y E. M. Gil (Eds.), Violencia y género I (pp. 515-520). Málaga: Servicio de Publicaciones del Centro de Ediciones de la Diputación de Málaga. Arce, R., & Fariña, F. (2010). 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(2005). Programa de tratamiento en prisión para agresores en el ámbito familiar. Madrid: Autor. Recuperado de MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 51 http://www.institucionpenitenciaria.es/web/export/sites/default/datos/des cargables/descargas/Programa_de_tratamiento_en_prision_para_agresor es_en_el_ambito_familiar_grupo_de_trabajo_sobre_violencia_de_gener o.pdf Secretaría General de Instituciones Penitenciarias. (2010). Violencia de género. Programa de intervención para agresores (PRIA). Madrid: Autor. Recuperado de http://www.institucionpenitenciaria.es/web/export/sites/default/datos/des cargables/publicaciones/Doc_Penitenc_7_Violencia_de_gxnero_Acc.pd f Tavora, A. (2007). El amor de pareja en la construcción de la identidad de las mujeres. En Congreso Estatal “De las cosas de acogida a los Centros de Atención Integral” (pp. 80-94). Madrid, Instituto de la Mujer. Wojnicka, K. (2015). Men, masculinities and physical violence in contemporary Europe. Studia Humanistyczne AGH, 14(2), 15-32. doi:10.7494/human.2015.14.2.15-32 Yela, C. (2000). El amor desde la psicología social. Ni tan libres ni tan racionales. Madrid: Pirámide. Yela, C. (2003). La otra cara del amor: mitos, paradojas y problemas. Encuentros en Psicología Social, 1(2), 263-267. Yuste, M., Serrano, M. A., Girbés, S., & Arandia, M. (2014). Romantic love and gender violence clarifyinf misunderstandings through communicative organization of the research. Qualitatye Inquiry, 20(7), 850-855. Victoria A. Ferrer is Professor of Social Psychology in Department of Psychology at University of Balearic Islands, Spain. Esperanza Bosch is Professor of Basic Psychology in Department of Psychology at University of Balearic Islands, Spain. Contact Address: Direct correspondence to Victoria A. Ferrer, Edifici Guillem Cifre, Campus UIB, Cra. de Valldemossa, km 7.5, 07122 Palma de Mallorca, email: [email protected] [Escriba aquí] Instructions for authors, subscriptions and further details: http://mcs.hipatiapress.com The Role of Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood in the New Korea Richard Howson1 Brian Yecies1 1) University of Wollongong, Australia Date of publication: February 21st, 2016 Edition period: February 2016 - June 2016 To cite this article: Howson, R., & Yecies, B. (2016). The Role of Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood in the New Korea. Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1),52-69. doi: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1047 To link this article: http://doi.org/10.17583/MCS.2016.1047 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE The terms and conditions of use are related to the Open Journal System and to Creative Commons Attribution License (CC-BY). MCS – Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016 pp. 52-69 The Role of Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood in the New Korea Richard Howson & Brian Yecies University of Wollongong, Australia Abstract We argue that during the 1940s Hollywood films had an important role to play in the creation of a postwar South Korean society based on the new global U.S. hegemony. The connections between political and economic change in South Korea and sociocultural factors have hitherto scarcely been explored and, in this context, we argue that one of the key socio-cultural mechanisms that supported and even drove social change in the immediate post-war period was the Korean film industry and its representation of masculinity. The groundbreaking work of Antonio Gramsci on hegemony is drawn on – in particular, his understanding of the relationship between “commonsense” and “good sense” – as well as Raewyn Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity. The character of Rick in the 1941 Hollywood classic Casablanca is used to illustrate the kind of hegemonic masculinity favoured by the U.S. Occupation authorities in moulding cultural and political attitudes in the new Korea. Keywords: South Korea, hegemony, hegemonic masculinity, film, Casablanca, U.S. occupation of Korea 2016 Hipatia Press ISSN: 2014-3605 DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1047 MCS – Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016 pp. 52-69 El Papel de la Masculinidad Hegemónica en la Nueva Korea Richard Howson & Brian Yecies University of Wollongong, Australia Resumen Nosotros argumentamos que durante los años 40 las películas de Hollywood tuvieron un papel importante en la creación de la sociedad de post-guerra de Korea del Sud cuya base era la recién hegemonía de Estados Unidos. Las conexiones entre el cambio político y económico en Korea del Sud y los factores socio-culturales han sido hasta ahora escasamente poco explorados y, en este contexto, nosotros planteamos que uno de los factores socio-culturales clave que han apoyado y hasta dirigido el cambio social en la post guerra fue la industria cinematográfica koreana y su representación de la masculinidad. El revolucionario trabajo de Antonio Gramsci sobre la hegemonía se apoya, en particular, en su interpretación de la relación entre el “sentido común” y el “buen juicio”, así como en la concepción de masculinidad hegemónica de Raewyn Connell. El papel de Rick en el año 1941 Holywood con el clásico Casablanca es utilizado para ilustrar el tipo de masculinidad hegemónica favorecida por Estados Unidos. Las instituciones de ocupación se encargan de moldear las actitudes culturales y políticas en la nueva Korea. Palabras clave: Corea del Sur, hegemonía, masculinidad hegemonía, película, Casablanca, U.S. ocupación de Korea 2016 Hipatia Press ISSN: 2014-3605 DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1047 54 Howson & Yecies – Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood I n June 1962, a United States Information Service (hereafter USIS) report from Seoul to Washington, “Study of Korean Attitudes Towards the United States”, indicated that a majority of the population of South Korea (hereafter Korea) – over 72% – displayed a general acceptance and appreciation of the United States (hereafter U.S.). According to the study, this level of support for the U.S. decisively outstripped Koreans’ appreciation of any other major nation and its culture. For example, support for Great Britain and West Germany was ranked at 24 and 19% respectively, while support for the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) was massively in the red at minus 64%. The study’s ‘Concluding Note’ asserted that the finding of positive attitudes toward the U.S. was notably significant because it was based on a “relatively close relationship between the Koreans and Americans.” The Korean people were not basing their judgment on stories or experiences relayed at second or third hand, but rather for the first time “they were reflecting attitudes formed as a result of actual contact with Americans and with the operation of US policy in Korea” (Korean Survey Research Center, 1962 [our emphasis]). Several years later, a questionnaire run by the International Research Associates called Project Quartet: An Opinion Survey Among Korean Students (1966) – held by the United States Information Agency’s Office of Records, revealed that while the majority of university students interviewed accepted the cultural changes that had occurred in Korea since liberation from Japanese occupation – 56% claimed to be very happy or fairly happy with their own standard of living – the wider majority (83%) saw economic instability and poverty as either the most important problem (58%) or the second most important problem (25%) facing the nation. This data suggests that in the 1960s young upper middle class Koreans were especially focused on the nation’s economic life that was being moulded by the recent achievement of capitalism and democracy. Whilst this cohort represented a privileged group in terms of education level - i.e. around 5% of the population at the time (National Statistics Office 1995: 80), their perceptions of the U.S. as the international benchmark for both developments was important because it showed a complex relationship in the making. Their attitudes confirmed the findings of the 1962 study insofar as both showed evidence of an Masculinities and Social Change 55 acceptance of the U.S. and its influence among these future community leaders. For example, the later survey supported the view that the U.S. was materialistic (63%) but also democratic (58%), and on a par with Korea itself as a peace-loving nation (42% compared to 43% for Korea). While different methodologies were adopted in the two surveys, both were undertaken by professional bodies. In the 1962 study of Korean attitudes, three questions devised by the USIS were incorporated into an opinion survey conducted by the Korean Survey Research Center with the assistance of the Statistical Advisory Group of the Surveys and Research Corporation of Washington D.C. The survey was commissioned by a major daily newspaper, Kyunghyang Shinmun. The three questions fielded by the USIS sought to elicit Koreans’ attitudes toward nine foreign countries including the U.S., aspects of America held in high regard by Koreans, and those liked least. The study sample consisted of 3,150 people selected randomly from voting lists and resulted in 2,724 complete interviews. On the other hand, the 1966 survey of university students by International Research Associates – Far East – also undertaken on behalf of the United States Information Agency, comprised 1,010 students drawn from all disciplines across four universities. Taken together, both sets of data offer a representative sample of the Korean population and the cultural attitudes of the time. More recent studies such as Ambivalent Allies? A Study of South Korean Attitudes Toward the US (Larson, Levin, Baik & Savych, 2004) do little more than reflect and confirm the findings of these studies from the early to mid-sixties – that attitudes towards the nascent alliance and towards the American people were overwhelmingly positive, if sometimes complex. For Koreans, the U.S. had become the exemplar culture – the one that could meet their aspirations for a steadily improving standard of living. In this article, we seek to go back some twenty years before this data was first collected to investigate what might be considered one of the foundational moments in the creation of a new Western cultural sensibility in Korea. This development in its turn became part of and helped to sustain the new U.S. global hegemony. However, rather than exploring and analyzing Korean politics and in particular its geopolitical history (which has already been scrutinized in great detail), we argue that during the 1940s particular hegemonic mechanisms based in civil society were equally important in the creation of modern Korean society. Hitherto, however, the 56 Howson & Yecies – Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood connections between political and economic change on the one hand and socio-cultural factors on the other have been relatively neglected in the literature. In this context, we propose that one of the key socio-cultural mechanisms that supported and even drove change in the immediate postwar period was the film industry. Most importantly, through the U.S. occupation (1945-1948) Koreans were re-introduced to Hollywood films that embodied a new Western sensibility. (Prior to being banned during the Pacific War, hundreds of Hollywood films were exhibited across Korea (see Yecies, 2008). In this respect, the new economic (capitalist) and political (democratic) institutions introduced by the U.S., which the two surveys discussed above indicated, had a considerable impact on Koreans but only go part way to accounting for the transformation of Korean society during this period. In explaining the socio-cultural mechanisms that helped change the way Korean people thought about themselves, their practices and their aspirations, both at the national and transnational level, film and the representation of gender, particularly the masculinity that it embodied was crucial. In the context of the late authoritarian government era of the 1980s, Kyung Hyun Kim (2004, p. 9) explains: Just as Hollywood has used the Vietnam War as a springboard for what Susan Jeffords describes as the “remasculinization of American culture”, South Korean cinema renegotiated its traumatic modern history in ways that reaffirm masculinity and the relations of dominance ... the need for masculine rejuvenation … ironically ended up affirming the hegemonic political agenda rather than resisting it. Two important points emerge from this statement. The first is that, in many ways, the Korean film industry in the post-1980s era was ostensibly concerned with the “remasculinization” of the Korean male, which in reality was following in Hollywood’s footsteps (Kyung Hyun Kim, 2004, p. 10). The second is that the creation of a new Korean national consciousness was not an independent achievement with indigenous roots, but was contingent on Korea’s alignment with the growing U.S. global hegemony in which film had a significant part to play. We note that Kim’s concept can be applied to Masculinities and Social Change 57 an earlier period involving the “remasculinization” of the Korean male during the U.S. occupation of Korea. The Basis for a New Hegemony In exploring the socio-political consequences of the use of film in the hegemonic processes to which Korea was subject in the mid-twentieth century, we begin by invoking the work of Antonio Gramsci on hegemony – in particular, his notes on the relationship between “commonsense” and “good sense” (see Gramsci, 1971, p. 323-326, p. 423) and, most importantly, the transformation of the former into the latter. For Gramsci, the concept of hegemony defines an ethico-political moment when the “commonsense” ideas and practices of a particular group within a society are transformed and assume political and then ethical authority as “good sense”. To build and then retain hegemonic authority, the ideas and practices of the group in question (in this case the U.S.) must merge the ethical or civil society component with the coercive or political component to create a new formulation where “State = political society + civil society, in other words hegemony protected by the armour of coercion” (Gramsci, 1971, p. 263). It is this extension of the processes of building authority beyond political society and the state and into the civil or “private” spheres (Gramsci, 1971, p. 12) so as to incorporate the average citizen that David Harvey (2005) identified as crucial to the acceptance of a new hegemonic moment. This explains why it was necessary for the U.S. in Korea to extend its reach into the private sphere of communities, families and individuals to cement its influence and control, and why film became the crucial intellectual hegemonic mechanism in this process of expansion. This expansion was not based on a simple or straightforward mechanism. It required what Gramsci (1971, p. 12) referred to as “intellectuals” whose function within society is to ensure that the people come into contact with and acquire the ethical sensibility and authority associated with the given hegemony. Because for Gramsci intellectuals operate across civil society, those who controlled the film industry were able to harness a significant socio-cultural resource capable of not just touching the masses, but also able to re-present a social model to which the people could now aspire. In this way, film had the ability to disempower the “commonsense” or traditional 58 Howson & Yecies – Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood sensibilities of the Korean people and make them subaltern. Simultaneously, the hegemonic expansion of principles such as democracy and capitalism, in concert with the promotion of a new masculine identity, endorsed the new U.S. global sensibility as “good sense”. This transformation is crucially important to understanding the success or failure of a hegemony to develop. As a quotidian ideology, commonsense demands conformity and reflects the everyday life and beliefs of a particular social group that, in turn, expresses its cherished cultural traditions. Inherent in the concept of commonsense is a particular ethical (and sometimes political) legitimacy that provides the basis for the identification of a particular group, and that in turn influences its relationship to the hegemonic authority. However, for the U.S., the insertion of their interests into Korean civil and political society required an immediate engagement with the broader Korean culture in order to legitimate and progress these interests and to present them as “good sense” rather than raw domination. The data from the 1962 survey presented above, showing that over 72% of respondents felt positively about the U.S., supports this theoretical argument. What the U.S. was constructing in Korea was not a structure of domination pure and simple, but hegemony, with its integration of politics and civil society, as the basis for a socio-cultural transformation from Korean “commonsense” to a new U.S./Korean “good sense” projected on a global scale. One consequence to be expected as the result of a hegemonic transformation of this kind is that the society affected will move from disunity to unity. However, any such imposition of authority and subsequent unity is always provisional, and it is this that produces hegemony’s dynamic character or, as Gramsci (1971, p. 182) called it, its “unstable equilibria”. Furthermore, this dynamism and conflict always operates at the level of “good sense” and therefore across both civil and political society. This brings us to the relationship between politics and gender – the link between the process of constructing and implementing a new political system and gender order was important for Korea. Explaining this new gender order in greater detail is a book-length project. Suffice it to say that as we have seen, these changes were occurring at a time when Koreans aspired to leave poverty behind them and create a new socio-political order where the principles of democracy and capitalism were central. To do this required not only an Masculinities and Social Change 59 affirmation of “hegemonic principles” (see Howson, 2006) such as democracy and capitalism, but the “remasculinization” of Korean men based on an acceptance of the hegemonic masculinity of the West. The Role of Hegemonic Masculinity in a New Hegemony Raewyn Connell’s (1995, p. 76) conceptualisation of hegemonic masculinity has proved particularly fruitful in our exploration of Korean gender constructions. She focuses on two key ideas: first, that the masculinity it represents is the only legitimate way for men to think, aspire and act towards creating an ideal masculinity; and second, that by thus building complicity with the hegemonic ideal, men will secure the dominance of their own gender while continuing the subordination of women. Connell here illustrates how a particular construct (in this case masculinity) becomes a component part of a broad culturally based hegemony and thus assumes a parallel authority to more political and economic ideals such as democracy or capitalism. Connell thus exposes the two key constitutive components of authority: legitimacy and power. Power operates through the ability to subordinate a particular group (or idea/practice) through the operation of particular configurations of identification and practice that enable men to position themselves in relation to it [hegemonic masculinity] (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005, p. 832). Thus, it may be that it was never crucial for Korean men to practice and assume an identity based on an ideal Western masculinity. Rather, for a majority of Korean men (and women as well), either as individuals or groups, it could have been enough to adopt certain practices that would enable them to align or position themselves in relation to what they increasingly perceived as the legitimate form of masculinity – a strategy that would in turn enable them to gain the social, political and economic advantages they sought. While this process of alignment acts to modify the behaviour of men and women, it is also a key contributor to the constitution of power with a given society and, as a consequence, defines what is legitimate with respect to issues of identification and identity. It is this ability to confer identity and the associated advantages that men (and also women) seek to acquire that enables hegemonic masculinity to assume the authority of an ideal within a particular cultural situation or system. Describing gender-based behaviour in empirical terms will only ever tell part of the story. The modernist narrative of rational 60 Howson & Yecies – Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood men practising a form of masculinity that will benefit them and the social system of which they are a part must be re-thought in terms of the representation of a culturally authoritative or hegemonic masculinity. In Korea, film became a key mechanism in perpetuating a gendered hegemony. The Korean National-Popular Consciousness and American Celluloid Dreams After the Pacific War, and after Korea had been liberated from the Japanese, the nation was separated at the 38th parallel. The southern and northern halves of the peninsula were to be temporarily governed by the U.S. and the Soviet Union, respectively, in order to facilitate the establishment of orderly government. The U.S. interim government aimed to transform the southern part of the Korean Peninsula into a “self-governing,” “independent,” and “democratic” nation, while safeguarding the wellbeing of its people and rebuilding their economic base1. Within months of Japan’s defeat, and even as Lt. General John R. Hodge and his U.S. Occupation forces were disarming the Japanese military, American film distributors hurried their most popular films to the southern half of the peninsula. Local cinemas were soon overwhelmed by a range of Hollywood genre films that the United States Army Military Government in Korea (hereafter USAMGIK, 1945–1948) believed had the allure to help the country to transpose four decades of Japanese influence. Most of the films screened during this period were talkies produced between the mid-1930s and the early 1940s. Action-adventure and historical biopics were the most common genres, followed by melodramas, screwball comedies, musicals, Westerns, crime/detective thrillers, science fiction, and animated cartoons. The graphics used in advertisements for these films, placed in local newspapers, also attracted non-Korean-speaking U.S. troops—a welcome secondary audience. The USAMGIK film project was advanced under the auspices of General Douglas MacArthur, the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (hereafter SCAP), and with the advice of the Office of War Information’s (OWI) Central Motion Picture Exchange (hereafter CMPE)2. During this time, the CMPE – the American film industry’s East Asian outpost that Masculinities and Social Change 61 controlled the distribution rights for Hollywood films – and the USAMGIK’s Motion Picture Section in the Department of Public Information (hereafter DPI) contributed to the re-establishment of Hollywood’s dominance in Korea, reprising the glory days of the early-to-mid 1930s (Yecies, 2005, 2008; Yecies & Shim, 2011)3. Many of the glamorous spectacle films that the CMPE and DPI eased into the market, and which anchored the USAMGIK’s propaganda operation in Korea, were used to evoke a sense of personal, cultural, and political liberty. Instead of thinking and acting like Japanese, Koreans were now expected to think about what “America” and democracy in particular had to offer them. Hollywood films became key vehicles for achieving this task4. To ensure the unhindered dissemination of an “official” American popular culture, the USAMGIK began purging the marketplace of “unwanted” films under Ordinance No. 68, “Regulation of the Motion Pictures,” enacted in mid-April 1946. Following this date, the requirement for censorship approval from the USAMGIK became an effective way of revoking the efforts of a small group of intellectuals who were attempting to assert their independence by using film to catalyze debate on a range of social and political issues, including communism. Some of the films exhibited by this group included Leni Riefenstahl’s Olympia (1936) and the Italian fascist propaganda film Lo Squadrone Bianco (1936, aka The White Squadron), as well as Julien Duvivier’s poetic realist gangster film Pépé le Moko (1937), and a small number of films from China. However, under Ordinance No. 68 these and other foreign (and unauthorised U.S.) films were all rapidly confiscated by the USAMGIK’s Department of Police – not because they contained objectionable or obscene content, but because the DPI was concerned to block films with communist sympathies. Simply put, this type of intellectual activism interfered with the USAMGIK’s cultural reorientation program. Although exhibitors promoted programs that mixed features with shorts and live musical and/or theatrical performances, a surfeit of Hollywood films left little room for the exhibition of non-American films (including those from Korea): movies which might have offered alternative views of “America” and American culture. In April 1946, the first batch of authorised Hollywood films arrived in Seoul via CMPE-Japan; it included Queen Christina (1933), Barbary Coast (1935), The Devil Doll (1936), Mr. Deeds Goes to Town (1936), Romeo and 62 Howson & Yecies – Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood Juliet (1936), San Francisco (1936), The Great Ziegfeld (1936), The Buccaneer (1938), The Rains Came (1939), Golden Boy (1939), Honolulu (1939), The Under Pup (1939), and Abe Lincoln in Illinois (1940). These films were chosen because they were “prestige pictures” in the sense that they were “injected with plenty of star power, glamorous and elegant trappings, and elaborate special effects” (Balio, 1995, p. 180) —attractive packaging for presenting the core democratic reform values that the U.S. government wanted for Korea5. As local film critics noted at the time, the sheer spectacle and extreme “foreignness” of these Hollywood films enabled audiences to take a holiday from the chaotic social, political, and cultural change going on around them (Lee, 1946, p. 4). The positive portrayals of modern Western city life in these films was an important facet of this process. While the criteria used to select the American films distributed and exhibited in southern Korea may appear random, many were Academy Award-winning (or nominated) films such as In Old Chicago (1937), Boys Town (1938), You Can’t Take It with You (1938), Suspicion (1941), The Sea Wolf (1941), Random Harvest (1942), Rhapsody in Blue (1945), and Casablanca (1942). In addition to having achieved popularity in the U.S., these films represented well-dressed people scurrying along the skyscraper-lined, carfilled streets of Manhattan, Paris, and other modern cities. In these settings, men took the lead in (exclusively) heterosexual coupling, which for the first time in Korea depicted lovers embracing openly on larger-than-life studio sets and natural locations alike. While many films contained strong moral codas affirming the final victory of justice and the importance of hope, others affirmed women’s (equal) rights, Christian belief, and patriotism. However, these themes were often expressed through the depiction of acts of violence, vigilantism, public disorder, deception, desperation, frailty, suicide, theft, murder, killings, adultery, and corruption. But equally, men were shown displaying toughness, competitiveness, and open and dominant heterosexuality, as husbands and fathers motivated by a strong work ethic that brought them and their families material success. Despite these incongruous elements, Hollywood films were used to sway public opinion toward democratic and capitalist ways of thinking and acting where men took the leading roles. Such screenings were part of a deliberate campaign to assimilate the Korean people into the new hegemony through exposure to Masculinities and Social Change 63 opinions, beliefs, attitudes and values that resonated with American masculine culture. It was the very complexity of this new culture that could be effectively re-presented through film and, most importantly in this context, through the actions of male role models. Towards a New Masculinity in Casablanca A particularly complex and even controversial film shown during this time was Casablanca, released in the U.S. a couple of months after the December 1941 attacks on Pearl Harbor and some 5 years later in Korea in May 1947. The movie starred Humphrey Bogart in the lead male role. As told through the protagonist Rick, a loner and owner of one of the most popular bars in Nazi-occupied Casablanca, the story underlines the conflict between Rick’s personal desires and his sense of a greater (national) good. The film shows how Rick resolves this conflict through his decision to forego his true love by helping his lover and her husband escape Morocco and take a stand against the Nazis. Rick’s decision, revealed at the end of the film, mirrors the shift in Western society’s basic values during the war and is, of course, expressed primarily through the actions of men. Connell (1987, p. 184-185) emphasises that the “winning of hegemony” – the successful implementation of a new ethical and socio-political order – relies on “the creation of models of masculinity that are quite specifically fantasy figures” such as Bogart’s character Rick. In Casablanca, Rick is a loner in a hostile environment with a complex and unhappy past into which the viewer is offered only a brief window. However, in the context of his relationship with the beautiful woman who walks back into his life there is much pain and anguish that is reprised for the benefit of the audience. As Rick says in the film, “[o]f all the gin joints, in all the towns in the world, she had to walk into mine”. Nevertheless, woven through what is essentially a love story wrapped around the themes of war, corruption and violence, Bogart’s character shines with all the hegemonic characteristics demanded by the new post-war cultural and gender order. Notwithstanding a brief emotional breakdown, which is interlaced with controlled drunkenness and aggression, Bogart emerges to take control of the situation by manipulating the bad guys, making decisions for his lover and taking actions that will ultimately ensure his independence and economic security. 64 Howson & Yecies – Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood Despite his fictional status, Bogart’s character incorporates the kind of masculinity that according to Connell is crucial for the winning of hegemony. In the character of Rick, positive themes of nationalism and patriotism aligned to masculine toughness, intelligence and independence are interwoven with cynicism, violence, contested loyalties, and sexual license. Drawing on the work of David Grazian (2010), film critic Mark Snidero (2013) argues that the popularity of mass entertainment, such as the film Casablanca, “can be explained primarily in terms of their social uses in generating solidarity among individuals within large and anonymous communities” (Grazian 2010, p. 25). This leads to the creation of “shared feelings of identity” among members of a group on the messages portrayed and espoused through the media and “can bring people together by generating a sense of social solidarity” on any particular topic (Grazian, p. 26-27). This is largely accomplished because of the use of popular culture as a “resource of public reflection” about various elements of the human condition or experience (Grazian, p. 28). In this context, Casablanca is a particularly useful and important example of a film in which representations of masculinity as well as isolationism are used to create a sense of solidarity and a shared identity among viewers – here with the practical aim of defeating Nazi forces in Europe. By the time Casablanca was shown in Korea, the Nazis had been defeated and the forces of democracy and capitalism – and the hegemonic masculinity that had contributed to the victory – were firmly entrenched. It mattered little that Casablanca presented a complex canvas whose themes and motifs stood in stark contrast to the traditional values to which Korean audiences were accustomed6 although this would have limited the ability of Hollywood films to assimilate Korean audiences in the direction of American values such as democracy, capitalism and aggressive masculinity. Nevertheless, even though Bogart’s character re-presented a fantasy masculinity in the Korean context, Rick contained the qualities that Korean men could aspire to – or, in the context of hegemonic masculinity theory, the idealised qualities against Masculinities and Social Change 65 which both Korean men and women could measure themselves and, in so doing, build the kind of solidarity evident in the nascent social attitudes of the 1960s. Conclusion In this article, we have argued for the importance of not only acknowledging the impact of a national film industry on the creation of a national-popular consciousness, but also of considering the complex intersections involved in the construction of gender relations. More specifically, we have begun to show through an analysis of a key Hollywood film of the 1940s how the cultural construction of masculinity can be made to serve wider ends – in this case, as a mechanism through which the U.S. could impose Western values in order to create a particular kind of national-popular consciousness. In turn, as our analysis of Casablanca suggests, these values were used in a wider attempt to expand the U.S.’s own political and cultural hegemony in the region. This argument is confirmed through two key sets of data which were produced almost twenty years after the impact of Casablanca and other Hollywood films was first felt in Korea and which indicate an overall acceptance of U.S. influence and its key hegemonic principles in particular. While the hegemonic strategies behind the screening of these Hollywood productions were not completely successful in terms of fostering total assimilation, they made a significant contribution to a complex process of integration between Korea and the U.S. that began with the USAMGIK’s utilisation of Hollywood films as a tool to undo whatever ties of loyalty had persisted following thirty-five years of Japanese occupation and a heavy diet of colonial propaganda films. That is not to say that after 1945 creativity was wholly denied to Korean filmmakers, who yearned for the opportunity to make their own films in their own ways. Indeed, in several cases, Korean nationals wrote scripts and directed films, such as Hurrah for Freedom (aka Jayumanse, Choi In-gyu, 1946) and Ttol-ttol's Adventure (aka Ttol-ttol I- ui moheom, Lee Gyu-hwan, 1946), in a spirit of experimentation and independence. More attention is needed elsewhere on this dynamic topic and the potential influence that Casablanca and other Hollywood films had on such domestic Korean films and their re-presentation of masculinity. 66 Howson & Yecies – Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood As we can now see more clearly – particularly following the recent discoveries of previously unknown colonial-era films, and the re-release of post-liberation films on DVD by the Korean Film Archive – the films made and exhibited during the U.S. occupation period embodied a wide array of narrative techniques, aesthetic styles, and genre conventions. Nevertheless, the policy direction set by the USAMGIK ensured that local audiences would be exposed to exciting new images that embodied new ideas and ideals in films such as In Old Chicago, You Can’t Take It with You, and Casablanca. There is no doubt that these films fitted well with the USAMGIK’s larger aims for the development of the country during what was anticipated to be a speedy transition to economic stability and political autonomy. Finally, this article shows that there is a very real and important connection between politics and cinema that scholars of history, sociology and culture would find helpful when examining the nature of national identity and the development and impacts of the cinema industry. In this relationship, we showed how politics and cinema are key elements in the creation of a hegemony that in turn, illuminates the operation of gender and in particular a hegemonic masculinity. In this way this Korean case study contributes to an emerging area of research that follows Raewyn Connell’s (see 2007), argument about the need to give priority, when studying masculinities, culture and social change, and to the analysis of gender relations beyond the Western paradigm. Although Asia can be said to exist on the periphery of the West, through the processes of globalisation and transnationalisation no one region or country can effectively lay claim to operating autonomously. Thus, the continuing task of building knowledge about gender, gender relations and hegemony demands that we open our understanding to these new frontiers of knowledge. Acknowledgment The authors acknowledge the support of the Korea Foundation and the Australia-Korea Foundation, which made it possible to conduct archival and industry research for this project. Special thanks go to Ae-Gyung Shim for her valuable assistance. This article builds upon some of the research in: Yecies, B. & Shim, A. (2010). Disarming Japan’s Cannons with Hollywood’s Cameras: Cinema in Korea Under U.S. Occupation, 1945-1948. The AsiaPacific Journal, 44,-3-10. Retrived from http://japanfocus.org/-brian-yecies/3437/article.html Masculinities and Social Change 67 Notes 1 Explicit details of these plans are found in General Headquarters, Commander-in-Chief, United States Army Forces, Pacific, Summation No. 11: United States Army Military Government Activities in Korea for the Month of August, 1946: 12–13; and Records of the United States Department of State relating to the internal affairs of Korea, 1945–1949, Department of State, Decimal File 895, Reel 5, “US role in Korea,” National Archives at College Park, Maryland (hereafter cited as NARAII). 2 The OWI had been developed in the U.S. in mid-1942 to coordinate the mass diffusion of information at home and abroad through multiple government departments and diverse media formats. Through the publication of its Government Information Manual, the OWI trained representatives from across the film industry to utilise both educational and entertainment films as propaganda, that is, for promoting American notions of “freedom” in both wartime and postwar conditions. In early 1946 the OWI and the Motion Picture Export Association – Hollywood’s centralized industry trade body – formally coalesced as the Central Motion Picture Exchange. 3 The chief role of the DPI was to impose film policy and oversee film censorship while monitoring and moulding public opinion in relation to the U.S. and to democracy in general in Korea. See “Operational Guidelines for the Distribution of O.W.I. Documentaries and Industry Films in the Far East,” 22 December 1944, Records of the OWI, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942–1945, RG 208, Box 2, Entry 6B, NARAII. 4 In Germany, the U.S. launched a similar project aimed at transforming a former enemy into a democratic country through motion pictures. As noted by Fay (2008, p. xix), Hollywood films were seen as quintessential vehicles for disseminating “American” ideology as “democratic products.” 5 In order to connect with local audiences, well-known Korean byeonsa (live narrators) were recruited to introduce each film. Almost immediately, these first Hollywood films made a splash in the marketplace as local audiences lapped them up with enthusiasm, whether or not they understood them or appreciated the cultural values they contained. U.S. Embassy, Seoul 1950, “Dispatch No. 657,” 2 January, U.S.-DOS, RG59, Decimal File 1945–49, Box 7398, NARAII. 6 The USAMGIK was well aware of the criticism directed at the undesirable elements found in many of these films. According to one report from mid-1947 submitted to the U.S. Department of State, a committee of American educators that had conducted a formal survey of local attitudes in Korea was disappointed at the CMPE’s failure to offer appropriate films to Korean audiences. Report of the Educational and Informational Survey Mission to Korea, 20 June 1947, pp. 35–36. Dept of State, Decimal File 1945–49, RG59, Box 7398. NARAII. 68 Howson & Yecies – Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood References Balio, T. (1995). Grand Design: Hollywood as a Modern Business Enterprise, 1930–1939. Vol. 5, History of American Cinema Series. Los Angeles: University of California Press. Connell, R. (1987). Gender and Power. Cambridge: Polity Press. Connell, R. (1995). Masculinities. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Connell, R., & Messerschmidt, J. (2005). Hegemonic Masculinity: Rethinking the Concept. Gender & Society, 19(6), 829-859. doi: 10.1177/0891243205278639 Connell, R. (2007). Southern Theory: Social Science and the Global Dynamics of Knowledge. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Fay, J. (2008). Theaters of occupation: Hollywood and the reeducation of postwar Germany. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks. London: Lawrence and Wishart. Grazian, D. (2010). Mix It Up: Popular Culture, Mass Media and Society. New York: W.W. Norton. Harvey, D. (2005). A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Howson, R. (2006). Challenging Hegemonic Masculinity. London: Routledge International Research Associates. (1966). Project Quartet: An Opinion Survey Among Korean Students, 1966. Records of the United States Information Agency, Record Group 306, Box 8. Korean Survey Research Center. (1962). Study of Korean Attitudes Towards the United States, USIS-Seoul to USIA-Washington, 18 June 1962, Records of the United States Information Agency, Exhibits Division, Records Concerning Exhibits in Foreign Countries, 1955-67, Record Group 306, Box 20. Kyung Hyun Kim. (2004). The Remasculinization of Korean Cinema. Duke University Press. Larson, E., Levin, N., Baik, S., Savich, B. (2004). Ambivalent Allies? Masculinities and Social Change 69 A Study of South Korean Attitudes Toward the U.S. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation. Retrieved from https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/technical_reports/2005/RA ND_TR141.pdf Lee Tae-woo. (1946, October 31). How Are We Going to Watch U.S. Films (Miguk Yeonghwa-Reul Eoteoke Bol Geosinga), Kyunghyang Ilbo. National Statistics Office. 1995. Trace of Korea Looking Through Statistics. Seoul: National Statistics Office. Yecies, B. (2005). Systematization of Film Censorship in Colonial Korea: Profiteering from Hollywood’s First Golden Age, 1926–1936. Journal of Korean Studies, 10(1), 59–84. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/41490209 Yecies, B. (2008). Sounds of Celluloid Dreams: Coming of the Talkies to Cinema in Colonial Korea. Korea Journal, 48(1), 160–197. Retrieved from https://ekoreajournal.net/issue/index2.htm?Idx=420# Yecies, B. & Shim, A. (2010). Disarming Japan’s Cannons with Hollywood’s Cameras: Cinema in Korea Under U.S. Occupation, 19451948. The Asia-Pacific Journal, 44,-3-10. Retrived from http://japanfocus.org/-brian-yecies/3437/article.html Yecies, B., & Shim, A. (2011). Korea's Occupied Cinemas, 1893-1948. New York: Routledge. Richard Howson is Senior Lecturer in Sociology Program at the University of Wollongong, Australia. Brian Yecies is Senior Lecturer in Cultural Studies Program at the University of Wollongong, Australia. Contact Address: Direct correspondence to Richard Howson, Building 19, University of Wollongong, Northfields Avenue Wollongong, NSW 2522, email: [email protected] Instructions for authors, subscriptions and further details: http://mcs.hipatiapress.com Dialogic Leadership and New Alternative Masculinities: Emerging Synergies for Social Transformation Gisela Redondo-Sama1 1) University of Cambridge, United Kingdom Date of publication: February 21st, 2016 Edition period: February 2016 - June 2016 To cite this article: Redondo-Sama, G. (2016). Dialogic Leadership and New Alternative Masculinities: Emerging Synergies for Social Transformation. Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1), 70-91. doi: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1929 To link this article: http://doi.org/10.17583/MCS.2016.1929 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE The terms and conditions of use are related to the Open Journal System and to Creative Commons Attribution License (CC-BY). MCS – Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016 pp. 70-91 Dialogic Leadership and New Alternative Masculinities: Emerging Synergies for Social Transformation Gisela Redondo-Sama University of Cambrige, United Kingdom Abstract Leadership plays a relevant role in the improvement of organisations, and its study has influenced analysis of the dynamics of social change in current societies. There is a trend toward studying leadership by considering issues such as its distribution or transformative dimension. According to recent developments in this field, dialogic leadership involves the entire community in the process of creation, development and consolidation of leadership practices. However, less is known about the role of dialogic leadership in relation to the men´s movement and masculinities, particularly in the field of the New Alternative Masculinities (NAM). This article presents the results of a qualitative case study developed in an adult school that is part of the Learning Communities project and illustrates existing synergies between dialogic leadership and the NAM movement. The article explores how the school have influenced transformative processes beyond its organisation and have contributed to increase the visibility of the NAM movement. Furthermore, evidence is presented regarding the manner in which dialogic leadership contributes to create an environment in which emerging leadership practices of the community in relation to the NAM movement have flourished. Keywords: dialogic leadership, New Alternative Masculinities, community participation 2016 Hipatia Press ISSN: 2014-3605 DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1929 MCS – Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016 pp. 70-91 Liderazgo Dialógico y Nuevas Masculinidades Alternativas: Sinergias Emergentes para la Transformación Social Gisela Redondo University of Cambridge, United Kingdom Resumen El liderazgo tiene un papel importante en la mejora de las organizaciones y su estudio ha influido los análisis de las dinámicas del cambio social en las sociedades actuales. Hay una tendencia a estudiar el liderazgo considerando aspectos como su distribución o su dimensión transformadora. En línea con desarrollos recientes en este ámbito, el liderazgo dialógico implica a toda la comunidad en el proceso de creación, desarrollo y consolidación de las prácticas de liderazgo. Sin embargo, se conoce menos el papel del liderazgo dialógico en relación a los movimientos de hombres y masculinidades, concretamente en el ámbito de las Nuevas Masculinidades Alternativas (NAM). Este artículo presenta los resultados de un estudio de caso cualitativo desarrollado en una escuela de adultos que es parte del proyecto de Comunidades de Aprendizaje e ilustra sinergias existentes entre el liderazgo dialógico y el movimiento NAM. El artículo explora cómo la escuela ha influido en procesos de transformación más allá de su organización y ha contribuido a incrementar la visibilización del movimiento NAM. Además, se presentan evidencias sobre cómo el liderazgo dialógico contribuye a crear un contexto en el que han surgido prácticas de liderazgo de la comunidad vinculadas al movimiento NAM. Palabras clave: liderazgo dialógico, Nuevas Masculinidades Alternativas, participación de la comunidad 2016 Hipatia Press ISSN: 2014-3605 DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1929 72 Gisela Redondo-Sama – Dialogic Leadership & NAM O ver the years, leadership research has increasingly influenced the study of the dynamics of social change and transformation in democratic societies (Goethals, Sorenson & MacGregor Burns, 2004). From different fields of knowledge such as sociology, political science, education or gender studies, an analysis of the key elements underpinning leadership practices is at the core of very diverse contributions in this field. Burns (1978) introduced the concept of “transformational leadership” and its influence on the fields of political leadership and organisational psychology among other domains. Ganz (2011) addressed ways in which the public can mobilise to demand political change by enhancing “public narratives”. Day (2000) reviewed the different contexts in which leadership development expands the creation of social capital in organisations. Furthermore, the concept of distributed leadership (Gronn, 2002; Spillane, Halverson & Diamond, 2004) revealed patterns of interdependence and coordination of agents in educational settings. In addition, leadership research also has included inspiring studies analysing the role of women and men to lead change and the impact of being identified as female or male leadership (Johnson, Murphy, Zewdie & Reichard, 2008). Across the world, there are emerging forms of leadership linked to the men’s movement and masculinities that have been analysed in terms of the cultural problematisation of men and boys, the politics of the men´s movements and the social construction of masculinities, among other elements (Conell, 2005). Furthermore, institutions such as the Commission on the Status of Women highlight the role of men and boys in achieving gender equality, paying special attention to the relevance of leadership by political leaders, traditional leaders, business leaders or community and religious leaders (2004). In fact, the synergies between the men´s movements and their responses to gender issues and feminism demonstrate the ways in which this relationship has existed since the late nineteenth century (Kimmel, 1987). The role of dialogue in such synergies is of particular interest among scholars and continues to spur discussions in masculinities studies (Elias & Beasley, 2009) and related fields. By the end of the twentieth century, the importance of dialogue in understanding transformative processes in our societies underpins many theoretical and empirical works in the social sciences. Accordingly, the MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 73 dialogic turn in societies and the social sciences (Flecha, Gómez & Puigvert, 2003) illuminates the ways in which the analysis of dialogue contributes to a deepening comprehension of social reality. This contribution includes the role of the human agency and the structures that either favour or hamper dialogue, which provides an inspiring framework of analysis to advance leadership research. Consistent with this approach, the role of dialogue in diverse leadership conceptualisations is linked to the improvement of organisations (Mazutis & Slawinski, 2008) and its relevance for social justice (Shields, 2004). The theoretical contribution at the core of this article is dialogic leadership, which is defined as the process by which leadership practices of all the members of the community are created, developed and consolidated (Padrós & Flecha, 2014). In the process of leading, very diverse members of the community can exercise their leadership, share knowledge and build capacities in a collaborative environment. However, less is known about the role of dialogic leadership in the analysis of the men´s movements and masculinities, particularly in the New Alternative Masculinities (Flecha, Puigvert & Ríos, 2013). This article explores the synergies between dialogic leadership and the New Alternative Masculinities (NAM afterwards) in La Verneda-St. Martí, an adult school led by two associations and that was the first educational Spanish experience published in Harvard Educational Review (Sánchez, 1999). By analysing dialogic leadership in relation to the NAM movement in this context, the aim of the article is to identify ways in which the school contributes to increase the visibility of the NAM movement, and how dialogic leadership enhances the dynamics of change beyond the school. The Case Study: La Verneda-Sant Martí La Verneda-Sant Martí school is located in Barcelona and is surrounded by a neighbourhood that, during the 1970's, was particularly well known for its claims of achieving better living conditions and public services. By mobilising the community, one of the claims was related to improved educational opportunities, because the population living in that community had a high percentage of illiterate people and a lack of academic backgrounds. In 1978, Ramon Flecha garnered the support of civil 74 Gisela Redondo-Sama – Dialogic Leadership & NAM organisations in the neighbourhood to create an adult school, which was eventually founded (Giner, 2013). The school is based on an organisational model in which the participants in the school are the key actors in the decision-making bodies through their involvement in two associations: Agora, with 466 members, and Heura, with 369 members. The Agora association is composed of both men and women, while only women are members of the Heura association because it addresses primarily gender issues. One of the key elements that characterised both associations is their involvement in social and cultural projects in the neighbourhood. In so doing, the school has always extended its influence beyond its organisational boundaries by promoting social participation in very diverse civil society organisations. In fact, in 1987 this relationship was strengthened because of the creation of VERN, an umbrella of NGOs, which facilitates networking activities among the civil organisations located in the neighbourhood. Over the years, the mobilisation and participation of the community in the school has increased significantly. The school is open daily from Monday to Sunday. Furthermore, it is important to highlight that all the courses and activities are free. This is possible because of the more than 200 volunteers involved in the participation of more than 1.800 persons per year in the school's very diverse activities. On any given Saturday morning, it is not unusual to find students attending technology courses or preparing for university entrance examinations. La Verneda-Sant Martí is the first school of the Learning Communities project with more than 190 participating schools that is being expanded to Latin America and other parts of the world. Schools as learning communities have been recommended by the European Commission as a successful model in education because of its contribution to the improvement of school performance and social cohesion through the development of successful educational actions (Flecha, 2015). Furthermore, it has been highlighted as an effective measure to address the challenge of youth employment (Hawley, Hall & Weber, 2012). Many authors around the world have visited La Verneda-Sant Martí school to learn about the experience and the reasons for its success. Courtney Cazden, Emeritus Professor at Harvard University mentioned: “I am so happy to visit La Verneda, and I am very impressed with all that you MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 75 are doing, and the dialogic way you are doing everything”, Carol D. Lee, from Northwestern University (USA) and vice-president of the AERA (American Educational Research Association) highlighted: “Your example is inspiring and uplifting. Your work forms the fundamental basis for democratic participation and leadership. In our increasingly diverse and interdependent world, what you do is a model for us all. I have seen much to show when I return to Chicago”, and Pun Ngai, professor at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University noted: “I have learned a lot in this centre. It is a real centre addressing the services to the community and at the same time, people from the community manage it. It makes sense to come here to inspire ideas”. These are some of the quotations from renowned authors about La Verneda-Sant Martí. The relevance of this school on the international level, the gender dimension of the school organisation, and its impact in terms of leadership for social change, community participation and social transformation, has provided an excellent contextual framework upon which to develop a case study on dialogic leadership and the NAM movement. Leadership, Dialogic Leadership and NAM This article is based in the scientific developments that strengthen the relationship between leadership and masculinities. Particularly, the most relevant concepts framing this article are the theoretical contribution of dialogic leadership and the definition of the New Alternative Masculinities. In addition, the paper provides supportive evidence. In this section, each of these three major developments in the field of leadership and masculinities is reported. Increasing the understanding of the relationship between leadership and masculinities A body of scientific literature has focused on the relationship between leadership and masculinities. One of the most cited works addressed the issue of the existing leader stereotypes and to what extent such stereotypes are masculine (Koeing, Eagly, Mitchell & Ristikari, 2011). In particular, the authors reported the results of a meta-analysis examining the extent to 76 Gisela Redondo-Sama – Dialogic Leadership & NAM which stereotypes of leaders are culturally masculine, while also considering female leader stereotypes. The authors demonstrated that stereotyped leaders are less masculine in educational organisations compared with other domains. This result provides insights into the influence of education on reducing stereotypes and the potential capacity to foster change, regardless of individual preconceived characteristics. In addition, the authors discussed the implications of prejudice against women leaders, thereby addressing gender issues in a broad sense. Masculinity and work has been a key issue in some contributions that include a leadership dimension. Research evaluating the experiences of men in female-dominated occupations has reported on the indirect effect of leadership assumptions (Simpson, 2004). A study conducted by Simpson was based on interviews with male workers from occupational groups that included librarians, cabin crews, nurses, and primary school teachers. As in the previous work, the educational domain was relevant in the analysis of masculinities and its relationship to leadership. One of the results was that men benefited as a result of an assumed authority effect of their leadership. In addition, the author described the dynamics of maintaining and reproducing masculinities in the framework of non-traditional work settings. The occupational work of men in nurseries is at the core of Brown´s contribution involving the re-evaluation of masculinities and gender (2009). In this contribution, the author discussed the notion of being a man in nursing taking into account the socio-political context in which the profession exists. Critical analysis of this topic revealed that men are promoted into leadership roles more readily and earn more financially. This is one way in which leadership research analyse particular topics related to masculinities. The situations in Denmark and Indonesia are relevant to the existing scientific literature regarding masculinities and leadership. Leadership was linked to literature about men and masculinities to develop an analysis of the narratives of Danish male leaders (Madsen & Albrechsten, 2008). One of the main research implications resulting from the analysis in Denmark was that “while transformational leadership is most often introduced as being based on feminine and participative values, it should not be forgotten that male elements of leadership are still inherent in the concept, and MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 77 generally in leadership of the 2000s” (p. 343). In the case of Indonesia, Nilan analysed three types of contemporary young masculinities, evaluating their profiles and the new forms of cultural leadership (2009). The authors concluded that cultural leadership is still a configuration of hegemonic masculinity. Dialogic Leadership As previously stated, the role of dialogue tends to underpin many theoretical and empirical works in social sciences, in line with the dialogic turn of societies (Flecha, Gómez & Puigvert, 2003). Furthermore, there are different leadership approaches that highlight dialogue as being crucial to building and consolidating leadership practices (Bennet, Wise, Woods & Harvey, 2003; Pont, Nusche & Moorman, 2008). The question of positions (Frost, 2012) is also linked to the dialogic dynamics underpinning many leadership conceptualisations. In this sense, these contributions resonate with dialogic dynamics of change in societies, and they are in line with new forms of understanding the organisations' systems. In this framework, recent research on leadership has defined a relationship between leadership and the surrounding educational communities that overcomes leadership approaches embedded within the school walls. Consistent with this framework, dialogic leadership is defined as the process by which leadership practices of all the members of the educational community are created, developed and consolidated (Padrós & Flecha, 2014). In this process, very diverse members of the community exercise their leadership, including teachers, students, families, nonteaching staff, volunteers and other members of the community. Sharing knowledge and building capabilities together, dialogic leaders collaborate to create an environment in which new forms of leadership may flourish from the grassroots. New Alternative Masculinities (NAM) The New Alternative Masculinities are represented by men who combine attraction and equality and generate sexual desire among women (Flecha, Puigvert & Rios, 2013). Being inspired by Gomez´s book “Radical Love” and related research, the authors defined three NAM characteristics: self- 78 Gisela Redondo-Sama – Dialogic Leadership & NAM confidence, strength and courage as strategies to confront negative attitudes from the Dominant Traditional Masculinities (DTM) and explicit rejection of the double standard. Furthermore, the authors highlighted the role of NAM in the fight against gender violence together with women, and the use of language of desire when referring to them. To define the NAM, the authors emphasised the existence of two other masculinities: Dominant Traditional Masculinities (DTM) and the Oppressed Traditional Masculinities (OTM). The authors argued that both of these masculinities perpetuate violence against women and illustrate how the perpetuation of the traditional heterosexual model of masculinity upon gender violence can be overcome. Within the framework of the NAM theoretical contribution, RodríguezNavarro, Ríos, Racionero & Macías (2014) developed case studies analysing communicative acts with the aim of identifying those that enhance NAM and prevent gender violence. The methodological level was at the core of their contribution, in which they use the communicative methodology to expand the analysis of the interactions and non-verbal language in this domain. Furthermore, some research has reported on the influence of male attractive models in adolescence (Padrós, 2012), also using a communicative orientation during the entire research process. Methods The data for this article was obtained entirely in La Verneda-Sant Marti school, in which successful educational actions have been implemented for more than 20 years. These actions were identified, defined and analysed in the INCLUD-ED project, the only research in social sciences selected by the European Commission in the list of the 10 most successful investigations in Europe (European Commission, 2011). According to the INCLUD-ED research results, the successful educational actions demonstrate improved academic results and social relationships in the diverse contexts where they are implemented, from early childhood to adult education. These actions have achieved scientific, social and political impact (Flecha, 2015). These are dialogic literary gatherings or interactive groups (Valls & Kyriakides, 2013). MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 79 The communicative methodology was used in the fieldwork. This methodology is based in the construction of meaning through egalitarianism between the people at the core of the research and researchers. In a sense, it provides an effective response to how to develop research “with” rather than “on”. The communicative methodology has been shown to achieve scientific, political and social impact. This methodology is recognised by the European Commission (2010). Furthermore, the journal Qualitative Inquiry has published two special issues focusing on this methodology (Gómez, Puigvert & Flecha, 2011; Puigvert, 2014). Data collection and analysis For the research purposes of this article, documentary sources were exploited through a comprehensive bibliographical review before the development of interviews. The selection of participants was conducted according to two criteria. First, a priority was to develop interviews of both men and women to have a better understanding of the visibility of the NAM movement from different gender perspectives. As a result, four men and two women were interviewed. Second, to identify the synergies between the school and the NAM movement, different profiles of men were interviewed from volunteers to staff members with diverse ages and socioeconomic levels. The questions addressed to the interviewees had two main sections along with an introduction to obtain an overview of the participant’s profiles. To analyse the dialogic leadership practices occurring in the school in relation to the NAM movement, some questions were focused on the process that led men to be involved in the movement. In so doing, it was possible to look at some of the elements that enabled men to lead change. To identify how the school enabled the visibility of the NAM movement, other questions focused on the concrete actions in the school that contributed to such visibility, raising awareness of the impact of the movement in the school community and beyond. The ethics dimension of the research was included in the entire process, specifically ensuring the anonymity of the participants. The data resulting from the interviews was reviewed electronically before proceeding with an inductive analysis. The main insights of the 80 Gisela Redondo-Sama – Dialogic Leadership & NAM participants were selected, coded and separated depending on different categories previously defined. Following the communicative methodology, the data analysis included the exclusionary and transformative dimensions. The exclusionary dimension considered the factors that implied barriers to developing dialogic leadership in a way that supported the participation of men from La Verneda-Sant Martí school in the NAM movement. Conversely, the transformative dimension included the factors that facilitated the development of dialogic leadership to enable participation. The analysis and findings are organised according to the most relevant key issues resulting from the interviews. As explained, the data analysis was conducted in line with the ethical dimension of European research. All the names are fictitious, ensuring anonymity. The excerpts have been translated into English. Leading change, enabling transformation The main findings examined ways in which the dialogic leadership underpinning the school enables men to participate not only in the school but also in the NAM movement. Furthermore, the qualitative analysis demonstrated an increase in visibility of this movement among men and women in the school. This occurred as a result of a strong community participation in the school that allowed diverse agents from the neighbourhood to play a role in transformative processes. The dialogic leadership exercised in the school is linked to transformative processes and demonstrates the capacity of a diverse group of people to lead change. An overview of the participants´ profiles The diversity of people involved in La Verneda-Sant Martí school is one of the most relevant characteristics that has been sustained over years. This heterogeneity of profiles also existed among the men and women interviewed, some of whom had been involved with the school for more than 10 years and others who had less experience. These individuals had been involved in the school life by leading different activities, such as language learning including spoken Spanish, given that the migrant population in the neighbourhood had increased in recent years. MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 81 Furthermore, technology lessons were also common activities led by men. Men had also been involved in more than one activity linked to learning. A common pattern is the participation of men in school activities that involve adult students and that are not always directly linked to learning processes. For example, activities are often conducted outside of the classrooms. For instance, each month the school organises a meeting that is open to all the participants, volunteers and other community members, including the staff members of the school. This meeting is devoted to in depth discussions of a particular topic and how it should be addressed in school life. In some cases, an invited speaker introduces the topic to be further discussed. Víctor describes his experience as follows: I have always participated in preparing the access to the university or other kinds of exams. Also I attended concrete sessions and in general, I have participated in all the annual meetings. I have attended the monthly meetings and at some point, I led the organisation of some of them. Therefore, in the process of defining the participant´s profiles, it was possible to identify processes that enable dialogic leadership in the context of the school. Dialogic leadership in La Verneda-Sant Martí and the NAM movement The decisions taken in the school are shared among the different members of the school community. In so doing, the dialogic leadership is exercised through the involvement of the staff, volunteers or participants in the learning processes with other community members. It is important to highlight that, according to the pedagogical principles of the school, the voices of those who are less listened to in public are prioritised. This enables dialogic leadership to grow. Thus, several opportunities for dialogue are created to reach agreements on how to improve the school, its development and the possibilities offered to the neighbourhood. All the interviews identified similar ways of ensuring that dialogue is underpinning the relationship between the people engaged in the school and the decisionmaking process. Joel explains that when leadership does not necessarily belong to an individual's personal characteristics, any person is capable of 82 Gisela Redondo-Sama – Dialogic Leadership & NAM leading. Carolina describes the increase that occurred in leadership over time. Joel: All of us can lead equally. It is not usual to find that the same people lead. Carolina: A few years ago, some people only participated in meetings because they thought that they did not belong to them. Now, they participate a lot in the decision-making processes. The male interviewees changed their views about the different roles and responsibilities in the school. Understanding their role in leadership opened their minds to the possibilities of fostering change by involving very diverse people and enabling the community to be on board. From their responses, it is clear that the leadership became non-hierarchical and more democratic, a view that is coherent with the current developments in the field of leadership research. In addition, sharing knowledge among the community also enabled dialogic leadership. Gabriel: Before my involvement in the school, I had the idea that the organisations were driven basically with an authority, having a strong leader that imposed on the others the way to do things. If this did happen, I thought that the organisation would be chaotic. With regards to the responsible person, I had the idea that it was someone alone in her room making decisions. After knowing La Verneda-Sant Martí school, I have noticed that another model of leadership in organisations is possible, a more democratic, human and efficient one. Also, it is a model in which people with responsibilities can be very friendly without losing their leadership role. The impact of participating in the school reaches other social networks, including the involvement in the NAM movement. Beyond their individual commitments to the school, the men develop and share amongst themselves a capacity to lead change in other social domains. Thus, the school allows networks to be created among participants, thereby supporting transformative processes. The interviews provided evidence that participation in the school is linked to an exercise of democracy and the meaning behind the term. Furthermore, it addresses the creation of MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 83 meaning, one of the seven principals of dialogic learning (Flecha, 2000), which underpins the school life. Gabriel: This is a unique project that favours the creation of meaning. When you start to do things on the basis of their meaning, you can be involved in other areas. Víctor: I have learned that it is possible to participate and it is good to contribute, and it is possible to contribute in different areas. I have learned what democracy means and how to put it into practice. One of the crucial findings was the extent of knowledge that the men who were interviewed possessed about the NAM movement and their implementation of this knowledge at different times. Because they collaborated at various time points (2014, 2013, 2008 and 2007), their overall ability to lead change in this field has varied although they shared common concerns, beliefs and insights. Furthermore, they recognise that the NAM movement is not just a movement of men to claim their rights, it also enables the creation and development of further changed. Since participating in the school, the men are more supportive of each other's ability to make decisions, to lead change and to know more about what is going in relation to the school and the surrounding neighbourhood. By sharing areas of dialogue, it is very common among the people who were interviewed to know and be in touch with other men participating in the NAM movement. An important observation is that the diversity among the men is another characteristic in this school. Héctor reports that the school clearly was a key factor that influenced his involvement in the NAM movement, and he knew many other men who had the same experience. Héctor: I know many volunteers in the school who are active in the NAM movement. In fact, my participation in the school was the reason why I started to know friends who were volunteers and enabled me to be linked to this movement. 84 Gisela Redondo-Sama – Dialogic Leadership & NAM Making visible the NAM movement in the school Dialogic leadership in the school supports the NAM movement. Additionally, the participation of men in the NAM movement increases the visibility of their actions and initiatives in the school. Therefore, the relationship works in both directions and is equally reinforced: from the school to the NAM movement and from the NAM movement to the school. When we inquired about the influence of the NAM movement in the school, one of the interviewees responded in a very clear and meaningful way. Joel: I think that both things have been mutually reinforcing one another. There are several examples that illustrate this synergy in different ways, all of which demonstrate that the dialogic leadership helped to raise issues of masculinities and gender in public discussions. Moreover, in some cases, the impact of participating in both arenas is felt on both a social and personal level. Joel: I have had the change to deepen into the school values from a masculinities perspective, in many cases dealing with issues related to prevent gender violence. Héctor: It has allowed me to be more confident in general and also to be able to manage conflicts and take action to address them. In a sense, also to be more happy by collaborating! The school is a place to meet. As previously mentioned, the learning activities are at the core of the school's aim, but to support learning, there are very diverse meetings with the people composing the different groups of the school (access to the university, literary courses, language…). Additionally, because the school embraces the dialogic leadership, it enables and supports other social agents to be part of school life. This is favoured by the fact that the building in which the school is located is a civic centre, with social services, a nursery and other associations. In one of MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 85 the interviews, it is highlighted that the NAM movement asked for permission to meet at the school because it is opened daily. Carolina: Some people involved in an association of new masculinities are participants or volunteers in the school. Therefore, because they know that the school is open to the neighbourhood, those guys asked for a room in the school to have meetings on Saturdays. As a result, I have noticed that the meetings are held there and I have seen people from the school or outside the school attend. The topic of the new masculinities is quite recent but of great interest in the school, because it is a response to increasing debates in society about gender, masculinities and related issues. The public discussion around these topics has changed over time. This was one of the questions addressed with the interviewees. The aim was to compare the current debates around the issue of new masculinities with previous experience at secondary school and at work. In all the cases, there was agreement that the masculinities were not a topic of discussion in previous areas of socialisation. However, the school became the starting point for discussion of this topic. Gabriel: Neither in my secondary school nor in my current work did people talk about the new masculinities. I started to know and discuss this in La Verneda-Sant Martí school. There are several examples illustrating that men involved in the school have led or contributed to the leadership behind changes that promoted visibility of the NAM movement. This leadership flourished because of the role of the community in La Verneda-Sant Martí school and its dialogic leadership approach. The people who were interviewed explained the organisation of annual events, the participation in the platform against violence against women or video forums to discuss concrete topics. In a sense, the movement addressed a diversity of issues and concerns in relation to masculinities and gender issues. Two of the people interviewed told us about these different activities. Víctor: For example, we supported and participated in the platform against gender violence. Also, when there is a demonstration against 86 Gisela Redondo-Sama – Dialogic Leadership & NAM gender violence in the neighbourhood, we have participated not only as a school members but also as members of the NAM movement. Héctor: We have led video forums about the NAM movement, some talks and a workshop with brief clips from films to discuss and reflect on the topic. Also, we led change when some volunteers were aware of the potential participants in their classrooms that could be interested in joining the NAM movement. The NAM movement has the support of diverse women also involved in La Verneda-Sant Martí school. In the interviews, they highlighted the relationship between gender issues and the NAM movement. In particular, they were aware of the relevance of the NAM movement in supporting the fight against gender violence. In fact, this was one of the initial insights shared. In relation to the video forums organised by the NAM movement, one of the women interviewed discussed the impact of the men leading this initiative. Carolina: The school has always been linked to the commitment against gender violence, with zero tolerance for violence. For this reason, we deal with the preventive socialisation. The first time I heard about the NAM movement was in a video forum in La VernedaSant Martí school (…). It was maybe seven years ago. These interviews have provided evidence supporting the existing synergies between the dialogic leadership and the NAM. In addition, emerging insights will be obtained in further investigations. Conclusions The evidence shared in this article identifies and analyses the ways in which the synergies between dialogic leadership and NAM exist. The relationship between these two dimensions is linked with some of the most recent scientific advancements in leadership and masculinities research. First, dialogic leadership engages people in other social networks and movements, particularly in an organisation such as La Verneda-Sant Martí, which has a strong community approach. The people interviewed have led MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 87 specific practices to enable other colleagues to lead changes in the field of NAM. Moreover, diversity is one of the characteristics identified as a result of the fieldwork. Accordingly, leadership roles are diverse and are developed by different members of the organisation. Within this framework, the capacity to mobilise the community is demonstrated. Second, the NAM movement in the school is making visible a new form of understanding of masculinity. As a result, the school is promoting the development of activities involving discussions on masculinities and gender, especially its role in the prevention of gender violence and related topics. 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Contact Address: Direct correspondence to Gisela Redondo-Sama, University of Cambridge, Faculty of Education, 184 Hills Road, Cambridge CB2 8PQ, email: [email protected] Instructions for authors, subscriptions and further details: http://mcs.hipatiapress.com Las Masculinidades en la Transición Guiomar Merodio1 1) Universitat de Barcelona, Spain Date of publication: February 21th, 2016 Edition period: February 2016-June 2016 To cite this article: Merodio, G. (2016). Las Masculinidades en la Transición [Review of the book]. Masculinities and Social Change 5(1), 9294. doi: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1930 To link this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.4471/MCS.2016.1930 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE The terms and conditions of use are related to the Open Journal System and to Creative Commons Attribution License (CC-BY). MCS – Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016 pp. 92-94 Reviews (I) Mérida Jiménez, R.M., & Peralta, J.L. (eds.) (2015). Las masculinidades en la Transición. Barcelona: Editorial EGALES. ISBN: 974-84-16491-02-5 E n la obra Las masculinidades en la transición, los investigadores Rafael M. Mérida Jiménez y Jorge Luis Peralta compilan doce artículos que forman parte del proyecto de investigación I+D+i Representaciones culturales de las sexualidades marginadas en España (1970-1995) (FEM2011-24064), financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad. Mediante la colaboración de diferentes autores y autoras, el libro se aproxima al estudio de las masculinidades, en plural, en la época de la transición española. No solo como un periodo histórico, sino también como una alegoría de la transición permanente en la que se encuentran las masculinidades y las nociones sociales de género. El primer artículo, de Kerman Calvo nos acerca a la lucha por los derechos de las minorías sexuales en España desde la época de la transición, lideradas inicialmente por movimientos liberacionistas gais que estaban a su vez comprometidos política y socialmente con otras causas. El debate y el movimiento se centró desde el inicio en la superación de las situaciones de discriminación sexual y de las desigualdades políticas y legislativas que padecían, con un discurso revolucionario que cuestionaba las estructuras patriarcales y los valores burgueses tras décadas de represión, criminalización y estigma bajo la dictadura franquista. Así, a diferencia de países como EEUU o Reino Unido, en España el movimiento liberacionista apartó de la agenda política, hasta casi la actualidad, otras cuestiones importantes como la identidad de género, el deseo, el cuerpo, en definitiva, la sexualidad. 2016 Hipatia Press ISSN: 2014-3605 DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1930 MCS – Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1) 93 En el segundo artículo, Gracia Trujillo analiza los motivos por los que las representaciones de masculinidades femeninas han estado tan ausentes y silenciadas en el contexto español desde 1970 hasta 1995. Fruto de un extenso análisis documental, histórico y sociológico, la investigadora explica que esta invisibilización, que también se produjo dentro del movimiento feminista, se debió en parte a que las masculinidades femeninas desafiaban lo sistemas binarios de sexo/género y los códigos de masculinidad tradicional. En el tercer artículo, Óscar Guasch y Jordi Mas se aproximan críticamente a la evolución que se produjo desde la figura del travestí hasta el transexual en España, junto las implicaciones sociales, cultuales y políticas que ha conllevado hasta el momento actual. Los autores detallan el camino que tuvieron que recorrer las personas transexuales desde el tardofranquismo hasta finales de los años 80, en el que pasaron de la construcción de sus cuerpos e identidades de forma autónoma y subversiva hasta la regulación institucional del proceso mediante la creación de unidades específicas de atención a transexuales en hospitales y las cirugías de reasignación sexual. Más allá, del contexto español, Jorge Luis Peralta en el cuarto artículo trata las diferencias en torno a las masculinidades entre el activismo homosexual argentino y el español, poniendo en diálogo por una parte a los articulistas y activistas argentinos Héctor Anabiarte Rivas y Ricardo Lorenzo Sanz, y por otra, a los novelistas Manuel Puig y Alberto Cardín. En esta línea de análisis literario, Elena Madrigal Rodríguez en el quinto artículo se acerca a cuatro personajes femeninos y lésbicos de la literatura hispanoamericana, poniendo el foco en la vestimenta y accesorios masculinos que emplean estos personajes para desafiar la normatividad de género. Posteriormente, Jaume Pont y José Luis Ramos, en el décimo artículo, abordan los antihéroes novelescos en dos novelas de Terenci Moix y Lourdes Ortiz. En el sexto artículo, Rafael M. Mérida contrasta la masculinidad y el abordaje que se realiza sobre la transexualidad y los roles de género entre la obra teatral de Rodríguez Méndez, “Flor de Otoño: una historia del Barrio Chino” y su posterior versión cinematográfica, “Un hombre llamado Flor de Otoño” de Pedro Olea, como un reflejo de las transformaciones que se produjeron entre el final de la dictadura y el nacimiento de la democracia. Adicionalmente, las representaciones de género y de la homosexualidad en 94 Merodio – Masculinidades en la Transición [Book Review] las producciones cinematográficas españolas desde la transición y durante los primeros años de democracia, son analizadas en los artículos séptimo y octavo de Alberto Mira y Alfredo Martínez-Expósito respectivamente. En el noveno artículo, Juan Vicente Aliaga analiza otras manifestaciones artísticas como la música, la fotografía y la pintura de los años 70 y 80, y la trasgresión que supuso en las representaciones culturales de las masculinidades heteronormativas y dominantes de la época. Geoffroy Huard navega en el undécimo artículo entre los archivos judiciales del franquismo, sorprendiendo con el descubrimiento de que a pesar de la hipocresía y el clasismo en la persecución, detención y condena a homosexuales durante la dictadura, en Barcelona, antes de la transición, la homosexualidad se llegó a tolerar y visibilizar relativamente. Finalmente, en el duodécimo artículo, Estrella Díaz Fernández compila una selección de fuentes secundarias que abordan las sexualidades marginadas en España desde 1970 hasta 1995. Definitivamente, esta obra constituye una contribución relevante para la consolidación de los estudios LGTB en el campo de las Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales españolas. Guiomar Merodio, Universitat de Barcelona [email protected] Instructions for authors, subscriptions and further details: http://mcs.hipatiapress.com Hegemonic Masculinities and Camouflaged Politics: Unmasking the Bush Dynasty and its War against Iraq Ana Burgués1 1) Universitat de Barcelona, Spain Date of publication: February 21th, 2016 Edition period: February 2016-June 2016 To cite this article: Burgués, A. (2016). Hegemonic Masculinities and Camouflaged Politics: Unmasking the Bush Dynasty and its War against Iraq [Review of the book]. Masculinities and Social Change 5(1), 95-96-. doi: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1951 To link this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.4471/MCS.2016.1951 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE The terms and conditions of use are related to the Open Journal System and to Creative Commons Attribution License (CC-BY). MCS – Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016 pp. 95-96 Reviews (II) Messerschmidt, J. W. (2015). Hegemonic Masculinities and Camouflaged Politics: Unmasking the Bush Dynasty and its War against Iraq. New York: Routledge. ISBN: 978-1-59451-817-1 J ames W. Messerschmidt es un reputado investigador en el campo de las masculinidades en cuya trayectoria académica sobresale un artículo publicado en el año 2005 en la revista Gender and Society sobre la redefinición del concepto de Masculinidad Hegemónica elaborado por Raewyn Connell. Esta publicación significó poner nuevos cimientos a la idea de masculinidad dominante que Connell había lanzado en los años 80. En esta línea també se sitúa el libro Hegemonic Masculinities and camouflaged politics publicado en el año 2015 y que tiene como principal propósito desgranar las figuras de George Bush Senior y George Bush Junior y su relación con la definición de masculinidad hegemónica. Para ello el autor divide el libro en tres partes diferenciadas. En la primera parte el autor hace una revisión teórica profunda en la que se hace un análisis crítico al concepto de masculinidad hegemónica. En las siguientes partes Messerschmidt lleva a cabo un análisis del discurso de las declaraciones de Bush Senior y Bush Junior y los efectos que ello ha tenido en la historia de Estados Unidos de América. Algunas ideas que se nos introduce en el libro nos enseñan datos poco conocidos de la historia de la saga de los Bush. Por ejemplo, se nos explica la incredulidad de Bush padre ante el hecho que su hijo menor pudiera convertirse en el estandarte masculino de su estirpe. Messerschmidt también introduce la encrucijada que significa para los Bush definir su identidad de género en un momento social e histórico en los que los cimientos del patriarcado se están cuestionando con la llegada del feminismo, la teoría 2016 Hipatia Press ISSN: 2014-3605 DOI: 10.17583/MCS.2016.1951 96 Burgués – Hegemonic Masculinities [Book Review] queer, los movimientos LGBTI, etc. De todas formas, y a pesar de este contexto específico, se ponen de manifiesto en el libro como ambos Bush, y con especial hincapié Bush Junior, han contribuido a difundir y desarrollar una masculinidad hegemónica a nivel global a partir de sus liderazgos en la Guerra de Iraq y en la Guerra contra el terrorismo islámico. Como se ha mencionado anteriormente, la guerra de Iraq del año 91 y la guerra contra el terror, iniciada por Bush hijo después de los ataques de AlQaeda, son utilizados por el autor del libro como pretextos para analizar como las actuaciones y discursos de ambos presidentes de los Estados Unidos reforzaron la masculinidad hegemónica en occidente. En el caso de Bush padre se explica una de las principales operaciones militares que se llevaron a cabo durante la Guerra del Golfo: Operation Desert Storm que significaron más de 100 horas de crueles intervenciones militares. Por otro lado, se recogen también algunas declaraciones de Bush hijo donde se pone de manifiesto su afán de poder a toda y costa y su visión de Iraq como un territorio propenso para conseguir dicho objetivo: Iraq remains relatively unexplored, offering big companies a potentially easy-to-tap source of growth (p.143). Ana Burgués, Universitat de Barcelona [email protected] Instructions for authors, subscriptions and further details: http://mcs.hipatiapress.com List of Reviewers Date of publication: February 21th, 2016 Edition period: February 2016-June 2016 To cite this article: MCS Editor (2016). List of Reviewers. Masculinities and Social Change, 5(1),97. doi: 10.4471/MCS.2016.1959 To link this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.447/MCS.2016.1959 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE The terms and conditions of use are related to the Open Journal System and to Creative Commons Attribution License (CC-BY). MSC– Masculinities and Social Change Vol. 5 No. 1 February 2016 pp.97 List of Reviewers I would like to thank all the scholars who served as reviewers in 2015. As the editor of the journal Masculinities and Social Change I am very grateful for the evaluations realized which have contributed to the quality of this journal. Oriol Ríos Editor Mara, Liviu Rodríguez, Alfonso Merodio, Guiomar Íñiguez, Tatiana Álvarez Cifuentes, Pilar Martínez, Alejandro Castro, Marcos Cabré, Joan Santos, Tatiana Armengol, Josep Maria Pulido, Miguel Ángel Burgués, Ana Schubert, Tinka 2016 Hipatia Press ISSN: 2014-3605 DOI: 10.4471/MCS.2016.1959 Duque, Elena Martín, Noemi Serrano, Maria Ángeles López, Laura Macías, Fernando