The farming system and traditional agroforestry systems in the Maya

The farming system and traditional agroforestry systems in the Maya

Agroforestry Systems 49: 275–288, 2000.
 2000 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
The farming system and traditional agroforestry systems in
the Maya community of San Jose, Belize
V. LEVASSEUR and A. OLIVIER*
Département de phytologie, Faculté des sciences de l’agriculture et de l’alimentation, Université
Laval, Sainte-Foy (Québec), G1K 7P4, Canada
(*Author for correspondence: E-mail: [email protected])
Key words: cacoa, homegarden, household perspectives, milpa, participatory observation,
qualitative research
Abstract. Shifting slash-and-burn agriculture is likely one of the main causes of forest degradation in southern Belize. Although many development projects have attempted to reduce the
impacts of agriculture on the tropical rainforest, the situation is still a cause for concern. A study
of the farming system of the San Jose Maya community was therefore carried out to examine
agricultural production in its social, cultural, economic, and political context. Results demonstrate that agricultural production contributes to forest degradation because of the limited availability of agricultural land, the low level of investment in agricultural production, the land tenure
system, limited marketing opportunities, and the exclusion of Mayas from the country’s political and economic domains. Agroforestry could, however, offer a partial solution to the problem
of forest degradation. Three types of traditional agroforestry systems are practised in San Jose:
the milpa (a slash-and-burn agriculture system), cacao (Theobroma cacao) cultivation under
shade trees, and the homegarden. These traditional agroforestry systems almost entirely meet a
family’s needs for food and wood, and generate at least 62% of family income. Improving the
productivity of these systems could help to reduce pressure on the forest in southern Belize.
Introduction
The forests of Belize cover slightly more than 85% of its surface area – an
enviable situation when compared to neighbouring countries in Central
America (FAO, 1997). The vast majority of these forests, situated in central
and southern Belize, are tropical rainforests. On a worldwide scale, tropical
rainforests constitute an important reservoir of biodiversity, and play a nonnegligible role in climate regulation and soil protection. Moreover, they are
an important source of wood, medicinal plants, and all kinds of natural
products (Gomez-Pompa et al., 1972; Bruntland, 1989; Boot, 1997).
The rate of deforestation in Belize is relatively low, i.e., approximately
0.25% per year (FAO, 1997). In the Toledo District of southern Belize, the
main cause of this forest degradation is slash-and-burn agriculture, as practised by the Maya population (Arya and Pulver, 1993). Traditional slash-andburn agriculture is a sustainable system as long as there is a balance, within
a given area, between population growth and availability of land (Nye and
Greenland, 1960; Kalpage, 1974; Lambert and Arnason, 1980; Raintree and
Warner, 1986; Palm et al., 1996), so that the number of years that the soil is
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under cultivation is offset by a long enough fallow period for the soil to recuperate its original fertility. In Toledo District, a high rate of population growth
(2.7% per year) contributes to the breakdown of this balance, and leads to
the problem of forest degradation. Even though four international development projects, within the last 20 years, have proposed several practices to curb
the degradation process, large areas of primary forest are still being converted
into agricultural land.
In order to counteract forest degradation, it is essential, in such a context,
to thoroughly understand the Maya agricultural production system. To this
end, we chose to adopt the ‘farming system’ approach, which considers agricultural production as one significant component of a more complex system
(Dupriez, 1982; Jouve, 1988; Mazoyer and Roudart, 1997). According to
Dupriez (1982), the farming system encompasses a wide range of factors,
rules, social relationships, and production relationships within a community
in which the main activity is agriculture. To discern the connections between
agricultural production and the social environment in which it takes place,
Dupriez (1982) suggests organizing the information gathered on a community
and its agriculture into four subsystems that revolve around a central nucleus
of the families that practice agriculture. First, all the factors that arise from
within the community, which have an influence on agricultural production,
must be identified. These factors are classified into three subsystems: social,
cultural, and agricultural. Second, all the factors that arise from outside the
community, which have an influence on agricultural production, are classified
into a fourth subsystem, the macro social, political, and economic subsystem.
In the present study, the agricultural production of a Maya community in the
Toledo District was investigated in this manner, paying particular attention
to social, cultural, political, and economic factors that have a determining
influence on agricultural production.
Particular attention was also devoted to the agroforestry systems traditionally used by the Mayas. Many agroforestry systems seem to protect the
soil better than monocultures, while also conserving the area’s tree and shrub
species (Nair, 1993). Therefore, agroforestry could serve as an interesting
starting point for increasing the intensity and diversity of agricultural production in a sustainable development context. This study allowed us to
quantify the importance of these systems in the meeting of a family’s needs.
Materials and methods
Study area
The study was carried out in the Maya community of San Jose, in Toledo
District. The community is located inland, at the foot of the Maya Mountains
chain, 25 km from the coastal city of Punta Gorda. The surface relief surrounding the community is rugged, and agriculture is generally carried out
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on slopes with 5 to 25° gradients. The soils contain a large quantity of montmorillonite clay, and are prone to compaction and hydric erosion. Average
annual precipitation is 3100 mm and the average temperature is 25.7 °C
(Meteorological Service of Belize, 1996). The village was established in 1954,
when four families started to cultivate a territory then covered by primary rain
forests. In 1997, the community of San Jose had 132 families, which included
about 900 people. Its territory includes the land between nearby villages and
the Columbia Forest Reserve. For this reason, any expansion of the community’s agricultural land is made at the expense of the reserve’s tropical rain
forest.
Participatory observation
This data collection technique falls into the category of qualitative research
methods. We chose to use an active type of participatory observation because
it allows the researcher, who shares the daily life of the villagers and their
various agricultural production activities, to become the main research instrument. During two visits to the village (from February to April, then in June
and July, 1997), participatory observation was used to gain an understanding
of community functioning and dynamics. Living with families in San Jose
also helped in understanding dynamics within the family. Through participatory observation, data was gathered on family diet, decision-making mechanisms, division of labour, community work, and the functioning and dynamics
of the community.
Semi-structured interviews
The objective of these interviews was to identify different factors influencing
agricultural production. An initial series of interviews was conducted with
20 women and men from the community. The information gathered had to
do with the different social, cultural, economic, and political factors that influence the type of agricultural production practised by the farmers. Information
on agricultural production itself was also gathered in order to develop a questionnaire. A second series of interviews was conducted with individuals from
outside the community to obtain data on markets for agricultural products,
agricultural politics, land allocation mechanisms, technical aid available to
farmers, and groups promoting Maya rights.
Following this, interviews based on a questionnaire were conducted with
20 heads of households chosen randomly among the 124 families of the community whose main activity is farming. A meeting was first held with each
selected family to explain the research objectives, to set up a meeting for the
questionnaire interview, and to respond to any questions raised by the survey.
This step enhanced the willing participation of family members during subsequent visits, and improved the validity of responses obtained. The questionnaire was about agricultural production as a whole: cultivating operations,
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crop yields, livestock, local market prices, family income, family diet, and
different production strategies. Data gathered were used to evaluate the importance of traditional agroforestry systems in the production system of community farmers.
Inventory
A complete inventory was carried out on plant species selected by family
members and found in the space reserved for the homegarden, a traditional
agroforestry system. Species were identified, and their physical placement in
the garden, their frequency, and intended uses were recorded. This inventory
was carried out with 18 of the families who participated in the interviews,
but was done at a later time so as not to interfere with the survey procedure.
Analysis of results
Documentary analysis and descriptive statistical analysis were the main tools
used to compile information gathered during the research. Documentary
analysis was used to classify the field data into different categories, which
were constructed according to the farming system concept. Research results
were presented according to these different categories to facilitate understanding of the cultural, socioeconomic, and political factors that influence
families when they make a decision about agricultural production. As for
descriptive statistical analysis, it was used to establish a general picture of
agricultural production and to evaluate the importance of traditional agroforestry systems in meeting a family’s needs.
Results and discussion
The macro social, political, and economic subsystem
Economic activity and development programs in Belize are concentrated in
the north, and focus on agricultural production of the country’s main exports:
sugar cane, oranges, and bananas (Government of Belize, 1996). Two indicators of the economic health of Belizeans, unemployment rate and poverty
level, accurately reflect the imbalance that exists between northern and
southern Belize. As a result, the rate of unemployment, and the percentage
of the population that is poor or very poor, is much higher in Toledo District
than in the rest of the country (Government of Belize, 1996; Kairi Consultants
Limited, 1996). In fact, in the community of San Jose, only 6% of the
population has a full-time job. Twenty-five percent of the farmers that we
encountered, however, stated that they have part-time employment. In most
cases, these jobs are located in San Jose itself (school, small store, tourist
related activities, etc.)
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Toledo District also has the highest concentration of Mayas, who make up
65% of the population. Although the Mayas represent 11% of the national
population, they had no government representative in 1997. In fact, the interests and demands of the Mayas tend not to be heard by the decision-makers,
which further accentuates the imbalance between northern and southern
Belize.
Another factor affecting the Maya population and its agricultural production is the way in which land is held. Land in the Toledo District, except for
a few private plots and Indian reserves, is owned by the State, which disposes
of it as it sees fit. These Indian reserves, which only the Mayas have the
right to exploit, were established in 1868 by British authorities, and cover
311.5 km2 (Berkey, 1994). However, the population has grown since that time,
and many Maya villages, including San Jose, are not located in the protected
area. Thus, 60% of the families that were interviewed said that they have no
ownership rights to the land that they exploit agriculturally; the other families
have a long-term rental agreement. It should be noted that the rental agreement does not exclude the government from allocating these lands to other
interests, particularly to forestry companies or private individuals.
As far as providing support for agricultural production, there is one
Ministry of Agriculture station in the district where two extension agents and
a veterinarian must cover the entire territory of Toledo. Some experiments are
in progress at this station to find favourable associations between fruit trees
and food crops. The objective of these experiments is to increase the income
of rural families, while assuring the continued presence of woody species
in the agricultural area. However, since there are few human resources
available to promote such practices, traditional crops are still favoured by
the producers.
The choice of crops produced also depends on the marketing potential of
these products. In the Toledo region, there is a Marketing Board for Rice that
allows farmers to sell their products at a relatively good price. Organic cocoa
beans have also found buyers thanks to a fair trade agreement between the
Toledo Cocoa Growers Association (TCGA) and the Green & Black Company.
For other agricultural products, the market is more limited, and consists mainly
of the local market in San Jose and the market in Punta Gorda. Some farmers,
however, said that they go as far as Guatemala to sell their supplies of beans
(Phaseolus vulgaris) and corn (Zea mays). Although their products are sold
there for a lower price than it would be in Belize, the farmers are assured of
selling their entire stock.
The end result of this macroeconomic, political, and social context is that
the Mayas living in Toledo District are excluded from the domain of political decision-making, and hence, the domain of economic decision-making.
They have only a few employment possibilities outside of the agricultural
sector, receive only a minimum of technical aid, and have no access to credit
since they do not hold ownership title to their land.
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The cultural sub-system
Maya culture is marked by a reciprocal exchange of labour (Lévi-Strauss,
1971). Many activities are carried out in community, such as the bigger
farming tasks (land clearing, sowing, and harvest), construction, food preparation by women during community work projects, festivals, etc. In San Jose,
80% of the families that were interviewed said that they participate in community projects, which guarantees a sufficient labour force for agricultural
work when the need arises. Tradition dictates that men who help in agricultural work are not remunerated. However, the family being helped must feed
the workers at midday. A family that does not participate in community work
must hire the necessary labour and pay $5 US per day per person.
The Mayas not only live in community, but seem to live for the general
well-being of the community. This means that a personal initiative or a project
that is geared to the success of only a few individuals will not be immediately accepted by the community. Individuals that try to differentiate themselves, and their families, may find that they become increasingly isolated
from the rest of the community (C. Wright, pers. comm., 1996).
Division of labour according to gender is also determined by Maya culture.
Men claim responsibility for all agricultural production. They make the decisions concerning agricultural planning, and provide most of the labour. We
also observed that they are usually responsible for gathering firewood and
for building houses. Women are not very involved in field work unless there
is a significant labour shortage. They devote themselves above all to the
function of social reproduction, which is entirely their responsibility, taking
charge of children’s education, all household tasks, thereby ensuring the continuity of family life. They are also involved in the marketing of agricultural
products, and have recently taken up various economic activities to generate
enough income to meet increasing family needs. For example, several women
got together and formed an association that acquired a mill for grinding corn.
This mill generates a little income for that group of women and the ones who
use the mill no longer need to grind the corn themselves, thereby saving a significant amount of time.
The social sub-system
Social development of a community depends, among other factors, on access
of its members to education and health care. These two factors are also important for the success of agricultural production. Thus, the health of family
members can make the difference between a good or a poor harvest (Vosti and
Witcover, 1996). The village of San Jose has a primary school for all children,
boys and girls. For further schooling, children must go to the city of Punta
Gorda or to the capital. The village also has a small medical clinic that is
lacking in medication and personnel. Complete medical care, which is only
available in the city, is relatively costly for families from San Jose.
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From a structural viewpoint, several groups can be noted in the village.
Surrounding the chief (the Alcade), who oversees proper community functioning, the village council originates projects to improve the quality of life
for its inhabitants. Recently, for example, the village council promoted the
complete replacement of local, free-ranging pigs by hybrid pigs in pens. Other
men formed groups to organize, among other things, the bringing of tourists
to the village. Some of the women, for their part, also formed groups for
various handicraft production and marketing activities.
The agricultural sub-system
In San Jose, 124 of the 132 families in the village (94%) depend on agriculture for their subsistence. The types of agricultural activities observed in the
village are traditional. The cornerstone of Maya agriculture is without a doubt
the milpa, a method that allows them to cultivate corn, rice (Oryza sativa),
and beans. Most families also make use of a homegarden and keep some livestock. A significant proportion of these families also cultivate cacao under
shade trees, and engage in market gardening.
The milpa
The milpa (meaning ‘corn field’ in the Aztec language) is a traditional type
of slash-and-burn agriculture in which the soil is left in fallow after each crop.
In San Jose, 75% of the farmers said that they leave the soil in fallow for an
average period of five to seven years. The soil is usually cultivated for a period
of one year; only 5.6% of cultivated areas are put back into cultivation for a
second year, usually for production of beans.
In 1996, the area devoted to milpa was about 2.4 ha per producer. Slightly
less than a tenth (8.6%) of the total area cleared by the producers that were
interviewed was taken from the primary forest area. Clearing is carried out
during the dry season (from February to April) with the use of an axe and a
machete. During clearing, any woody species that are of interest to the community are kept in the field. This is the case for Orbignya cohune which is
quite resistant to fire once the lower leaves are removed.
The burn takes place at the end of April, just before the first rains. Corn
is sown a few days afterwards to take advantage of nutritive elements in the
ashes. The producers do not feel it is necessary to weed the corn, since the
burn controls a good part of the weed seed bank. Harvest takes place between
October and December, and the corn is stored in the field or at the house.
Producers report significant losses during storage, which vary between 10 and
50% of production. These losses are due mainly to insects and birds. Poorer
quality seeds are used to feed the pigs and chickens, or are sold as animal
feed. However, the price obtained is much lower than the price of good quality
corn seeds.
Eighty percent of producers cultivate rice, which is sown just after the corn.
Weeding takes place a month later, usually by means of a chemical herbi-
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cide. Harvest and removal of seed hulls takes place between October and the
beginning of December, before the corn harvest. Beans are sown in September
and harvested in November. A second crop of beans is grown between January
and March. Fifty and 80% of producers grow the first and second crop of
beans, respectively.
The producers that we met market about a quarter of their corn production
and half of their rice (Table 1). It is interesting to note that corn, which requires
less work, is mainly consumed by the family, whereas a larger proportion of
rice, which is more demanding in terms of labour, is sold to the Marketing
Board. In fact, more than half of rice producers marketed over 70% of their
production.
For many years it was believed that subsistence farmers did not need to
sell any of their products (Dove, 1983). However, the entry of communities
into the market economy has increased the dependence of subsistence farmers
on monetary resources (Raintree and Warner, 1986). For this reason, a portion
of agricultural production is now marketed in order to generate income. In
San Jose, 95% of the producers that we met confirmed that they sell at least
one product that comes from the milpa, and 25% of them sell up to three or
four such products.
A second corn crop, the matahambre (meaning ‘to kill hunger’), is sown
after the first harvest in November. The matahambre is usually grown in the
same plot year after year. For this reason, the second corn crop is different
from the first crop in the milpa. Producers report that it is possible for them
to grow the matahambre in the same plot because this corn is closely associated with leguminous cover plants, such as mucuna (Mucuna spp.) and kudzu
(Pueraria phaseoloides). The legumes are cut before sowing the matahambre,
and left on the soil as a mulch. These legumes provide the soil with a significant supply of organic material and nutritive elements, protect it against
erosion, and may help improve its structure (Barreto, 1994; Bunch, 1994;
Buckles, 1995).
Yields observed are, however, definitely lower than those obtained with the
first corn crop. Producers explained to us that this was likely due to damage
Table 1. Median values for surface areas cultivated, yield and work time, and proportion sold
for the various crops in the milpa and matahambre in San Jose, Belize, in 1996.
Crop
Area cultivated
(ha)
Yield
(kg ha–1)
Work time
(days man ha–1)
Proportion sold
(%)
Corn
Rice
Beans Ia
Beans IIb
Matahambre
1.62
0.60
0.08
0.14
1.20
1238
1504
0910
0726
0420
14.5
37.7
66.0
33.6
15.3
25
49
16
27
00
a
b
First bean crop (September–November).
Second bean crop (January–March).
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caused by the wind. Nevertheless, it seems that lower yields obtained with
the cultivation of matahambre limit the possibilities of adopting this more
sedentary cultivation system, as long as there is land available for the milpa.
On the other hand, matahambre associated with leguminous cover plants has
been widely adopted by farmers in a nearby village, who had no more land
available for the milpa.
Cacao under shade trees
The Mayas have cultivated cacao under shade trees since they first domesticated the species (Hammond, 1978). Today, the Mayas of San Jose still cultivate cacao in the same way, which slows down the development of the cacao
plant and hence spaces out its production over time. It is, in fact, an ideal
mode of production for small producers, who do not always have the means
to obtain the very expensive chemical inputs required for higher yields (Mossu,
1990). In Toledo District, cocoa producers are grouped together into the Toledo
Cocoa Growers Association (TCGA). The objective of this association was
to facilitate the sale of cocoa beans after a drastic drop in market prices in
the early 1990s. It now has a fair trade agreement with an English company,
Green & Black Co., which is committed to buying the entire production on
the condition that it is organic. In 1997, producer members of the association
received $2.15 per kg of organic cocoa beans, whereas the market price was
$1.90 per kg. It should be noted that Green and Black Co. was in negotiations with TCGA concerning the purchase of other organic products.
In spite of good marketing potential, we observed a low average production from the cacao plantations; the average yield was slightly less than
70 kg of beans per ha. Producers stated that they devote little time (less than
10 days per year for 70% of them) to management of cacao plants, shade trees,
and soil fertility in their cacao plantations because of the low yields obtained.
It is a kind of vicious circle, since the small amount of time devoted to cacao
plantation management is in part responsible for the low yields obtained.
Homegarden
The selection of plant species retained in the homegarden is made in July,
when the area around the house is cleared of brush. In San Jose, we noted
an average surface area of 0.65 ha per homegarden. Each homegarden has
an average of 30 different species and 240 total individuals. In the 18 homegardens that we inventoried, 164 different plant species were identified. The
majority of these plants are shrubs or perennials. Table 2 shows the number
of different species inventoried in terms of their intended uses.
In these gardens, there is a clear predominance of plant species whose
intended use is for food, such as guava (Psidium guajava), avocado
(Persea americana), Musa spp., Citrus spp., coconut (Cocos nucifera), mango
(Mangifera indica) and pimento (Capsicum frutescens). This characteristic
indicates the importance of the homegarden for diversifying the family diet.
Next we find species, mostly perennials, which serve as construction material
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Table 2. Uses of different plant species inventoried in 18 homegardens in San Jose, Belize, in
1997.
Use
Number of species inventoried
Food (fruit trees and shrubs)
Food (except fruit)
Construction material
Firewood
Medicinal
Fertilizer
Ornamental
Cultural
Others
036
029
029
028
008
007
006
004
017
Total
164
(Orbignya cohune, Cordia alliodora) or firewood. The producers said that
they were aware of the increasing scarcity of certain species, and thus of the
necessity to keep them in their gardens. The other species present, although
fewer in number, are also important for various reasons such as treating
common ailments, fertilizing the soil (Gliricidia sepium), or because they have
some cultural value, etc. In general, products that come from the homegarden
are intended for family consumption.
Small livestock can also be found around the homegarden, especially
poultry (80% of producers interviewed) and pigs (75% of producers interviewed). Seventy percent of producers also own a horse. Certain market-gardening species are also present in the homegarden, but more intensive
vegetable production is generally found away from the house, near the milpas.
For several years, market gardening has grown in intensity, and villagers who
carry out this practice (40% of producers interviewed) mainly grow tomatoes
(Lycopersicon esculentum), cabbage (Brassica oleracea), peppers (Capsicum
annuum), and cucumbers (Cucumis sativus). It is important to note that the
sale of market-gardening products accounts for more than 50% of these producers’ total income.
It is also worth mentioning that hunting and gathering products in the forest
are important activities for the Mayas of San Jose. Wild animals are one of
the main sources of protein in their diet, while forest plants provide wood,
medicinal products and additional food.
The family and its requirements
In San Jose, the basic consumption and production unit consists of an average
family of seven to eight persons, including the parents and children. We
calculated that such a family consumes, on average, 22 kg of corn per week.
It should be noted that corn is the staple food in the Maya diet. According to
the yields observed for corn cultivation (milpa), an area of about 0.92 ha is
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needed to meet this requirement. This is in agreement with findings from
previous studies on Maya communities (Cowgill, 1962; Morley, 1975). The
family diet is rounded out by rice, beans (produced in the milpa), other homegarden products, livestock, and hunting and gathering in the forest. When
a family raises livestock, an additional supply of corn is required to feed
the animals. In San Jose, 60% of the families interviewed told us that they
were meeting their food needs by means of agricultural production. Other
families must be in a position to generate enough income to satisfy their food
requirements.
It should be noted that all of the families interviewed stated that they needed
money on a weekly basis. On average, they said they required $18 US per
week, in 1997, to cover ordinary household expenses (sugar, flour, soap,
clothing, and school supplies). There are also occasional major expenses for
events such as marriages, deaths, sickness, secondary and higher education,
etc. These expenses are generally not planned for in the family budget. To
meet these expenses, families have to sell part of the agricultural production
normally intended for family consumption, or work as agricultural labour
when that is possible. However, in most cases, they have to borrow money
from other people in the village who have greater financial means. This is in
accordance with the fact that only 10% of families said they have a little
money put aside.
On the other hand, San Jose farmers do not have access to any form of
credit from financial institutions, since they do not hold ownership title to
their land. For this reason, the level of investment in agricultural production
(outside labour, chemical inputs, livestock, agricultural supplies) is low. A
financing system did exist at one time in San Jose for the purchase of chemical
inputs. However, this financing opportunity ended at the same time as the
development project that had promoted it.
Finally, San Jose farmers reported to us that they have increasing needs
for access to good agricultural land. Sixty percent of them stated that the availability of agricultural land is the most limiting factor in increasing agricultural productivity, whereas 40% claimed a lack of labour was responsible.
However, it is the scarcity of fertile agricultural land, due to the increase in
the number of families in the village, that has pushed 35% of the farmers
that we met to acquire rental agreements for their land. In fact, 70% of the
farmers that were interviewed foresee serious problems 20 years from now
regarding the availability of fertile agricultural land, if current agricultural
practices are not changed.
The importance of agroforestry systems
Family nutrition is primarily based on corn, a food that is found at each
meal in one form or another. As noted before, a family must cultivate an
average of 0.92 ha of corn to meet its dietary needs. This need seems to be
completely satisfied by milpa production, since the average area planted in
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corn by a family in San Jose is 1.62 ha. Other important foods in its diet,
such as beans and rice, are also grown in the milpa. The homegarden also
provides an important source of food diversity. In fact, data show that at least
80% of the family diet comes from the three agroforestry systems identified
in San Jose, namely, the milpa, cacao cultivation under shade trees, and the
homegarden.
San Jose families depend mostly on woody plants for firewood and construction material. They stated that they need, on average, 0.25 m 3 of firewood
per week; 70% of families obtain their supply directly from the milpa, from
trees that were cut down and left on the ground during clearing. For construction material, 75% of families obtain their supply from the secondary
forest (milpa in fallow period), or from both the secondary and primary forest.
On the other hand, many families keep trees for wood production in their
homegardens. The agroforestry systems of San Jose therefore represent an
important source for wood supplies.
Finally, the family sells a portion of its agricultural production to generate
income. Thus, the sale of agroforestry products contributes to the family
income. In fact, 62% of the total income of the 20 producers that were interviewed came from the sale of agroforestry products. Traditional agroforestry
systems therefore have considerable importance for families of the San Jose
community.
Conclusion
The study demonstrates that villagers in the community of San Jose possess
a very thorough understanding of the environment in which they live. This
understanding shows up particularly in the complex composition of the homegardens, and in the numerous products that they derive from the primary and
secondary forest to feed themselves, build their houses, treat their ailments,
etc. However, a variety of constraints arising from the social, cultural,
economic, and political environments in which they live have determined
that agriculture, as practised by the Mayas today, contributes to the degradation of the forests and the environment. The main constraints identified are
limited availability of agricultural land, a low level of investment in agricultural production, the system of land tenure, limited marketing opportunities,
and the exclusion of Mayas from the country’s political and economic
domains.
These constraints, when associated with the growing needs of rural families
for monetary resources, are at the heart of an ever-increasing pressure on the
ecosystem. In order to reduce this pressure while at the same time improving
the villagers’ quality of life, it is thus important to take into account all of
the socioeconomic, cultural, political, and environmental factors that have
been highlighted as having an impact on the San Jose Mayas’ agricultural
production.
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One of the main limiting aspects of agricultural production in the region
is the availability of good quality agricultural land. However, the results of
the present study show that traditional agroforestry systems constitute the main
source of food, wood supplies, and income for San Jose community members.
It could therefore be worthwhile to intensify the production of these systems
to avoid increasing the size of cultivated areas. Particular attention should also
be paid to establishing permanent farming systems, such as orchards, and
cacao and coffee (Coffea arabica) under shade trees. Training workshops on
cacao plantation management, organic production techniques, the introduction of new species into homegardens, and improved fallow techniques in
the milpa could be offered to producers. However, it would be essential to
increase available human resources in order to offer high quality technical
support to farmers.
Before being able to make these changes, however, it would be necessary
to know more about the process of adoption of new agroforestry technologies in Maya communities. In communities in which the reciprocal exchange
of labour is important and where individuals usually try to avoid being isolated
from the rest of the group, this process is likely to be different from what is
encountered in other types of communities. Enlightening this process would
enable development organisations to target people who are more likely to
adopt their new technologies and have an influence on the overall adoption
of these technologies in their own community.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the families of Raymundo Peck and Justino Peck, who
were an indispensable source of support and information during our research.
We also wish to thank the Alcade of San Jose and all the community members
for their invaluable co-operation, as well as Allen Genus of the Belize Ministry
of Agriculture and consultant Jorge Cawish for their support. We also thank
Eduardo Somarriba, researcher at CATIE (Centro Agronómico Tropical de
Investigación y Enseñanza) and instigator of this project. This study was made
possible thanks to the financial support of the International Development
Research Centre.
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