CARCEL DE AMOR AND THE COURTLY LOVE TRADITION
Transcripción
CARCEL DE AMOR AND THE COURTLY LOVE TRADITION
CARCEL DE AMOR AND THE COURTLY LOVE TRADITION 9.1 BEATRIZ ^AM2REZJ^iTJGHES_ B. A., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1974 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department o f H i s p a n i c and I t a l i a n We a c c e p t t h i s to THE thesis the required as conforming standards UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA OCTOBER 1979 (c) Studies Beatriz Ramirez-Hughes In presenting an advanced the I Library further for this degree shall agree thesis in p a r t i a l fulfilment of at University of Columbia, the make that his of this written for 6 for by the is understood financial gain for extensive be g r a n t e d It of University H i s p a n i c and of British 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date available shall copying Head o f that not be 16 October, 1979. T t a l i a n Columbia requirements reference agree and of my I this or allowed without g+nrHoe for that study. thesis Department copying permission. Department The may representatives. thesis freely permission s c h o l a r l y purposes by it British the or publication my ii Abstract The f i r s t chapter of t h i s t h e s i s i s a survey of the d i v e r s e c r i t i c i s m of C a r c e l de amor a v a i l a b l e today. y Gaya, i n h i s prologue t o San Pedro's comprehensive Gili Obras, p r e s e n t s a study and e v a l u a t i o n of San Pedro's work which has been the p o i n t of departure f o r modern c r i t i c s . Modern c r i t i c i s m of the C a r c e l encompasses i t s s t y l e and language as w e l l as i t s s e n t i m e n t a l , e t h i c a l , p o l i t i c a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l a s p e c t s . K e i t h Whinnom o f f e r s the most complete of study the C a r c e l i n numerous a r t i c l e s , i n h i s prologue t o San Pedro's complete works and i n h i s book on San Pedro and h i s w r i t i n g s . However, San Pedro's p e c u l i a r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the c o u r t l y l o v e t r a d i t i o n has not been s u f f i c i e n t l y examined. The second chapter o f f e r s an a p p r a i s a l of the author, his p e r i o d and h i s work. During the r e i g n of the C a t h o l i c Monarchs, Spain enjoyed a p e r i o d of g r e a t c u l t u r a l acti- v i t y . The r e f i n e d atmosphere of the c o u r t favoured feminism and romantic l i t e r a t u r e . San Pedro was an experienced s o l d i e r a t the s e r v i c e of don Juan T e l l e z G i r o n , Count of Urena. He was a c o u r t i e r and a poet. Most i n f o r m a t i o n con- c e r n i n g h i s l i f e and i d e n t i t y i s s p e c u l a t i o n . We do not know the c e r t a i n dates of h i s b i r t h and death and the date of his works. C r i t i c s have s p e c u l a t e d on h i s p o s s i b l e Jewish a n c e s t r y . A b r i e f survey of San Pedro's works shows h i s versatility, h i s concern w i t h p l e a s i n g h i s audience the e s s e n t i a l l y c o u r t l y n a t u r e of h i s work. and His e a r l i e s t iii works were the r e l i g i o u s poems the Passion trobada and s i e t e anqustias de Nuestra Las Senora. These were f o l l o w e d by s e v e r a l poems i n the c o u r t l y l o v e t r a d i t i o n . H i s f i r s t sen- t i m e n t a l n o v e l , A r n a l t e y Lucenda i s c o n s i d e r e d a p r e c u r s o r of C a r e e l de amor. The Sermon i s a code f o r l o v e r s w r i t t e n w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n of the t r e a t i s e s Of love popular through- out the Middle Ages, I t s precepts are a p p l i e d i n the C a r c e l . The t h i r d chapter i s the main p a r t of the present work. San.Pedro's use of the c o u r t l y l o v e t r a d i t i o n i s examined here. The antecedents of C a r c e l de amor i n European lite- r a t u r e are c o n s i d e r e d i n order t o a p p r e c i a t e the p a r t i c u l a r treatment of love found i n the C a r c e l and the unique p l a c e t h i s n o v e l occupies i n Spanish f i c t i o n . S i e r v o l i b r e amor by Rodriguez de l a Camara and i t s i m i t a t i o n s can de be c o n s i d e r e d as f o r e r u n n e r s of the C a r c e l because they cont a i n elements t h a t c o n s t i t u t e the basic? c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the s e n t i m e n t a l n o v e l . The r e l a t i o n s h i p of the C a r c e l with other s e n t i m e n t a l works such as Boccaccio's Fiammetta i s a l s o c o n s i d e r e d . C a r c e l de amor s p r i n g s from the A r t h u r i a n t r a d i t i o n and i s concerned p r i m a r i l y with p u t t i n g i n t o prac- t i c e the ideas and code of behaviour of the c o u r t l y love t r a d i t i o n . An o u t l i n e of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , r u l e s , and development of t h i s t r a d i t i o n i s made. origins The works of Ovid and Andreas Capellanus are examined and compared i n order to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s . The c o u r t l y l o v e t r a d i t i o n c o n s i d e r s p e r f e c t l o v e as an e v e r - i n s a t i a t i n g and e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g d e s i r e ; i t e l e v a t e s the beloved to a p o s i t i o n iv of s u p e r i o r i t y over the ennobling de f o r c e . These t h r e e amor. A the lover; i t sustains thorough examination of Carcel i s made. The novel are great nobility set apart concepts are of the s e t t i n g and highest of nobility s o u l and C a s t i l i a n c o u r t l y love and Catalan and the c o n c e r n w i t h h o n o u r . The the d e a t h and tiny as f are Leriano lets himself sentimental novel and L a t i n t r a c t a t u s , the ry novel and allegory i s e x a m i n e d as form the novel. discourses, novel San the endowed from the with Proven- f o r maidens love escape i s fulfilling s t y l e and his des- structure as the vital unity give Pedro's use epistolary structure of that epistles, arqumehtatio i n t o a style concluded t o the i t s links rhetorical units o f the,. Garcel?'s be a the e p i s t o l a - the n a r r a t i o , h a r a n g u e , and work. C r i t i c i s m factors that tale, o f c h i v a l r y . San well i t as have s t u d i e d Ovidian I t may ( 3 ) the die,thus Pedro f u s e s planctus, ( 2 ) the of of c o u r t l y concept of w i t h the language i s considered. theme, Carcel c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that preference some c r i t i c s with the polished both are amor. Menendez y P e l a y o c l a s s i f i e d the of an lover. fourth chapter deals C a r c e l de is protagonists tradition the core l o v e r i n a v i c i o u s c i r c l e whose o n l y a perfect The o tradition the and the love c o u r t l y elements v i r t u e . Two cal traps the that novel of the and that are the (1) novel, three the and r o l e of E l Auctor. The of C a r c e l final de chapter stresses the i m p o r t a n c e and amor i n S p a n i s h l i t e r a t u r e influence in particular and V European l i t e r a t u r e i n g e n e r a l . I t was widely read s t a r t e d a vogue f o r sentimental n o v e l s throughout Europe. In Spain, N i c o l a s Nunez wrote a c o n t i n u a t i o n Flores published two c o u r t l y novels. and and Juan de However the work of F l o r e s departs from the c o u r t l y love t r a d i t i o n . I t was l a t e d i n t o Er<ench, E n g l i s h , I t a l i a n and German. A. trans- Gian- n i n i b e l i e v e s t h a t i t i n f l u e n c e d Baldassare C a s t i g l i o n e i n w r i t i n g I I C o r t e q i a n o . Gustave Reynier has i n f l u e n c e on the French s e n t i m e n t a l Rosa L i d a de M a l k i e l c o n s i d e r s studied i t s n o v e l . Above a l l , i t the f o r e r u n n e r of Maria La C e l e s t i n a . Peter G. E a r l e , a f t e r L i d a de M a l k i e l compares the love concepts found i n the works of Rojas and San T h i s t h e s i s concludes by s t r e s s i n g the e x c e l l e n c e San Pedro's r e - c r e a t i o n of the c o n v e n t i o n a l Pedro. of i d e a l s of c o u r t l y l o v e i n h i s n o v e l . His-.consciousness as a c o u r t l y writeri n s p i r e d him and t o s e l e c t the a p p r o p r i a t e ideas, form, language, s t y l e i n order t o produce an e x c e l l e n t example of courtly literature. vi Table o f contents Abstract I II III IV V i l Introduction 1 The c r i t i c s : "trama t e j i d a con poco a r t e o novela p o l i tica. 2 Diego de San Pedro" " e l t r o badorV. 17 The c o u r t l y l o v e tradition and t h e C a r c e l de amor 32 S t r u c t u r e and S t y l e 76 I n f l u e n c e o f C a r c e l de amor. 105 Conclusion 116 Bibliography 118 1 Introduction The purpose of t h i s t h e s i s i s t o examine the t i a l l y c o u r t l y nature of Diego de San Pedro's p r o d u c t i o n as r e f l e c t e d i n h i s major work, the essen- literary Carcel de amor. San Pedro's use of the elements of c o u r t l y love i n the C a r c e l w i l l be e s p e c i a l l y c o n s i d e r e d . I t r e f l e c t s the author's p e c u l i a r a b i l i t y t o i n t e r p r e t p o e t i c a l l y the i d e a s and t a s t e of h i s m i l e u . T h i s t h e s i s s t u d i e s how q u a l i t y and the c a r e f u l s t y l e , l y r i c a l romantic content of the C a r c e l responded t o the need f o r what Johan H u i z i n g a c a l l s heroism and love." York: Doubleday, "the dream of (The Waning of the Middle Ages, 1954. New 2 Chapter The c r i t i c s : One "trama t e j i d a con poco a r t e o n o v e l a politica" Diego de san Pedro's w r i t i n g s have long been regarded as works of t r a n s i t i o n , and f o r t h i s reason c r i t i c s have w r i t t e n l i t t l e of any substance about them. Although g e n e r a t i o n s of s c h o l a r s have u n d e r l i n e d San Pedro's r o l e i n Spanish l i t e r a t u r e , they have merely commented on h i s s t y l e and language s u p e r f i c i a l l y and identity. s p e c u l a t e d about h i s Hence, u n t i l the p u b l i c a t i o n of San Pedro's Obras 1 completas i n 1950 (or important by Samuel G i l i y Gaya, T h e < c 5 r c e l de amor indeed a l l of San Pedro's l i t e r a r y p r o d u c t i o n ) had not been s e r i o u s l y s t u d i e d or e v a l u a t e d . Jose" Amador de l o s R i o s , i n 1865 energfa de l a f r a s e " found p r a i s e d the " n e r v i o y i n C a x c e l de amor, and the use of the e p i s t o l a r y form i n order t o c r e a t e a more i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p between the reader, author, only d e s c r i b e d the content without and c h a r a c t e r s , but 2 analyzing i t . The i n f l u e n t i a l c r i t i c i s m came from Menendez y Pelayo i n Don M a r c e l i n o p l a c e d t h i s work w i t h i n a genre he he first 1905. accu- 3 r a t e l y named "novela s e n t i m e n t a l " . H i s d e f i n i t i o n of t h i s genre has been c o n s i d e r e d by K e i t h Whinnom as "una Cde c a r a c t e r i s t i c a s D un t a n t o a r t i f i c i a l , una f a l s i f i c a c i o n de l a verdadera agrupaci6n que puede p r o d u c i r h i s t o r i a de l a n o v e l i t a 4 amorosa en c a s t e l l a n o " , but i t , n e v e r t h e l e s s , d e s c r i b e s appro- p r i a t e l y an embryonic l i t e r a r y form whose main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s i t s concern w i t h emotional c o n f l i c t s . Don Marcelino calls the C a r c e l a " t e n t a t i v a de novela i n t i m a " w i t h a "trama t e j i d a 3 con poco a r t e " , 5 and f a i l s t o a p p r e c i a t e the meaning and l i t e r a r y v a l u e of the n o v e l . H i s o n l y p r a i s e goes t o the San Pedro's e l e g a n t s t y l e which he f i n d s s u p e r i o r t o t h a t of the e a r l i e r A r n a l t e y_ Lucenda. He a n g t i l y condemns t h e to the P a s s i 6 n trobada; a comparar l a que 6 mundo," prologue " l l e g a n d o en e l colmo de l a e x a l t a c i d n , llama su p a s s i o n con l a d e l Redentor d e l and shows d i s d a i n f o r h i s p o e t r y . Don Marcelino's most d i s p a r a g i n g comment goes t o the S e r m 6 n , which he cons i d e r s a poor and i n e p t parody, and he shows d i s t a s t e for the s o - c a l l e d understands "courtly love" t r a d i t i o n . Menendez y Pelayo too w e l l the banning o f the Cctrcel by the I n q u i - s i t i o n , and he disapproves o f the blasphemous nature of L e r i a n o ' s f i n a l d i s c o u r s e i n defence l a c k of enthusiasm and caused of women. f o r San Pedro's work obscured Don Marcelino's i t s worth l a t e r c r i t i c s t o o v e r l o o k the many charms t h a t made t h i s work w i d e l y read and t r a n s l a t e d d u r i n g the fif- t e e n t h and s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s . We f i n d a good, though b r i e f , study of San Pedro's n o v e l i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n t o h i s Obras by G i l i y Gaya, who stresses San Pedro's r o l e as a c o u r t l y "trobador" i n the best tradition of courtly love. G i l i y Gaya p r e s e n t s a s h o r t summary of the 7 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of c o u r t l y l o v e , f o l l o w i n g Gaston P a r i s 8 Myrrha Lot-Borodin, and he u n d e r l i n e s those which San Pedro used i n h i s n o v e l s . and characteristics G i l i y Gaya agrees Menendez y Pelayo about the sources and antecedents with of the C a r c e l and p o i n t s out the " s e v e r i d a d c a s t e l l a n a " t h a t makes him r e j e c t a d u l t e r y , which i s one of the elements o f the European t r a d i t i o n o f c o u r t l y l o v e (pp.xvii-xviii). 4 G i l i y Gaya's d e s c r i p t i o n o f San Pedro and h i s works provides a p o i n t o f departure f o r modern c r i t i c s , Keith 9 Whinnom and Moreno Baez among o t h e r s . the author o f t h e most e x t e n s i v e The K e i t h Whinnom i s study o f San Pedro's works. i n t r o d u c t i o n t o h i s three-volume e d i t i o n o f San Pedro's Obras completas i s a comprehensive account o f b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l and t e x t u a l problems, and an attempt t o remove t r a d i t i o n a l misconceptions and m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f San Pedro's 10 writings. Whinnom r e j e c t s G i l i y Gaya's " p e t u l a n t " com- ments on San Pedro's a r t i f i c i a l i t y , h i s i d e n t i t y as a converso, and h i s "mundo extrano y l e j a n o de a l e g o r f a s y esquemas c o n c e p t u a l e s " sentimientos, (p.vii). In the i n t r o d u c t i o n t o h i s e d i t i o n o f the C a r c e l de amor Whinnom examines the meaning o f the c o u r t l y love d i t i o n and i t s i n f l u e n c e on the n o v e l . T h i s work, tra- together w i t h h i s book on San Pedro f o r the Twayne's World Authors S e r i e s o f f e r s the most thorough p o r t r a i t o f the man, h i s w r i t i n g s , and p e r i o d . Whinnom e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y emphasizes the " r a r e t a l e n t and unusual s e n s i t i v i t y " o f t h e author, i n v i t i n g the student o f l i t e r a t u r e t o overcome the b a r r i e r s which have prevented c r i t i c s from pursuing a proper a n a l y s i s 11 of San Pedro's works. C r i t i c i s m of the Carcel de amor o r i t s author has been p r i m a r i l y concerned w i t h the n o v e l ' s s t y l e and form. In an important a r t i c l e , Whinnom d i s c u s s e s San Pedro's use o f 12 rhetoric. He b e l i e v e s t h a t the author achieved reform by a p p l y i n g the new approach t o r h e t o r i c a stylistic introduced by the humanists towards t h e end o f the f i f t e e n t h century. 5 Thus, what Menendez y Pelayo c a l l e d elegant s t y l e , and what G i l i y Gaya thought was San Pedro's growing maturity as a writer, i s the application of the new humanist rhetoric of the Renaissance. Carmelo Samona had already contrasted the d i f f e r e n t styles of the Arnalte and the Carcel and attempted to explain them i n terms of a "maturita che s i traduce i n 13 influenza e capacita d i v u l g a t i v a . " Samon^ believes that the better s t y l e of the Cctrcel i s the r e s u l t of "una mutazione del gusto e d e l l a tecnica del periodo i s a b e l i n o , " and he elaborates on G i l i y Gaya's theory that the "evoluci6n tan notoria en e l e s t i l o del autor" i s the r e s u l t of a l o g i c a l process of l i t e r a r y maturation. Unlike Whinnom, the I t a l i a n c r i t i c does not see the application of the p r i n c i p l e s found i n the manuals of humanist rhetoric, but the "pulimento 1 de forme, che c a r a t t e r i z z a con molto spicco e v a r i e t a d i motivi l e f l u t u a z i o n i d i un periodo d i assestamento d e l l a lingua, come e quello dei Re C a t t o l i c i " and f e e l s that the Carcel i s above a l l "un eco fedele e s o l l e c i t a e uno vero e propio guida" of the period, since " l o s c r i t t o r e che s i uniforma da prima a quel mondo e a l l e sue inclinazione, 14 f i n i s c e poi per i n d i r i z z a r l e e guidarle." Some c r i t i c s have b r i e f l y considered the Carcel de amor when studying the development of the epistolary form (Charles 15 16 E. Kany ), the sentimental novel (Barbara Matulka, Dinko 17 Cvitanovic ), and the novel i n general (Menendez y Pelayo). They compare Carcel de amor to diverse narrative forms and often l i m i t i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to those of a p a r t i c u l a r 6 genre, such as the French n o v e l of c h i v a l r y , the e p i s t o l a r y 18 n o v e l , and the O v i d i a n t a l e . Anna Krause maintains t h a t San Pedro f o l l o w s the d i t i o n of the mediaeval tra- L a t i n t r a c t a t u s and t h a t w h i l e h i s work p r e s e n t s elements t h a t p o i n t t o other k i n d s of n a r r a t i v e , i t i s b a s i c a l l y a modernized v e r s i o n of the t r a c t a d o de amores which i s " e l producto e c l e c t i c o de influencias contemporSneas, e l patetismo de l a Fiametta, e l i n t e r i o r i s mo de l a novela, i n n o v a c i 6 n asimismo de l o s maestros i t a l i a n o s , y un i d e a l i s m o c o r t e s a n o y c a b a l l e r e s c o de nuevo 19 tono y matiz d i f u n d i d o por toda l a p o e s i a de c a n c i o n e r o . " Krause u n d e r l i n e s San Pedro's p o s i t i o n as a l i n k between Mediaeval and Renaissance l i t e r a t u r e , s i n c e h i s works com20 b i n e both mediaeval The t o p o i and form w i t h Renaissance style. l o v e versus honour theme i n the Cctrcel has been the s u b j e c t of l i t t l e study. H.T. Oostendorp mentions t h i s aspect of San Pedro's n o v e l s i n h i s d o c t o r a l t h e s i s , he does not analyze i t i n depth. but He i s i n t e r e s t e d o n l y i n t r a c i n g the h i s t o r y of t h i s c o n f l i c t , and i n e x p l a i n i n g i t s origins. H i s t h e s i s adds l i t t l e t o p r e v i o u s c r i t i c i s m o f the 21 C a r c e l de amor. Pamela Waley compares the treatment o f the 22 theme by San Pedro and h i s contemporary, Juan de F l o r e s . She sees L a u r e o l a ' s c a r e f o r her honour simply as a p o e t i c d e v i c e t h a t h e l p s t o c r e a t e the a c t i o n i n the n o v e l . and L a u r e o l a are: . . . h e i r s t o a p o e t i c , as d i s t i n c t from a f i c t i o n a l t r a d i t i o n . . . and L e r i a n o ' s death i s not so,-much the r e a l i z a t i o n of a t h r e a t or wish; so o f t e n expressed by the c a n c i o n e r o poets as the s o l u t i o n of a c o n f l i c t t h a t can o n l y .end thus or w i t h the l o s s of the l a d y ' s honour. Leriano 7 Waley c o n s i d e r s t h a t San Pedro's " i d e a l i z e d c o n c e p t i o n of love . . . belongs t o the realm of p o e t r y , " and she Juan de F l o r e s * " i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the causes and finds motives of the behaviour of the c h a r a c t e r s " a "step away from the i n d i s p e n s a b l e hyperbole of c h i v a l r e s q u e f i c t i o n and towards 24 the human i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y of C a l i s t o and M e l i b e a . " L a u r e o l a ' s p r e o c c u p a t i o n with p u b l i c o p i n i o n i s gener a l l y misunderstood as a s i g n of c r u e l t y by many c r i t i c s , among them, Pamela Waley, who sees her i n the t r a d i t i o n of La b e l l e dame sans m e r c i . Bruce -Wardropper understands this c r u e l t y as: consecuencia d e l c o n f l i c t o amor cortesano honor . . . l a piedad, s e n t i m i e n t o noble y conveniente choca con l a s nociones d e l honor y provoca una s e n s a c i 6 n de c u l p a y de c a s t i g o . La p a s i o n de L e r i a n o , encendida y mant e n i d a por l a c r u e l d a d de L a u r e o l a , despues d e l p a r e n t e s i s de piedad, s o l o podia tener un desenlace f a t a l . . . 25 Wardropper excuses L a u r e o l a ' s f i n a l r e j e c t i o n of L e r i a no 's love i n the name of the i n f l e x i b l e code of honour of the p e r i o d : "ipuede s e r culpada una mujer por una c r u e l d a d i n e v i t a b l e segun l a s normas de l o s codigos de conducta? Aun 26 cuando fuese i n n e c e s a r i a , queda a s a l v o de r e p r o c h e s . " Wardropper*s a r t i c l e p r o v i d e s us w i t h the most p e r c e p t i v e examination t o date of the s e n t i m e n t a l world of the C a r c e l de amor, whereas Jose L u i s V a r e l a ' s " R e v i s i o n de l a novela sent i m e n t a l " o n l y repeats t r a d i t i o n a l views without opening new avenues of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . V a r e l a , f o l l o w i n g Maria Rosa L i d a de M a l k i e l , p o i n t s t o the C a r c e l as an important source f o r La C e l e s t i n a and d e s c r i b e s i t s mediaeval and n e o p l a t o n i c e l e 29 ments. V a r e l a c o n s i d e r s the C a r c e l a "moderado punto medio" 8 between Rodriguez d e l Padr6n (or de l a Camara's) superior treatment of allegory, and Juan de Flores's realism and concern with moral values. an "imposible r e t 6 r i c a : Varela finds San Pedro's s t y l e l a alegoria . . . una c o n c e s i 6 n 30 enojosa, un ornato superfluo, una hojarasca embarazosa." Wardropper studies the sentimental element of t h i s novel i n r e l a t i o n to mediaeval codes of chivalry, "culto del heroismo"; honour, "basado en l a t r a d i c i 6 n f a m i l i a r , en l a riqueza y en e l patrimonio"; v i r t u e , "como forma perenne de v i r t u d cardinal o como forma e s p e c i f i c a c r i s t i a n a - f u s i 6 n 31 cardinal y t e o l 6 g i c a . " Wardropper adds that Leriano*s tragedy i s born from the c o n f l i c t created by these three codes and the code of courtly love: Sx, los cuatro c 6 d i g o s se superponen, pero no coinciden. C o n f l i c t o entre l a s apariencias y l a realidad. Leriano, v a s a l l o d e l rey Gaulo, en v i r t u d d e l c 6 d i g o d e l amor cortesano. Cuando e l rey t r a t a a Laureola injustamente, duda: e l honor de Laureola o su propio amor por e l l a ha de ser s a c r i f i c a d o . Y e l honor, l a apariencia de v i r t u d , se encuentra a menudo en c o n f l i c t o con l a v i r t u d c r i s t i a n a , l a realidad. La sumision de Leriano a l a s diferentes normas eticas determina problemas y armonlas en su vida y, en ultimo t£rmino, l a tragedia inevitable, sentida as£, pero no claramente prevista.32 After c a r e f u l l y analyzing the r o l e that a l l four codes play i n the novel, Wardropper considers i t s e s s e n t i a l l y s e n t i mental nature. Leriano symbolizes the sentimental man who i s guided by h i s feelings rather than by h i s reason. Therefore, he cannot see the incompatibility of the codes he follows, and succumbs under h i s own overwhelming sentiments. Leriano's world i s a realm beyond r e a l i t y which i s animated by a quintes- 9 sence of sentiment and i s accesible only to the n o b i l i t y (as Leriano's mother says i n her planto). But Wardropper does not r e a l i z e that t h i s i s e s s e n t i a l l y the world of courtly love. The noble feelings and elements of chivalry, honour and v i r t u e , are subordinated courtly love t r a d i t i o n . to the most s t r i c t The code of love i s not only one element i n Carcel de amor, but i t s i n s p i r a t i o n and i t s raison d'etre. An important aspect of San Pedro's s t y l i s t i c reform i s the r o l e the author plays i n the C c i r c e l . Alfonso Reyes pointed out the way i n which the author introduces himself into 33 the novel, instead of narrating the story from the outside. In doing so, the writer creates a more complete i l l u s i o n of l i f e , a "novela perfecta". Bruce Wardropper also underlines 39 the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s new s t y l i s t i c perspective. However, the purpose of his a r t i c l e i s to refute the b e l i e f of Menendez y Pelayo and other c r i t i c s , that the Carcel and the sentimental novel i n general i s autobiographical. Like Whinnom Wardropper i s concerned with correcting t r a d i t i o n a l opinions about t h i s book, such as the comment that "there i s no s k i l l 35 i n the construction of the fable" or that i t has a "forma 36 algo torpe." The romantic nature of the Carcel has provoked some bold psychoanalytical comments, l i k e those of S. Serrano Poncela, and Hayde"e Bermejo and Dinko Cvitanovic. Leriano's Serrano compares "amor de enamoramiento" with that of Werther's, the t r a g i c hero of Goethe's novel. both represent: According to Serrano, 10 II . . . un p a r t i c u l a r arquetipo amoroso en cuya actitud, l a sociedad de su tiempo e n c o n t r 6 reflejadas c i e r t a s tendencias m a n f a c o - e r 6 t i c a s que todos llevamos de contrabando pero que hahabitualmente c i r c u l a n inofensivas.37 He supposes i n Leriano "curiosos esfuerzos de introspecci6n y autoana"lisis," overlooking the author's indebtedness to mediaeval l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n and the meaning of Leriano's sacrifice. Bermejo and Cvitanovic, on the other hand, consider the novel "una aventura en e l conocimiento del drama humano d e l amor y l a soledad," and stress Leriano*s role as a victim of " l a ; * d e s e s p e r a c i 6 n * que anima e l pensamiento de Kierkegaard o l a 'enfermedad* y e l 'escandalo* de Unamuno," concluding that " l a 'enfermedad* de Unamuno es un sufrimiento activo que en Leriano es, no obstante, signo de l a transitoriedad de l a vida y conduce a l a muerte que es l a verdadera l i b e 38 raci6n." Bermejo and Cvitanovic also c l o s e l y examine the emotional drama of the Carcel, and offer some i n t e r e s t i n g interpretations which w i l l be discussed i n a l a t e r chapter. Fernando Marquez Villanueva has i n s i s t e d on the p o l i t i c a l 39 content of the Cctrcel de amor. In his opinion,its main purpose i s to oppose the idea of a Caesarean r u l e r precisely at the moment when the Catholic Monarchs came to power. Although the theory about San Pedro's converso o r i g i n has not been proved, Marquez Villanueva assumes that he must have witnessed many i n j u s t i c e s committed against his people, the Jews, and he finds clear allusions to the I n q u i s i t i o n i n Laureola*s t r i a l and punishment. Marquez Villanueva sees an obvious reproach to the King's u n f a i r treatment of the 11 Jews i n L e r i a n o ' s l e t t e r t o the King of Macedonia: S i por ventura l o c o n s e n t i s t e por v e r t e aquexado de l a s u p l i c a c i 6 n de sus p a r i e n t e s [ l o s p a r i e n t e s de P e r s i o } , quando l e s o t o r g a s t e l a merced, d e u i e r a s a c o r d a r t e de l o s s e r u i c i o s que l o s mlos t e h i z i e r o n , pues sabes con quanta costanca de coracon, quantos d e l l o s en muchas b a t a l l a s y conbates p e r d i e r o n por t u s e r u i c i o l a s v i d a s . Nunca hueste i u n t a s t e que l a t e r c i a p a r t e d e l l o s no fuese.(p.154) and i n the concept of l i m p i e z a de sangre as i m p l i e d i n the King's answer t o the C a r d i n a l : y a t a n t o se e s t e n d e r f a e s t a culpa s i c a s t i gada no fuese, que podr£e a m a n z i l l a r l a fama de l o s pasados y l a onrra de l o s presentes y l a sangre de l o s por v e n i r ; que s o l a vna mac u l a en e l l i n a g e cunde toda l a generacion. (p.167) However d i v e r s e the c r i t i c i s m of C a r c e l de amor may be, a l l s c h o l a r s agree on i t s importance i n the development of the novel i n p a r t i c u l a r and i n Spanish l i t e r a t u r e i n general. Rosa Maria L i d a de M a l k i e l and C a s t r o G u i s a s o l a c i t e i t as an antecedent of La C e l e s t i n a . L i d a b e l i e v e s t h a t the char- a c t e r s of C a l i s t o and Melibea and were drawn from L e r i a n o 4( Laureola, and Peter G. Guisasola f i n d s s e v e r a l examples of paraphrase. E a r l e , f o l l o w i n g Maria Rosa L i d a ' s comments, compares love concepts as they appear i n the C a r c e l de amor and i n La C e l e s t i n a , and regards the l a t t e r : " L i k e Don complete r e n o v a t i o n the former as a model of Q u i j o t e , however, i t c o n s t i t u t e s the of a type, through e l i m i n a t i o n o f some 41 elements, parody of o t h e r s , and Earle underlines regeneration of s t i l l more." some s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i f f e r e n c e s between the two n o v e l s t o i l l u s t r a t e h i s p o i n t . Dinko C v i t a n o v i c l i n k s C a r c e l de amor w i t h Cervantes' 12 Novelas e jemplares espanola, and Don Qui jote (La novela sentimental pp.333-58). Pamela Waley s t u d i e s i t as a precedent to the works of Juan de F l o r e s , and o t h e r s , l i k e Menendez y Pelayo, of c o n s i d e r i t a s i g n i f i c a n t step i n the development the n o v e l . The 42 immense p o p u l a r i t y of the C a r c e l , however, remains to be e x p l a i n e d . James A. F l i g h t n e r has seen three main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t c o n t r i b u t e d to t h i s p o p u l a r i t y : (1) the author's awareness of time, (2) the c h a r a c t e r m o t i v a t i o n , 43 and (3) the r e a l i s t i c elements. ments do not t e l l us why Europe enjoyed But, these t e c h n i c a l e l e - thousands of people a l l over the work f o r over a hundred y e a r s . 13 Footnotes t o Chapter One .1 . ,. . .. " Diego de San Pedro, bbras completas, ed. Samuel G i l i y Gaya (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1950). Omits La p a s s i o n trobada and one s h o r t obscene poem. A l l q u o t a t i o n s from San Pedro's works are taken from t h i s e d i t i o n . A l l f u t u r e r e f e r e n c e s t o t h i s e d i t i o n i n the f o o t n o t e s w i l l appear under G i l i y Gaya. 2 H i s t o r i a c r i t i c a de l a l i t e r a t u r a espanola ( 1 8 6 5 j r p t . Madrid: E d i t o r i a l 2 G r e d o s . r S t A., 1969); -351. 3 ...... Origenes de l a novela (Buenos A i r e s : Espasa-Calpe, 1946), 1, 473-521. A l l f u t u r e r e f e r e n c e s t o t h i s work w i l l appear under Origenes. 4 1 . ' ,. v _ Diego.de San Pedro, Obras completas, ed. K e i t h Whinnom i ( M a d r i d : C a s t a l i a , 1972 • „ 49.".. A l l future references t o t h i s work w i l l appear under Whinnom. 5 , . ' ' Origenes, p.473. 6 I b i d . , p.516. .7 " L a n c e l o t du Lac. Le conte de l a C h a r r e t e , " Romania, 12 (1883), 459-534. 8 . .' De 1'amour profane a 1'amour sacre, Etudes de psychol o g i e s e n t i m e n t a l e au Moyen Age ( P a r i s , n.p., 1961). 9 E a r l i e r e d i t o r s of the C a r c e l (Foalche-Delbosc, 15 B i b l i o t e c a H i s p a n i c a , Barcelona: L'Aven^, 1904; Rubio B a l a guer, Barcelona: Armino, 1941), have' l i t t l e to" add i n .... t h e i r p r o l o g u e s . Jaime Uya (Barcelona: Zeus, 1969), and A r t u r o Sputo A l b a r c e (Mexico: Porrua, 1971) p r a c t i c a l l y p l a g i a r i z e d G i l i y Gaya's work. Although E. Moreno Baez (Madrid: A l i a n z a E d i t o r i a l , 1974) makes a f i n e summary of the l i f e and works.of San Pedro, he does not add much to G i l i y Gaya's words. 10 .Whinnom repeats much of t h i s study i n Diego de San Pedro. (New York: Twayne P u b l i s h e r s , 1974). 11.. Ibid., pp.7-9. 12 "Diego de San Pedro's S t y l i s t i c Reform," B u l l e t i n of H i s p a n i c S t u d i e s , 37 (1960), 1-15. 13 "Diego de San Pedro: da 11'Arnalte y_ Lucenda a l i a Carc e l de amor," S t u d i i i n onore d i P i e t r o S i l v a ( F l o r e n c e : F e l i c e l e Monnier, 1957), p.277. 14 I b i d . , pp.273 and 277. 14 15 "The Beginnings of the Epistolary Novel i n France, I t a l y and Spain," University of C a l i f o r n i a Publications i n Modern Philology, 21(1937), x and 158. 16 The Novels of Juan de Flores and t h e i r European Diffusion (New York: I n s t i t u t e of French Studies, 1931), passim. 17 La novela sentimental espanola (Madrid: E d i t o r i a l Prensa Espanola, 1973), op. 121-76. 18 Rudolph S c h e v i l l , "Ovid and the Renaissance i n Spain," University of C a l i f o r n i a Publications i n Modern Philology, 4 (1913), 118. 19 " E l 'tractado' n o v e l i s t i c o de Diego de San Pedro," B u l l e t i n Hispanioue. 54 (1952), 274. 20 "Como se ha notado sus materiales eran esencialmente medievales: temas de l a poesia amorosa de cancionero, costumbrismo cortesano, tipos n o v e l l s t i c o s convencionales . . . los cuales, en sus manos, cobran nueva vida. Como e s t i l i s t a , a l contrario, pertenece del todo a l pre-Renacimiento y su prosa a r t i s t i c a constituye un eslab6n en l a cadena que va de Juan de Mena a Fernando de Rojas," Ibid., p.272. 21 " E l c o n f l i c t o entre e l honor y e l amor en l a l i t e ratura espanola hasta e l s i g l o XVII," Unpublished d i s s e r tation (Haag: Van Goor Zonen deen Haag, 1962). 22 "Love and honour i n the novelas sentimentales of Diego de San Pedro and Juan de Flores," B u l l e t i n of Hispanic Studies, 43 (1966), 253-75. 23 Ibid., p.262. 24 Ibid., p.275. 25 " E l mundo sentimental de l a Carcel de amor," Revista de F i l o l o q i a Espafiola, 37 (1953), 168-93. ~ 26 Ibid., op. 178-79. 27 "Revisi6n de l a novela sentimental," Revista de F i l o loqia Espafiola, 48 (1965), 351-81. La o r i q i n a l i d a d a r t i s t i c a de "La Celestina'I (Buenos Aires: E d i t o r i a l U n i v e r s i t a r i a , 1962). 29 "Revisi6n," p. 366. 30 Ibid., p. 376. 15 31 32 33 " E l mundo," p. 171. Ibid., p. 172. "La Carcel de amor de Diego de San Pedro, novela oerfecta," Obras completas (1901j r p t . Mexico: Porrua, 1955), 1, pp. 49-60. 34 "Allegory and the role of 'El Autor* i n the Carcel de amor," P h i l o l o g i c a l Quarterly, 31 (1952), 39-44. 35 George Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature (New York, 1849), 1, 426, c i t e d i n B. Wardropper, "Allegory and the r o l e of ' E l Autor' i n the Carcel de amor," p.41. 36 - Angel d e l Rio, H i s t o r i a de l a l i t e r a t u r a espanola (New York, 1948), 1, 99, c i t e d i n B. Wardropper, "Allegory and the r o l e of *E1 Autor' i n the Carcel de amor," p. 41. 37 S. Serrano Poncela, "Dos'Werther' del renacimiento espanol," Asomante, 5 (1949), p. 100. Serrano finds the i n s p i r a t i o n f o r t h i s a r t i c l e i n Luis Usoz* prologue to his Cancionero de burlas. Also Menendez y Pelayo finds a simil a r i t y between Werther and the C a r c e l : . . las t i n t a s lugubres del cuadro y l o frenetico y desgraciado de l a p a s i 6 n d e l h£roe y aun e l s u i c i d i o con que l a n a r r a c i 6 n acaba, hace pensar en e l Werther y sus i m i t a d o r e s . O r f genes, p. 508. 38 Dinko Cvitanovic and Haydee Bermejo, " E l sentido de l a aventura e s p i r i t u a l en l a 'Carce! de amor'.j," Revista de F i l o l o g i a Espanola, 49 (1966), 291. H. T. Oostendorp, "El c o n f l i c t o , " p. 104, and Barbara Matulka, The novels of Juan de Flores, p. 326 disregard such comparisons. Oostendorp adds: "Leriano no se suicida en un ramalazo de locura, muere con plena entrega de s i mismo alegando razones que l e inducen a despedirse de l a vida: su muerte constituye un s a c r i f i c i o y l a ultima alabanza a l a mujer." 39 "Carcel de amor, novela p o l l t i c a , " Revista de Occidente, 13-14 (1966), 185-98. 40 Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel, La o r i g i n a l i d a d a r t i s t i c a de "La Celestina," pp. 393-455; Castro Guisasola, Observaciones sobre l a s fuentes l i t e r a r i a s de "La Celestina" (Madrid: 1973). 41 "Love concepts i n l a Cetrcel de amor and La Celestina," Hispania, 39 (1956), 92- 96. 16 42 Juan de Flores, Grimalte y_ Gradissa, ed. Pamela Waley (London: Tamesis Books Ltd., 1971), X V I I - X I X . 43 "The popularity of the Carcel de amor," Hispania, 47 (1964), 475-8. 17 Chapter Two Diego de San Pedro: " e l trobador" The reign of the Catholic Monarchs brought to Spain not only national unity, power and wealth, but also an impressive 1 intelectual activity. cation and learning. Queen Isabella herself fostered eduShe supervised a complete reform of the education and morals of the clergy, and fomented the spread of the new humanistic learning from I t a l y and the Netherlands. Writers at her court were encouraged, and they multiplied under the protection of enthusiastic patrons. I t was a time f o r experimenting with new forms imported from abroad, and a time f o r polishing those forms native to the homeland. Poetry, prose f i c t i o n , and drama flourished and at the same time scholars were applying themselves to the study of the Spanish language. The royal chronicler, Juan de Lucena, describes the atmosphere of the court as follows: "Jugaba e l Rev, eran todos tahures; estudia l a Reina, somos agora 2 estudiantes." The contrast with the court of Isabella's brother, Henry IV, was great. The decadence that had begun during the reign of John II i n the e a r l i e r part of the century, continued to sink C a s t i l e into s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and economic unrest. The Cortes were divided and weak; the Church was immensely wealthy, powerful, and was made up mainly of uneducated clergymen; the nobles ignored royal authority and f i n a l l y they deposed Henry i n favour of his brother Alphonse. The kingdom was weak and demoralized by famine, drought, the r i s e i n the price of staple foods, debasement 18 of the coinage, brigandage, violence, and sporadic outbreaks of the plague. Art and l e t t e r s could not f l u o r i s h i n such a turbulent atmosphere. The vigorous c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l begun by Alphonse the Wise i n the thirteenth century was dead, despite John II's e a r l i e r attempts to rekindle i t . Henry and his court accurately represented the sad state of a f f a i r s . They were indolent, l i c e n t i o u s , and t o t a l l y unconcerned with the problems of the kingdom. The nobles could no longer tolerate the King's misrule, and his alleged impotence and homosexuality could not allow them to accept the succession of the Queen's daughter Joanna, reputedly fathered by the Queen's favourite, Beltr&n de l a Cueva. The accession of Isabella to the throne i n 1474, and her marriage to Ferdinand of Aragon was fortunate f o r the country. Together they reconquered power and wealth for the C a s t i l i a n crown, and guided the kingdom to that peace and posterity which foments learning and a r t i s t i c production. The Queen's personal l i b r a r y contained an.-.extensive variety of volumes on subjects ranging from the works of A r i s t o t l e and the c l a s s i c s , to Arthurian romances and novels of chivalry. The refined l i t e r a r y atmosphere of the court 3 favoured feminism, and i t r e v i t a l i z e d the type of courtly love poetry that had bloomed e a r l i e r during the reign of John I I . There, Diego de San Pedro found the fervent support of the ladies, together with the encouragement of his patrons, Don Juan Tellez-Girdn, Alcaide de los Donceles, and Dona Marina 4 Manuel to whom he dedicated the Carcel de amor. He was the 19 courtly poet par excellence. His writings responded to the taste, fashion, and ideology of h i s a r i s t o c r a t i c milieu, and they embodied the very subjects that occupied the minds of h i s public. San Pedro's s t y l e and language r e f l e c t h i s awareness of the p a r t i c u l a r l i t e r a r y demands of h i s audience. Keith Whinnom comments on t h i s aspect of San Pedro's talent: the v e r s a t i l i t y of Diego de San Pedro i s noteworthy even i n the f i f t e e n t h century, not only for the variety of forms and topics which he was prepared to tackle, but f o r the chameleon-like way i n which he adapted his s t y l e and language to the matter i n hand or the audience to which i t was to be addressed. 5 Who was Diego de San Pedro? We know v i r t u a l l y nothing about him. Most historians and c r i t i c s of l i t e r a t u r e provide us with l i t t l e r e l i a b l e biographical data. None of his works i s dated, and the dates of h i s b i r t h and death are not r e corded. San Pedro reveals a few autobiographic data through h i s works. He l i v e d i n Penafiel i n the late f i f t e e n t h century. He spent 29 years i n the service of don Juan Tellez-Giron, presumably beginning i n 1469 when don Juan became Count of Urena. He was a courtier engaged i n the duties and pastimes proper to his station i n l i f e . He was an experienced s o l d i e r who fought i n the war of Granada and a poet who praised the beauty of the ladies of the court. Other information concerning San Pedro's l i f e and i d e n t i t y i s mere speculation. Several well known scholars have confused Diego de San Pedro with two other men who have the same name. Nicolas Antonio, the great seventeenth-century bibliographer, believed 20 him to be a poet of the reign of John II (1406-1454), following Jose P e l l i c e r ' s Informe del oriqen, antiguedad, calidad i sucesi6n de l a excelentisima Casa de Sarmiento de Villamayor y_ las unidas a e l l a por casamiento. Menendez y Pelayo thought that he had ^corrected" t h i s error of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n around 1905 by mistaking our San Pedro f o r a lieutenant of Don Pedro Gir6n, who l i v e d one generation e a r l i e r that the author of 6 the Carcel de amor. Emilio Cotarelo y Mori also discusses San Pedro's i d e n t i t y extensively, and .'- draws some t o t a l l y 7 unacceptable conclusions. As Whinnom has established i n h i s important works on San Pedro, we know that he was at the service of Juan T e l l e z Gir5n?(the son of Don Pedro Gir6n), and that he l i v e d i n Penaf i e l and wrote h i s works approximately between 1480 and 1506. But everything else we are t o l d about San Pedro remains to be proved certain. _ ,. _ - ' v ~, G i l i y Gaya was the f i r s t to determine a possible chronology i n of San Pedro's works, based on what the poet declares in some of h i s writings. In the dedication of h i s Desprecio de la Fortuna, San Pedro reminds the Count of Urena that he has served him f o r twenty-nine years (p.235). He begins t h i s poem by repudiating h i s f r i v o l o u s writings ("obras vanas/ y en escripturas l i v i a n a s " ) and i n p a r t i c u l a r the Carcel de amor, and we r e a l i z e through h i s own wor.ds that t h i s i s perhaps h i s last work, and that he i s no longer young. E pues carga l a hedad donde conosco mi yerro, afuera l a liviandad, pues que ya mi vanidad ha cumplido su destierro. (p.236) 21 The Carcel de amor ( f i r s t printed i n 1492) was written after 1483, after the war of Granada had begun, because the author refers to the war at the beginning of h i s work: Despues de hecha l a guerra d e l ano pasado, viniendo a tener e l inuierno a mi pobre reposo, pasando por vnos v a l l e s hondos y escuros en l a Sierra Morena.(pp.115-6) G i l i y Gaya sets the date f o r Arnalte y_ Lucenda, printed i n 1491 and mentioned i n the Carcel, after 1477, because San Pedro could not have written i n praise of Queen Isabella while his master was s t i l l an enemy of the Queen. We know that Juan T e l l e z Gir6n surrendered to Isabella i n 1476. As G i l i y Gaya has pointed out, we have documentary e v i dence that San Pedro was already a lieutenant of Penafiel in 1452, and t h i s position could not have been occupied by a man younger than twenty - f i v e years of vage-« There- fore, when we consider the age at which San Pedro could have become lieutenant, and add to t h i s his twenty-nine years of service to the Count of Urena, we are able to f i x San Pedro's age at around, e3 f i f t y - e i g h t years when he wrote the Desprecio (p.xxxi i ) . The same feeble data that helped scholars confuse San Pedro with the homonymous senator and poet of John I I , and with the b a c h i l l e r and lieutenant of Pedro Giron, supports the b e l i e f that he was a converso. Menendez y Pelayo his founded suspicions on two questionable anecdotes t o l d by Luis Zapata i n h i s Miscelanea, which refer to " e l que trob6 l a Pasi6n". Whinnom has r i g h t l y objected to Don Marcelino's conclusion. Although San Pedro's Passion trobada was the most 22 popular of a dozen similar narrative poems on the Passion of Christ, there i s i n s u f f i c i e n t evidence to prove that Zapata i s r e f e r r i n g to our author, Even Menendez y Pelayo 8 points out Zapata's tale as "fuente turbia e insegura" . Cotarelo y Mori has t r i e d to prove San Pedro's Jewish o r i g i n basing his theory on a series of documents found i n the Archivo Nacional de Madrid which concern the lineage of the Fonseca family. The evidence against the family was primarily a sambenito found i n the church of Santa Maria de Penafiel, dated 1494. The presence^of the sambenito condemned Costanza.,_whbo.was- an'" ancestor of- the Fonseca family sand the wife' of-a..merchant from Pehafdel also calleddDiego de.. San Pedro, 9 for being an "hereje, apostata judeizante." Although the conclusion of the investigators and the testimony of the witnesses does not prove that t h i s San Pedro was the author of Ccircel de amor, Cotarelo i n s i s t s on his theory. As a f i n a l reason to believe i n San Pedro's Jewishness, Cotarelo states that his name was t y p i c a l of conversos It i s true that many Spanish Jews who converted to C h r i s t i a n i t y i n the f i f t e e n t h century did take names l i k e San Pedro, Santa Maria, Santa Fe, place names, i l l u s t r i o u s names or the name of t h e i r baptismal sponsors or godfather. However, i n C a s t i l e there was an old family of the lesser n o b i l i t y , ori- g i n a l l y from Cantabria, who may well have been the author's 10 family. Stephan Gilman, following Americo Castro, has i n s i s t e d on the fact that San Pedro was a "mayordomo of Don Pedro T5llez-Gir6n" and he concludes (without giving any supporting 23 evidence) that San Pedro had Jewish blood, because 11 o f f i c e was the p r i v i l e g e of conversos this . He also considers that the tragic ending of the Carcel expresses the despair and hopelessness of the converso. In his opinion, suicide i s the only solution f o r the alienated converso: "a person that might well have abandoned one f a i t h without gaining another, a p o t e n t i a l l y lost soul, skeptical of t r a d i t i o n a l 12 dogma and morality," a man "abandoned by God". This kind of statement may be true about some conversos, but i t i s certain that they do not apply to San Pedro. Gilman ignores l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n and assumes that suicide or dying of love i s not a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c theme of sentimental l i t e r a t u r e . The poets of the Cancionero, a f t e r the troubadours and the I t a l i a n poets of the dolce s t i l nuovo, conceive death as the 13 l o g i c a l outcome of the "maladye of love". Petrarch's words, "Che bel f i n fa c h i ben amando muore" are echoed by Jorge Manrique, who seeks release from his torture of love in t h i s verse: No tardes muerte, que muero; ven, porque viva contigo; quiereme, pues que te quiero, que con tu vida espero 14 no tener guerra conmigo.(CGII,468) In the "Estoria de Ardanlier e Liesa" i n the Siervo l i b r e de amor by Rodriguez de l a Camara, Ardanlier commits suicide when he finds his beloved Liesa murdered by his father. Numerous popular legends, l i k e the Leyenda de l a Pena de los Enamorados, have the lovers w i l l i n g l y taking their l i v e s rather than renouncing t h e i r love. In several tales of Boccaccio's Decamerone, especially number IV -"Guiscardo e 24 Segismunda", the lovers are punished with death or commit 15 suicide. Moreover, the sadness that characterizes Leriano i s not what Gilman describes as the hopelessness of the con- verso, but the attitude of a lover i n the best courtly love t r a d i t i o n , what Otis Green c a l l s the amor t r i s t e z a of Ausias March who exclaims i n the f i r s t l i n e of his Cants dd'amor: "Qui no es t r i s t de mos d i c t a t s no cur" and causes Santillana to cry i n despair "sacatme/ de tan grand pena e sentit mi mal: 16 e s i l o denegades, acabatme." Leriano's death i s that of the perfect lover, and his last thought sums up the creed of the courtly love poets: "guien amando es desdichado/ y s i n ser querido quiere,/ no 17 vive hasta que muere". There i s the resonance of a "con- summatum e s t " i n Leriano's words, but such use of sacred subjects i n a profane context i s also c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the " r e l i g i o n of love", and only too common i n the f i f t e e n t h century. C. S. Lewis has observed that When he {^Lancelot 3 comes before the bed where she CGuinevereU l i e s he kneels and adores her: as ehEeti enp.explicit.ly^ itellsvius,: there . i s -no" corseynt i n whom he has greater f a i t h . When he leaves her chamber he makes a genuflexion as i f he were before a shrine. The i r r e l i g i o n of the r e l i g i o n of love could hardly go further . . ."18 ; The Missa de amor by Suero de Ribera, the Manual de confesores y penitentes by Martin de Azpilcueta, Los diez mandamientos de amor by Juan Rodriguez de l a Camara (or del Padron), and Diego de San Pedro's own Sermon are good examples of the a p p l i cation of sacred l i t u r g y within the " r e l i g i o n of love". The Inquisition condemned t h i s practice, and c a l l e d Leriano's "Prueva por enxemplos l a bondad de las mugeres" a heresy. I f 25 we view the r e l i g i o n of love against the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n i t mimics, as Menendez y Pelayo and G i l i y Gaya did, we must agree that i t i s h e r e t i c a l . But once we study i t only under the l i g h t of the l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n i t represents, i t appears as a g l o r i f i c a t i o n of love expressed i n terms of r e l i g i o n , the l o f t i e s t human-experience. Father Alexander J . Denomy observes that although the troubadour's concept of love i s at variance with C h r i s t i a n morality and i s i r r e c o n c i l a b l e with the doctrine of the Church: there i s no indication, implied or e x p l i c i t , that they were conscious of anything shocking, irreverent or d i s r e s p e c t f u l i n invoking divine assistance to further t h e i r quest f o r what i n C h r i s t i a n i t y i s immoral. They do not seem to be conscious of the sinfulness and immorality of t h e i r concept. 19 Father Denomy declares the r e l i g i o n of love amoral and t o t a l l y unconcerned i d e o l o g i c a l l y with Religion. It i s i d l e to pursue further the subject of San Pedro's presumed Jewishness, since, whether or not he was a converso, his work remains that of a courtly poet who sought to please his audience with works that r e f l e c t his l i t e r a r y consciousness. San Pedro's writings should not be approached from a r e l i g i o u s point of view; they are the creation of a poet f a m i l i a r with l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n , Latin rhetoric, and the contemporary atmosphere. San Pedro was mainly interested i n entertaining his readers, i n writing what Whinnom accurately c a l l s "best sellers"(p.130). ..- A brief-survey of San Pedro's l i t e r a r y production w i l l help us to appreciate the v e r s a t i l e a r t i s t r y of the author of C a r c e l de amor. San Pedro's e a r l i e s t works, La Passion trobada and Las s i e t e anqustias de Nuestra Sefiora have a r e l i g i o u s theme that contrasts sharply with his l a t e r courtly poems and novels. However, both works respond to r e l i g i o u s l i t e r a r y trends which were very popular i n the late Middle Ages. extraordinary success. La Passi5n enjoyed It could s t i l l be found among devo- t i o n a l readings i n the nineteenth century, despite many mutil a t i o n s and corrections. In Keith Whinnom's opinion, one of the factors that contributed to i t s d i f f u s i o n and popularity was that i t was a "very early Spanish response to an emotional need which had been f e l t i n varying i n t e n s i t y throughout Europe for at least two hundred years." ... Whinnom adds that people aspired to a closer relationship with God, free from the t r e - mendous obstacles that the Church had imposed. San Pedro's La passion trobada, l i k e Thomas a Kempis' Imitation of Christ, urged devotion to Christ, and i n s i s t e d on the importance of s p i r i t u a l l i f e and on imitating Christ's example. In other words, i t returned man to his o r i g i n a l b e l i e f s , the message of the (gospels, which were now corrupted by apocryphal t r a d i t i o n and theology. Las siete angustias i s a modest r e l i - gious poem i n the same tone of La passion. I t i s f u l l of the charming s i m p l i c i t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n i t represents, the singing of the Seven Joys and the p a r a l l e l Seven Sorrows of the Holy V i r g i n , a theme f i r s t glossed i n 22 Spain by Alfonso e l Sabio i n his Cantigas de Santa Maria. Despite the popularity of these two r e l i g i o u s poems, San Pedro abandoned the devotional themes e n t i r e l y i n favor of the courtly love t r a d i t i o n . Undoubtedly, the great popularity 27 of t h e romances o f c h i v a l r y and t h e Cancionero nated poetry domi- the atmosphere o f t h e c o u r t and San Pedro's a r i s t o - c r a t i c audience expected him t o compose romantic v e r s e and prose. San Pedro's l o v e poems a r e those t y p i c a l of a c o u r t l y poet, i n s p i r e d as t h e i r headings i n d i c a t e , b y i n c i d e n t s o f h i s l i f e - a s a^courti-er^tb' "una (poesia) que h i z o a una dama de l a reyna dona I s a b e l , " "Del mismo porque algunos presumian que s i r v i 6 s e c r e t o a una dama y £l por d e s f a z e l l e s su o p i - n i 6 n d i c e que nos muestra," "Del mismo porque d i o una c a r t a de amores en un guante a una dama, y e l l a de desenbuelta l a - mostr6 a unos c a b a l l e r o s que l a S e r v i a n porque b u r l a s e n d e l ; y £l supolo y embiole e s t a s L i k e t h e Cancionero coplas"(pp.213-32)., poets, San Pedro had the s p o n t a n e i t y , wit, and l i n g u i s t i c and r h e t o r i c a l c a p a c i t y t o rephrase o l d themes and render them i n t o f r e s h and ingenious poems. Most of these poems a r e conceived w i t h i n the c o u r t l y l o v e t r a d i - t i o n and suggest the romantic atmosphere of the c o u r t where groups o f a r i s t o c r a t i c men and women were mainly w i t h a r t , l o v e and war. of San Pedro w r i t e s assuming t h e r o l e a c o u r t l y l o v e r who s u f f e r s h o p e l e s s l y : E sufro este trago fuerte donde ay d o l o r e s t a n f u e r t e s , por v e r s i podra mi s u e r t e d e s p e d i r con vna muerte l a muerte de t a n t a s muertes.' and concerned (p.214) f r e e l y a p p l i e s the language of t h e r e l i g i o n o f l o v e : Quando, seflora, e n t r e nos oy l a P a s s i 6 n se d e z f a , b i e n podeys creerme vos que sembrando l a de Dios n a s c i o e l d o l o r de l a mia. (p.220) 28 San Pedro^s courtly works were designed to please his group of friends at the court and h i s master the Count of Urena. Hence, shortly a f t e r Urena had declared allegiance to Queen Isabella, San Pedro wrote a panegyric i n praise of the Queen i n order to r e i t e r a t e h i s loyaltv, and that of h i s 23 master. Arnalte y_ Lucenda i s San Pedro's f i r s t sentimental novel and together with the Serm6n i s considered a precursor of the Cgrcel. i t The r o l e of t h i s novel as a "primer esbozo" of Carcel de amor w i l l be discussed i n a l a t e r chapter. The Serm6n ordenado por Diego de San Pedro, porque dixeron unas sefioras que l e desseaban o i r predicar (pp.99-111), i s a code f o r lovers written within the t r a d i t i o n of the t r e a t i s e s of love popular throughout the Middle Ages and whose most famous exponents were Ovid's Ars Amatoria and Andreas Capellanus"De arte honeste amandi, San Pedro follows the rules of the mediaeval r e l i g i o u s learned sermon, though he finds h i s thema i n the Gospel according to San A f i c i o n which i s designed to advise the ladies and nobles of the court about the appropriate conduct of love. The author's mastery of rhetoric, and h i s v e r s a t i l i t y as a writer, are evident i n the s k i l f u l development of h i s Sermon. He practiced the r i g i d rules of the learned sermon with no d i f f i c u l t y . Thema, prothema, and peroratio or clausio are c a r e f u l l y elaborated i n the language and terms of the r e l i g i o n of love. He often exaggerates h i s examples i n order to amuse the ladies of the audience, i n the manner of Ovid i n the Ars Amatoria and Andreas i n the De arte honeste amandi For instance; 29 iComo, senoras, no es bien que conozcays l a obediente voluntad con que vuestros siervos no quieren ser nada suyps por serlo d e l todo yuestros?; ique trasportados en yuestro merescimiento, n i tienen seso para fablar, n i razon para responder, n i sienten por do van, n i saben por do vienen, n i fablan a prop6sito, n i se mudan por conciertos estando en l a yglesia y a l cabo del a l t a r , preguntan s i es hora de comer. 0 quantas vezes l e s acaesce tener e l manjar en l a mano entre l a boca y e l platp por gran espacio, no sabiendo de desacordados quien l o ha de comer, e l l o s o e l p l a t e l l Quando se van a acostar preguntan s i amanesce, e quando se levantan preguntan s i ya es de noche.(p.108) San Pedro applies the precepts of his Sermon i n the Carcel de amor, where the unfortunate Leriano exemplifies the perfect lover i n the best Arthurian t r a d i t i o n , though not i n the humorous manner described above. San Pedro was primarily concerned with pleasing his audience. Thus, the form and content of his entire l i t e r a r y production r e f l e c t the taste and ideas fashionable among fifteenth-century Spanish courtiers. The same adaptable s k i l l that rendered a l l h i s works successful, lead San Pedro to create his perfect courtly romance. 30 Footnotes to Chapter Two 1 A good account of the h i s t o r i c a l background can be found i n Luis Suarez Hernandez, Juan Mata Carriazo and Manuel Fernandez Alvarez, La Espana de los Reyes Gat6licos (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1969), and i n John H. E l l i o t Imperial Spain 1469-1716 (London: Arnold, 1963). 2 Juan de Lucena, "Eplstola exhortatoria a l a s l e t r a s , " i Opusculos l i t e r a r i o s de los s i q l o s XIV a XVI, ed. A. Paz y Melia (Madrid!, Sociedad de B i b l i 6 f i l o s EspaSoles, 1892), c i t e d by Whinnom, p.32. 3 Jacobo Omstein, "La misoginia y e l profeminismo en l a l i t e r a t u r a castellana," Revista de F i l o l o g i a Hispanica, 3 (1941), 219-32. n 4 Both Dona Marina Manuel and the Alcaide de los Donceles were connected to the T e l l e z Gir6n by marriage. Cotarelo wrongly i d e n t i f i e d Dona Marina Manuel with a certain Maria Manuel born a f t e r 1510. Whinnom r e c t i f i e s t h i s mistake i n his a r t i c l e "The Mysterious Marina Manuel," Studia Iberica F e s t s c h r i f t f tlr Haris Flasche(Berna> 1973), 68995. 5 Whinnom, p.130. 6 K. Whinnom, "Two San Pedro's," B u l l e t i n of Hispanic Studies, 42 (1965), 255-58. 7 Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, "Nuevos y curiosos datos biogr5ficos d e l famosos trovador y novelista Diego de San Pedro," BoletIn de l a Real Academia Espanola, 14 (1927), 305-26. Though Cotarelo y Mori's evidence has proved to be inaccurate by Whinnom i n "Was Diego de San Pedro a converso?" B u l l e t i n of Hispanic Studies, 34 (1957), 187200, G i l i y Gaya Tn his prologue to the Obras and others l i k e Marquez Villanueva ("Caxcel de amor.novela p o l l t i c a " ) use i t as a basis f o r their. Own conjectures about the author. G i l i y Gaya does not hesitate to declare that "E. Cotarelo revel6 i n d i c i o s suficientes para pensar que hubo entre sus antepasados algunos judlos conversos." pp.xxiv-xxv. 8 Orlqenes, p.501. 9 E. Cotarelo y Mori, "Nuevos y curiosos datos," p.312. 10 See K. Whinnom, "Was Diego de San Pedro a converso?" P.189. 11 The Spain of Fernando de Rojas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972), p.26J7 Gilman mistakes the name of Juan T e l l e z Gir6n f o r Pedro. He was probably thinking of Don Juan's father. J t 31 12 13 Ibid., p.18 and 154. It was the b e l i e f of serious writers that love could cause death. From Ancient times, love was considered an often mortal disease. The troubadours were only giving a poetic interpretation to t h i s well-established theory when they pointed out that death was the healer of the maladye . See Massimo C i a v o l e l l a , "La tradizione d e l l a malattia d'amore dal mondo c l a s s i c o a l i a scriptum super cantilena Guidonis Cavalcantibus d i Dino d e l Garbo," Diss. University of B r i t ish Columbia, 1973,p.14. 14 Cited i n Otis Green, The L i t e r a r y Mind of Mediaeval and Renaissance Spain (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1970), p.62. 15 H. T. Oostendorp, " E l c o n f l i c t o , " pp.40-85. 16 Otis Green, The Literary Mind, p.61. 17 Pedro Manuel Ximenez de Urrea, Cancionero, :;p. 388, c i t e d in Otis Green, The L i t e r a r y Mind, p.62. Also see Pedro Salinas, Jorge Manrique o t r a d i c i o n y_ o r i g i n a l i d a d (Buenos Aires: Editor i a l Sudamericana, 1947), where Salinas studies i n depth the t r a d i t i o n of poetry and the torment of the unattainable love of the troubadours. 18 C. S. Lewis, The Allegory of Love (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1973), p.29. Also see J . Huizinga, The Waning, pp.151200. 19 A. Denomy C.S.B., The Heresy of Courtly Love (New York: Boston College Candlemass Lectures on Christian Literature, 1947), p.27. 20 Both G i l i y Gaya and Whinnom believe La passi6n t r o bada to be San Pedro's e a r l i e s t work. The discovery of a manuscript version of the poem i n an anthology dated 1480 reinforces t h e i r hypothesis. Las s i e t e angustias de Nuestra Senora i s thought to have been written at about the same date as the Passi6n, although the e a r l i e s t printed version of t h i s poem 'is?r included i n the f i r s t e d i t i o n of the Arnalte y_ Lucenda (Burgos, 1491). 21 Whinnom, p.46. 22 Whinnom, p.59. 23 Whinnom, p.119. (, ! B 32 Chapter Three The courtly love t r a d i t i o n and the Carcel de amor Menendez y Pelayo pointed out that Arnalte y Lucenda was a primer esbozo of the Carcel, and that the of antecedents San Pedro's novel were Boccaccio's Fiammetta, the H i s t o r i a de duobus amantibus Euralius et Lucretia by Aeneas S i l v i u s Piccolomini, and the Siervo l i b r e de amor by Juan Rodriguez 1 del Padron and t h e i r imitations. Literary historians have continued to repeat t h i s theory without examining the important differences that exist between these works and the Carcel. The f i r s t two novels belong to a d i f f e r e n t genre than the Carcel, and the Siervo has i t s origins i n the Arthurian romances rather than i n the Ovidian t a l e or the 2 novella. The antecedents of the Carcel de amor are to be found not so much i n the Fiammetta and the H i s t o r i a , but rather i n a general trend towards amorous s t o r i e s rooted in the escuela provenzal, the roman courtois, and the love poetry of I t a l y known as the dolce s t i l nouvo. Boccaccio's novella and Piccolomini's t a l e r e f l e c t the taste for sentimental s t o r i e s that characterizes the lite- rary atmosphere of the period, and they s i g n i f y the beginning of a bourgeois n o v e l i s t i c genre which had l i t t l e repercussion i n C a s t i l i a n l i t e r a t u r e at the time of Diego de San 3 Pedro. The influence of the novella does not appear i n C a s t i l e u n t i l the publication of the novels of Juan de F l o res, around 1495. A b r i e f description of the Spanish s e n t i - mental novel before San Pedro together with the novels of 33 Piccolomini and Boccaccio w i l l show how l i t t l e they intervened in the elaboration of the Carcel de amor. The Siervo l i b r e de amor of Juan Rodriguez del Padron 4 i s considered to be the f i r s t Spanish sentimental novel. It i s divided into three a l l e g o r i c a l parts. The author ex- plains the meaning of t h i s i n the prologue: E l siguiente tractado es departido en tres partes principales, segun tres diversos tiempos que en sy contiene, figurados por tres caminos y tres arbores consagrados, que se r e f i e r e n a tres partes d e l alma, es a saber, a l corazon y a l l i b r e albedrio y a l entendimiento e a tres varios pensamientos de aquellos. La primera parte prosigue e l tiempo que bien amo y fue amado: figurado por e l verde arrayan, plantado en l a espaciosa v i a que dicen de bien amar, por do siguio' e l corazon en e l tiempo que bien amaba. La segunda se r e f i e r e a l i tiempo que bien amo y fue desamado por e l arbor d e l paraiso, plantado en l a desciente v i a que es l a desesperacion, por do quisiera seguir e l desesperante l i b r e albedrio. La tercera y f i n a l trata e l tiempo que no am6 n i fue amado: figurado por l a verde o l i v a , plantado en l a muy agra y angosta senda, que e l siervo entendimiento bien quisiera seguir. 5 Technically speaking the novel i s divided into two parts: 1) the main plot i n which the p r i n c i p a l character i s the author. This section can be considered intimate or sentiment a l because of i t s analysis of personal experience;* and because i t i s primarily concerned with love, and 2) an interpolated romantic f i c t i o n with the t i t l e of Estoria de los dos amadores Ardanlier y_ Liesa. The Siervo, l i k e a l l sentimental novels, i s autobiographical and i s written i n the form of a l e t t e r from the author i n answer to a friend's inquiry about an unfortunate love a f f a i r • Occasionally there are poems interspersed i n the narrative 34 as at the beginning of the Arnalte. Also l i k e the Arnalte, the Siervo i s developed according to elaborate mediaeval rheto r i c , with the author using allegory to express the emotional 6 experience. The Estoria de dos amadores i s t o l d i n the t h i r d person, although the author also uses some l e t t e r s written by him i n the f i r s t person, and intervenes with headings such as "Fabla e l Auctor", "Fabla e l entendimiento", "Lamidoras, y dize", " E l autor prosigue l a Estoria", or simply giving the name of the speaker. The Estoria contains s i x poems with varying degrees of relevance to the context of the narrative and the description of an a l l e g o r i c a l landscape. The story i s based on elements from the story of Dona Ines de Castro and the chivalresque legends of King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table. The Prince Ardanlier loves Liesa but his father, the King, i s opposed to their r e l a t i o n s h i p . As a r e s u l t , the two lovers run away from the court and l i v e i n several foreign courts where Ardanlier wins great fame through his courage. Later, when they are l i v i n g i n a palace i n the forest, the King discovers them and murders L i e s a Ardanlier. i n the absence of The Prince commits suicide when he finds Liessa dead. The Siervo has two important imitations i n C a s t i l e , the Satira de f e l i c e e i n f e l i c e vida of the Condestable de Portugal (1468), and the Repeticion de amores by Luis de Lucena. The f i r s t work follows the Siervo c l o s e l y , but does not have an interpolated story. There i s a reference to Ardanlier and a defense of " i l u s t r e s mugeres", and the narration i s adorned 35 with a display of c l a s s i c a l erudition i n the form of glosas. Lucena amplifies one of these glosses on Cupid i n h i s Repet i c i o n i n order to comment on the copla Maldezir de mugeres by Pere T o r r e l l a s . Lucena developes his story of unhappy love i n the same fashion as his predecessors, and when he i s rejected by the lady, turns to a vituperation of women i n general. Pamela Waley includes the anonymous novel T r i s t e deleytacion i n her b r i e f review of the sentimental novel before Juan de F l o r e s . The T r i s t e deleytaci6n seems to be of Cata7 Q lan o r i g i n although i t i s written i n C a s t i l i a n and follows a pattern s i m i l a r to that of the Satira and the Repetici6n. We also f i n d i n Catalonia several novel*letes s e n t i 10 mentals unknown to Menendez y Pelayo. This genre seems to have been more popular among Catalan writers, perhaps due to t h e i r e a r l i e r contact with Provencal and I t a l i a n l i t e r a t u r e , and although there are important differences among them, they share the same concern with the sentimental. They contain diverse elements common to most sentimental novels, such as the autobiographical framework, the use of allegory, the praise or blame of women, references to v i s i o n s and dreams, mythol o g i c a l and c l a s s i c a l a l l u s i o n s , d i d a c t i c elements, mixture of verse and prose, Latinized syntax, speeches, l e t t e r s , etc. The Siervo l i b r e de amor and i t s imitations can be considered as forerunners of the Career, because they contain e l e ments used by San Pedro i n his novel, elements that constitute the basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the sentimental novel. The Siervo, l i k e the Carcel, springs from the Arthurian t r a d i t i o n , although 36 they seem to have been inspired by d i f f e r e n t sources. The adventures of Ardanlier and Liessa i n the forest are reminiscent of those of Tristan and Iseult. Iseult the F a i r , the lovers portrayed Like T r i s t a n and by Rodriguez enjoy t h e i r love f u l l y and they do not follow the conventions of courtly love, even though Ardanlier, l i k e Tristan, i s an accomplished knight. The romance of T r i s t a n was written sometime i n the twelfth century, before courtly love became a common topic i n the courts of P o i t i e r s and the subject matter of much poetry and f i c t i o n . Therefore, the main difference between the E s t o r i a and the Carcel, i s that the former finds i n s p i r a t i o n i n the story of "1'amant £ternel t e l q u ' i l est", and the l a t t e r i n the convention of "1'amant t e l q u ' i l doit etre". 1 1 The t i t l e s of the two novels by San Pedro and Rodriguez underlines t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p i n terms of t h e i r content, and t h e i r recourse to allegory and to the courtly love t r a d i t i o n . Rodriguez del Padr6n describes his servitude of love i n the terms of the courtly code of love. Despite the d i d a c t i c intention of the Siervo ("para que sientas l a gran f a l l i a 12 de los amadores y poca fianza de los amigos"), i t was i t s g l o r i f i c a t i o n of love and lovers that gave i t fame and accounted for i t s influence upon Rodriguez'- followers. The two most i n f l u e n t i a l aspects of the Siervo were the author's profeminist attitude, l a t e r developed i n his Triunfo de las donas, and his concern for the lady's honour. This i s evident i n the works of Lucena, of the Condestable de Portugal, i n the T r i s t e deleytacion and i n San Pedro's Carcel de 37 amor. Menendez y Pelayo and others maintain that "los verdaderos e inmediatos modelos de l a novela erotica hay que 13 carlos en I t a l i a " , bus- namely i n the Fiammetta by Giovanni Boc- caccio, which Menendez considers a "curiosisimo ensayo de 14 psicologia femenina". Evidently t h i s work enjoyed a tremen- dous popularity i n Spain. The Marquis of Santiliana makes Boccaccio one of the protagonists i n h i s Comedieta de Ponza, and the Catalan Rocaberti includes Pamphilus and Fiammetta 15 in his Comedia de l a g l o r i a de amor. and even though i t may But popular as i t was, have influenced the Spanish e r o t i c novel i n general, the Fiammetta has nothing i n common with the Carcel. Its content, characters, and mood are e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t from those of San Pedro's novel. Boccaccio's novella t e l l s the story of an adulterous love a f f a i r between a married woman and an unscrupulous The l o f t y p r i n c i p l e s of ideal love and honour defended man. by troubadour and Cancionero poets are absent from the Fiammetta. The protagonists are involved i n a sexual a f f a i r , and Fiammetta 's passionate complaint of her being abandoned and Pamphilus* c y n i c a l attitude are i n contradiction with the 16 romantic ideal of courtly love portrayed i n the Carcel. Pamphilus and Fiammetta are bourgeois hero and heroine, v i c tims of a"yerro comun" which Pamela Waley considers to be "a step away from the indispensable hyperbole of chivalresque f i c t i o n and towards the human i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y of C a l i s t o and 17 Melibea." The Historia de duobus amantibus, l i k e the Fiammetta, 38 i s inspired by Ovidian e r o t i c material, and despite i t s obscenity (which caused the author great embarassment when he l a t e r became Pope Pius II) i t was written with a d i d a c t i c intention, or as Menendez y Pelayo puts i t , with "interes 18 profundamente h i s t o r i c o y humano." I t i s c l e a r that San Pedro had Aeneas S i l v i u s * work i n mind when he wrote the Arnalte. but i n the Cctrcel de amor he eliminated the Ovidian elements of his f i r s t novel and of the E s t o r i a . For t h i s reason Rudolph S c h e v i l l does not c l a s s i f y the Carcel or the 19 Siervo l i b r e de amor as Ovidian t a l e s . Some of the s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t i e s between the Arnalte and the H i s t o r i a pointed out by S c h e v i l l and that set them apart from the Carcel are: the hero f a l l i n g i n love at the funeral of the lady's father, the lover disguising himself as a woman, his confiding his secret to a friend with disastrous r e s u l t s , the lady's y i e l d i n g to the threat of his absence, and the quoting of Ovidian precepts and maxims. The only Ovidian features of the Carcel de amor are the use of l e t t e r s and the intervention of a go-between. The Ovidian sounding echoes we f i n d i n the Carcel from the Arnalte are not necessarily Ovidian, and the differences between the two novels of San Pedro are more important than the s i m i l a r i t i e s . In fact, San Pedro was well aware of the correspon- dence between both works, as he declares i n his l e t t e r to Don Diego Hernandes, Alcayde de los Donzeles: Podre ser reprehendido s i en l o que agora escriuo tornare a dezir algunas razones de las que en otras cosas he dicho; . . . porque como he hecho otra e s c r i t u r a de l a calidad de esta, no es de marauillar que l a memoria desfallesca;(p.115) 39 Both novels begin i n the same way, with the author wandering i n a wilderness and meeting with a disdained lover who, after a meal, t e l l s h i s story. In Carcel de amor, the author heightens both the l y r i c i s m and the realism of his narration by integrating the a l l e g o r i c a l v i s i o n with a concrete physical setting, the Sierra Morena after the summer campaign. Arnalte t e l l s his story to the author who passes i t onto the ladies of the court, as was Arnalte*s desire. Leriano only explains his present condition i n order to beg for the help of the Auctor. The Auctor then becomes an act i v e participant i n the story, and thus his second narrative becomes a more complete and u n i f i e d novel i n which a l l e l e ments are harmoniously and r e a l i s t i c a l l y combined. Another important difference between the two novels i s the fact that the plot i s much more c a r e f u l l y planned i n the Carcel and the characters are more d i g n i f i e d . Leriano and Laureola behave according to t h e i r superior s o c i a l status. When Leriano loses a l l hope, he simply l e t s himself die as b e f i t s a perfect lover. It i s precisely Leriano's character as a perfect lover and knight that sets him apart from Arnalte, and renders the Carcel a romantic or sentimental novel instead of an Ovidian t a l e . Arnalte i s conceived according to Ovid's instructions in his Ars amatoria. When Arnalte f a l l s i n love with Lucenda he resorts, as Ovid advises, to a l l the stratagems he can think of i n order to win her a f f e c t i o n . He does not hesitate to compromise her honour by making public show of his feelings for her, as when he has musicians serenade her from the 40 street (p.27), sends his page to enter her household f u r t i v e l y (p.20), forces a l e t t e r upon her even i n the presence of the Queen (pp.35-36);follows her to her room (p.36), and l i e s to her. Also, Ovidian comic elements of the Arnalte (dressing i n women's clothes or the servant searching for a l e t t e r i n the rubbish) are absent from the Carcel. Arnalte*s unheroic character i s further evident when he accuses Lucenda of cruelty for having rejected him after he k i l l e d her husband, and he conceitedly adds: porque a mi perdonando loada tu seas, e l pesar con plazer matize, porque todas tus v i r tudes eran conoscidas y £sta encubierta; e l cual perd6n s i non fazes, mucho de repreehender seras."(p.72) Arnalte's unchivalrous behaviour undermines the concept of a grand passion, and consequently his sufferings and f i n a l s e l f - e x i l e seem unconvincing. However, some t r a i t s of Arnalte y Lucenda are precursors of the ideal lovers of Carc e l de amor. Despite his violence and selfishness, Arnalte suffers from the malady of love. He does not set out i n search of a woman, as Ovid advises, but i s i n s t a n t l y struck by Lucenda's beauty i n the manner of a courtly lover. Only a few minutes after seeing.her at her father's funeral, he shows the symptoms of enamoramiento: "enmudecido s i n mas detenerme fuy l a soledad a buscar para que e l l a e mis pensamientos compania me fiziesen"(p.20), an attitude echoed i n the Carcel when Leriano withdraws to h i s Prison of Love a f t e r meeting Laureola (p.122). Lucenda and Laureola, on the other hand, are two representatives of the same prototype, f o r ladies play a passive 41 r o l e i n both Ovidian and courtly love t r a d i t i o n s . difference between Lucenda and Laureola c l a s s . Laureola The only i s their social i s a princess, and she i s therefore more proud and i n f l e x i b l e than Lucenda. The Auctor has to be very t a c t f u l before t e l l i n g her about Leriano, and when he can f i n a l l y plead on Leriano's behalf, she i s piadosa but inflex- i b l e , as b e f i t s a lady of the highest rank (p.132). Arnalte combines the feelings of courtly love with the conduct advised by Ovid, which i s i n contradiction with the p r i n c i p l e s of courtly love. San Pedro must have noticed the incongruencies i n Arnalte's personality, f o r when he decided to write a better story of love, he shaped the lover e n t i r e l y on courtly ideals, eliminating the Ovidian features. The Carcel de amor s i g n i f i e s a departure from the Ovidian t r a d i t i o n of Arnalte and Estoria de duobus amantibus i n content and s t y l e . In the Carcel, these two aspects are provided for by the Serm5n which San Pedro wrote between his two no- v e l s . The theory of love preached by San Pedro i n his Serm6n was inspired by the Provencal and Breton love l i t e r a t u r e s rather than by the psychological and sensual novella of the I t a l i a n Renaissance, which was closer to Ovid than to the i d e a l i s t i c teachings of courtly love; but before examining the code of behaviour that San Pedro put into practice i n t n e Carcel, i t w i l l be useful to outline the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the courtly love t r a d i t i o n , i t s rules, and development. We do not know exactly how 20 t r a d i t i o n originated. (who introduced or where the courtly love some scholars, among them Gastbn Paris the term courtly love i n 1883), Ernst R. 42 Curtius, C. S. Lewis and Samuel G i l i y Gaya believe that the idea of courtly love was introduced sometime during the eleventh or twelfth centuries by the French troubadours: Courtly love . . . appears guite sudenly at the end of the eleventh century i n Languedoc . . . French poets discovered, or invented, or were the f i r s t to express, that romantic species of passion." 21 John Jay Perry, among others, traces back to Ovid the origins of courtly love; Father Alexander Denomy traces i t to Avicenna; Ramon Menendez Pidal suggests a possible l i n k between the e r o t i c l i t e r a t u r e of Muslim Spain; and Peter Dronke claims that a l l aspects of courtly love are universal and can be found i n Egypt, Bizantium, Georgia, the Islamic world, Mozarabic Spain, France, Germany, Iceland, Greece and I t a l y . But as far as the purpose of the present work goes, we do not need to pursue the o r i g i n s of courtly love any further. However, i t i s necessary to indicate the way i n which the diverse elements of courtly love seem to have developed into the code of love expounded i n Andreas Capellanus' treatise, De arte honeste amandi. In the Middle Ages, the most i n f l u e n t i a l works dealing with the subject of love were those of the poet Ovid written during the reign of the Roman Emperor Augustus. They were the Ars amatoria, a parody, which was often taken seriously, of the technical t r e a t i s e s of Ovid's day, teaching the art and techniques of love; a supplement of the Ars c a l l e d Amores which recounts some of Ovid's amorous experiences; and the Remedia Amor i s which teaches how to end a love a f f a i r . For Ovid, love was a 43 purely sensual experience as i t was t r a d i t i o n a l l y conceived i n ancient l i t e r a t u r e , and his intention i n writing his eroti c poems was to amuse his audience with a supposedly serious t r e a t i s e on the art of seduction. Some of the concepts contained i n Ovid's poems are the basis of what l a t e r writers would develop into a system of love, and use as examples i n works of prose and poetry. Examples of these theories are: (1) love only exists i n an extramarital relationship, (2) the best partner i n a love a f f a i r i s a married woman, (3) the a f f a i r needs to be kept secret because secrecy makes the a f f a i r more enjoyable and (4) the man should undergo a l l kinds of hardships i n order to prove his love f o r his lady, never oppose her s l i g h t e s t wish, watch a l l night before her doors, perform a l l kinds of absurd actions, and become pale, thin and sleepless f o r the love of her. Ovid's poems were extremely popular during the twelfth 22 and thirteenth centuries. They were c i r c u l a t e d both i n Latin and i n the vernaculars, and were often rewritten to adapt t h e i r content to mediaeval society. They were c i t e d or assim23 i l a t e d i n vernacular works i n France, England,-and Spain. Ovidian material combined with other elements i n the south of France and gave b i r t h to a new e r o t i c s e n s i t i v i t y . The p r i n c i ples and conduct i r o n i c a l l y recommended by Ovid became seriously pursued i n mediaeval society and were integrated into the so-called Religion of Love. The s p i r i t behind the courtly love of the troubadour 44 poetry and the roman courtois i s e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t from that of Ovid's work. The Ovidian concept that love i s a kind of warfare, where every lover i s a s o l d i e r with Cupid as a general i s also the creed of courtly love, but i n courtly love, the lady becomes the feudal suzerain of the lover. This superior status of the lady, together with the concept of perfect love as u n f u l f i l l e d desire, i s the main difference between the Ovidian and the courtly t r a d i t i o n s . In the t r a d i t i o n of courtly love, the lover addresses the lady humbly and pays service to her, or to Cupid through 24 her, i n what has been c a l l e d the "feudalization" of love. The lover c a l l s the lady midons meaning "my l o r d " and he owes her b l i n d obedience and s i l e n t acquiescence i n her rebukes, however unjust. The lover's love i s represented as a despair- ing and t r a g i c emotion, and his attitude and that of his lady are as solemn*' amatory r i t u a l . The very sophisticated and gentle nature of the lovers', relationship makes t h i s r e l a t i o n possible only among the high born. Only the noble and courteous can love, and t h e i r loving increases t h e i r courtesy. This i d e a l i z a t i o n of the e r o t i c experience into the category of noble servitude of love and into the Religion of Love has not been s a t i s f a c t o r y explained. Ramon Menendez Pidal, A l f r e d Jeanroy and Alexander Denomy, among others, have attributed the change that the Ovidian e r o t i c attitude underwent to the influence exerted by the culture of Muslim Spain. After the f a l l of the Caliphate of Cordova (1031), Moorish Spain was divided into twenty small but prosperous kingdoms or t a i f a s . The atmosphere i n these t a i f a s was one 45 of luxury and culture, where l i t e r a t u r e was encouraged. Poets wandered from court to court singing t h e i r poems i n exchange f o r shelter, food and wine, and many found patrons among the many poetry lovers found i n the ta'ifas, very much l i k e the troubadours of southern France would do a century l a t e r . The Arabs had two d i f f e r e n t attitudes towards love: one sensual i n the manner of Ovid (and perhaps influenced by him) i s apparently and another very s p i r i t u a l t r a d i t i o n which based upon the work of Plato and best exem- p l i f i e d i n The Dove's Neck Ring by the Andalusian poet Ibn Hazm i n 1022. Ibn Hazm defines love as a reunion of parts of the soul i n search for beauty because "the soul i s beaut i f u l and passionately desires anything b e a u t i f u l , and i n 25 c l i n e s towards perfect images." According to I-.him, true love makes the lover better: How many a stingy man becomes generous, and a gloomy becomes bright faced, and a coward becomes brave, and a grouchy-dispositioned one becomes gay, and an ignoramus becomes clever, and a slovenly one i n his personal appearance 'dolled up', and an i l l shaped one becomes handsome.' 26 Only the noble can experience love: "Among the praiseworthy natural g i f t s and noble character and excellent character27 i s t i c s i n love and elsewhere i s f a i t h f u l n e s s . " Regardless of the beloved's rank, the lover i s always humble before "The her surprising thing which happens i n love i s the submis28 siveness of the lover to his beloved," and though j_bn Hazm not condemn the physical aspect of love, he considers "the union of souls a thousand times f i n e r i n i t s e f f e c t s than 29 that of the bodies." 46 Despite the many s i m i l a r i t i e s between the new romantic attitude of Languedoc to the Arabic t r a d i t i o n of Platonic love, we have no concrete evidence that there was a contact between the troubadours and the Arabic world, although John Jay Parry assures us that William of Aquitaine introduced 30 the Arabic elements i n the court of Ebles II of Ventadorfn. Another important influence upon the e r o t i c ideology of Provence seems to have been Catharism. In his important study of t h i s theory, Denis de Rougemont underlines some characteri s t i c s of Catharism that seem to point towards some of the concepts of the courtly love t r a d i t i o n . The Catharist heresy appeared i n southern France simultaneously with courtly poetry and was a r e v i v a l of the Manicheism of India and Persia, combined with surviving C e l t i c b e l i e f s . The Manicheans wanted a mystical union with God and hated to be human. They rejected the carnal aspect of t h e i r beings and considered the Christian doctrine of the Incarnation a scandal. They believe that: "God i s love. But the world He created i s e v i l . . . Man i s a f a l l e n angel, imprisoned i n matter, and on that account subject to the laws of the body i n p a r t i c u l a r the most oppresive of these, the law of procreation." 31 They taught those who were perfect should not touch women, including t h e i r wives i f they were married. Only the common believers were allowed to consummate t h e i r marriages and concern themselves with worldy a f f a i r s . The perfect bel i e v e r s sought to reunite themselves with God through death and by intercession of the V i r g i n Mary, whom they considered to be the Third person of the T r i n i t y . Therefore, we find i n 47 Manichean writings constant expressions of t h e i r longing for death, which i s said to have been awakened by a woman in the same way that the suffering courtly lover seeks to release himself, through death, from the torments caused by his beloved. This heresy was also c a l l e d the Church of Love and according to some c r i t i c s i t had a secret code of signs 32 and symbols which also appears i n the troubadour poetry, and which figure prominently i n the f i r s t courtly romance, 33 Tristan and Iseult. According to De Rougemont, Manicheism synthesized many of the b e l i e f s of the pre-Christian c u l t s of Europe, part i c u l a r l y the C e l t i c . The predominant surviving myth of the Celts featured a woman as the most prominent figure. s t i r r e d up the b e l i e f i n immortality She and can be considered as the symbol of eternal desire. Consequently, she i s also "t'he dark lady, one whose dwelling i s i n darkness and whose 34 charm i s f a t a l . " Iseult, Tristan's beloved and the first l i t e r a r y example of the lady suzerain, i s believed to symbolize t h i s woman. Whether the troubadour concept of love and women had i t s origins i n Manicheism alone, i n Arabic culture, i n a change i n human f e e l i n g as C. S. Lewis proposes (though he hurries 35 to add that "some of the mystery remains i n v i o l a t e " ), or 36 in a basic universal f e e l i n g common to a l l pagan cultures, remains to be proved. The fact i s that we find elements of a l l these possible sources of the c o u r t l y - e r o t i c attitude i n the poetry of Provence and i n the matiere de Bretaqne. The change of attitude from Ovidian sensuality to the glorifi- cation of women and chaste love did take place sometime to- 48 wards the end of the eleventh century and was perhaps due to a combination of a l l the above mentioned factors. There are some indications that the actual fusion of the various elements took place at the court of Viscount Ebles II of Ventadorn, a friend of William of Aquitaine, ... 37 the f i r s t troubadour of whom we have record. poet of Ebles, Bernart de Ventadorn, was introducing the new The most famous responsible for e r o t i c ideas into the north of France when Duke William's granddaughter, Eleanor of Aquitaine, became queen. Both Eleanor and Bernart cultivated the new philosophy of love, f i r s t i n Paris against considerable op- position on the part of her f i r s t husband Louis of France, and l a t e r i n London with the support of her second husband Henry II of England. Eleanor's sons and daughters were patrons of l i t e r a t u r e . Prince Richard wrote poetry of his own and Countess Marie made Troyes, her husband's c a p i t a l , into a l i t e r a r y center. The most famous figure of Marie's court, Chretien (whose f u l l name i s not known), was responsible for incorporating the doctrine of courtly love i n one of the most famous of Arthurian romances, Lancelot du Lac or Le conte de l a Char38 rete. Probably around the same time that Chretien de Troyes was writing the Lancelot, Andreas, the Chaplain of Marie's royal court, wrote his De arte honeste amandi. Andreas' book, l i k e Ovid's poems, was art an i r o n i c a l l y d i d a c t i c work on the of love written at the d i r e c t i o n of the countess. Andreas gathered the main elements of troubadour poetry and of romans 49 l i k e Lancelot, and organized them into a t r e a t i s e that, despite the obviously humorous nature of i t s f i r s t two books, was taken seriously by many. In Spain i t was used as a textbook f o r the courts of love established i n Barcelona by King John of Aragon (1350-1496) and his wife Vio39 lant de Bar. However, Andreas' book also portrayed the conditions of the courts of P o i t i e r s and Troyes, where courtly love was practised i n l i t e r a t u r e and i n r e a l life. The De arte honeste amandi i s divided into three books which correspond roughly to the three Ovidian poems from which Andreas took some of his i n s p i r a t i o n . In Book Two we f i n d the rules of love as thev were supposedly given to a B r i t i s h 40 knight at King Arthur's court by Cupid, the King of Love. The thirty-one rules of love summarize what Andreas has a l ready said i n Book One and they can be narrowed down to a few basic p r i n c i p l e s : a) Love cannot exist i n marriage though a lover should prefer to love a married woman. b) Although mixed love (physically f u l f i l l e d des i r e ) i s permissible, perfect love (physically u n f u l f i l l e d desire) i s to be preferred. c) Secrecy i s e s s e n t i a l i n a love a f f a i r , for a secret love i s much pleasanter. d) A true lover considers as good nothing except what he thinks pleases his beloved, and each of his acts should end i n the thought of her. He also ought to sleep and eat l i t t l e and undergo a l l kinds of v i c i s s i t u d e s f o r his beloved's sake. Book Three, unlike Remedia amoris, o f f e r s advice to avoid f a l l i n g i n love and stresses the author's d i d a c t i c intention: Read my art of love, not as one seeking to take up the l i f e of a lover, but. that invigorated by the theory and trained to excite the minds of 50 women to love, one may, by r e f r a i n i n g from so doing, win an eternal recompense and thereby deserve reward from God. 41 Andreas points out the e v i l effects of love on soul and body, and he attacks women i n a long antifeminist d i a t r i b e . The De arte honeste amandi sums up the ideas of courtly love, showing the procedures that should be followed by lovers i n diverse a r i s t o c r a t i c levels, such as between a man of the lesser n o b i l i t y and, a lady of the higher n o b i l i t y or 42 vice/versa. Andreas" concept of love does not at f i r s t seem very d i f f e r e n t from Ovid's. I t appears e s s e n t i a l l y as l u s t : A certain inborn suffering from the sight of and excessive meditation upon the beauty of the opposite sex which causes each one to wish each other's embraces and by common des i r e to carry out a l l of love's precepts i n the other's embrace.43 The a l l e g o r i c a l concept of Love as a king or general who r e c r u i t s men to serve him, i s common to both Ovidian and courtl y t r a d i t i o n . The symptoms and e f f e c t s of love are the same as well as the emphasis on the extramarital nature of love. Some of the ways i n which the lover ought to prove his love for his lady (to become pale, thin and sleepless, to watch a l l night before her doors and undergo a l l sort of hardship for her sake) are also the same. But what for Ovid i s a game of mutual deceit i n which, as i n warfare, a l l stratagems to win the beloved are permitted, for Andreas i s a complex s o c i a l convention i n which the lover i s to win the lady's love through his v i r t u e , prowess and i n t e l l i g e n t arguments. Furthermore, while for Ovid the basic reason for loving i s to s a t i s f y one's lust for a person of the opposite sex, for Andreas and his world the aim of loving i s the experience of loving i t s e l f 51 and consequently, u n s a t i s f i e d desire i s considered as perfect love. Andreas even approves and encourages a l l that fans and provokes desire, for desire i s the means towards the f i n a l end of courtly love, the ennobling of the lover. Capellanus condemns impure love that i s founded on sensuality for sens u a l i t y ' s sake and finds true love mixed with pure sensuality permissible, though less desirable, than pure love. In other words, for courtly lovers, true love means a powerful desire to be one i n body and soul with the beloved, not f o r the sake of sexual g r a t i f i c a t i o n , but for the sake of enjoying the state of being i n love which at the same time, ennobles the lover. The reward of courtly love i s to awaken i n the beloved the same desire for the lover. We may conclude then, that the main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that set courtly love apart from Ovidian eroticism are: a) The concept of perfect love as an ever-insatiating and ever-increasing desire. b) The elevation of the beloved to a position of sup e r i o r i t y over the lover. c) The ennobling force of love. These three concepts inspired Diego de San Pedro when he decided to create i n Carcel de amor a better love story than Arnalte y_ Lucenda. For the closer the lovers conform to these i d e a l s , the more perfect t h e i r love i s and the more exemplary they are as lovers. The courtly t r a d i t i o n reached Spain at a l a t e r date. We know i t was practiced i n Catalonia during the reign of John of Aragon (1350-1396) and later i n C a s t i l e during the 52 44 reign of John II (1406-1454). The courts of love established by King John and his wife i n Catalonia had a d i f f e r e n t s p i r i t from those conducted by Queen Eleanor and Countess Marie. Most of the a f f a i r s consisted of lengthy discussions of problem of love-casuistry, and had very s t r i c t rules. However, courtly love poetry flourished i n Catalonia and indeed con45 tributed to some extent to the Provencal troubadour poetry. According to Jose" Amador de los Rios, i t i s possible that the active l i t e r a r y l i f e of the Aragonese Kingdom influenced the C a s t i l i a n court; but C a s t i l e must have known the G a l i c i a n Portuguese Cantigas de amigo inspired by Provencal poetry. Imitations of Provencal poetry began to be written i n G a l i c i a n i n the second half of the twelfth century, since Provencal poetry was carried to G a l i c i a through the pilgrim route to Santiago de Compostela. At least two of the most outstanding poets of the court of Juan I I , Macias e l Enamorado and Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino, were Galicians and 46 were probably well acquainted with Galician love poetry. The court of Juan II "Erudita por excelencia . . . y sustancialmente palaciega" was suitable for c u l t i v a t i n g the courtly poetry of Provence: Amolda"base pues mas que otra alguna l a escuela provenzal, f i e l a su primitiva indole y naturaleza a l a s i t u a c i 6 n verdaderamente anomala y peregrina de C a s t i l l a . . . Aparece l a poesia como unica fiadora de l a l e a l t a d de los magnates y caballeros . . . Se fingen s i n t r e gua n i recato l a pura adhesi6n y e l devoto rendimiento a l a pasion amorosa. 47 A large number of poets c u l t i v a t e d the newly imported la provenzal, including the King himselfi escue- 53 Cuantos ingenios toman parte en las justas y solaces poeticos de l a cort§, -don Juan II y su omnipotente favorito, don Alvaro de Luna, don Alonso de Cartagena y Fernan Perez de Guzman, e l docto marques de Santillana y e l famoso Juan de Mena; cuantos cantan en e l l a las bellezas de sus damas,-don Juan y don Enrique Enrxquez, e l magnxf i c o don Juan de S i l v a , don Lope de Estuniga y don Juan Pimentel, e l gallardo Suero de Quinones y su hermano Pedro, Macias e l Enamorado, y otros muchos y muy esclarecidos caballeros, cuyos nombres no han sonado hasta ahora en l a h i s t o r i a de las l e t r a s , todos se dejan l l e v a r de l a comun e i r r e s i s t i b l e corriente; y ora se pierden en e l laberinto de las cuestiones (preguntas y requestas) teol6gicas, h i s t 6 r i c a s o morales gue reconociendo su origen en e l espxritu escolastico de l a edad media y en e l parnaso provenzal (tensos), habfan tornado plaza en e l castellano, a l declinar e l s i g l o XIV; ora truecan e l s e n c i i l o y tierno lenguaje del amor por e l rebuscado, a r t i f i c i o s o y s u p e r f i c i a l de l a galanterxa, presentandose en sus repetidisimas canciones cual victimas inconsolables de una pasi6n no comprendida y duramente desdenada. 48 The c u l t u r a l splendor of the court of John II declined a f t e r his death i n 1454, but was Catholic, whose court was reestablished by Isabella the also "Erudita por excelencia . . . y sustancialmente palaciega," and therefore f i t for the "justas y solaces poeticos" of the escuela provenzal. The theory of love presented i n the Sermon i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the Provencal Religion of Love, but San Pedro, l i k e most Spanish courtly poets, rejects one basic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a of the courtly love of Provence, the adulterous nature of loye,. and. emphasizes the .importance of protecting: the lady • s honour to the extent that secrecy in; love^becomes the basic r u l e of J i i s code. The Serm5n i t s e l f i s a manifestation of the Religion of Love, for i t s form and s t y l e imitated those of the eccles i a s t i c a l sermon. Its theme "En vuestra paciencia sostened 54 vuestros dolores"(p.100), which advises lovers to bear the torments of love as a penance, has reminiscences of Christian teachings. San Pedro's code of love contains the following principles: 1) Love should be founded on the basis of the outermost secrecy and prudence: "todo amador deue antes perder l a vida que escurecer l a fama de l a que s i r u i e r e , auiendo por mejor recebir l a muerte callando su pena, que merecerla trayendo su cuydado a publicacion." (p.101) 2) The lover should be, above a l l , v i r t u o s : "en t a l manera que l a bondad r i j a e l esfuerco, aconpafSie l a franqueca; e l a franqueca adorne'la tenplanca; e l a tenplanca afeyte l a conuersacion; e l a conuersaci6n ate l a buena c r i a n c a . " tp.103) 3) The lover must never stop loving: "E avnque l a s lagrimas vos cerquen, e angustias vos cqngoxen e sospechas vos lastimen, nunca, senores, vos aparteys de seguir e seruir e querer . . . E s i no hallardes piedad en quien l a buscays, n i esperanca de quien l a quereys, esperad en vuestra Fe y confiad en vuestra firmeza." (p.105) 4) The lover's duty i s to obey his beloved's wishes: "iQue" mSs beneficio quieres que querer l o que e l l a quiere?" (p.106) Consequently, the theme of the Serm6n becomes clear: the pains of love should be endured patiently, w i l l i n g l y and ever hopefully f o r "esto como las feridas que los caualleros reciben con honrra, avnque las sienten en las personas con dolor, las tienen en l a fama por gloria"(p.105); desiring the union with the beloved, i s the essence of love, and the greater the pains, the more perfect the love. Therefore, the greatest pain of a l l , death (and indeed damnation!) should be undergone gracefully: 0 amadorI s i tu amiga quisiere que penes, pena; e s i quisiera que rmieras, muere; e s i q u i s i e r a 55 condenarte, vete a l i n f i e r n o en cuerpo y en anima . . . Que todo l o que de su parte te v i n i e r e es galard6n para t i . (pp.105-106) Thus, the main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of courtly love reaches i t s highest degree of sublimation when the lover lays down his l i f e f o r his love as Leriano does. Carcel de amor develops the p r i n c i p l e s of courtly love around the theme of the Serm6n conceived within the framework of what would become one of the p r i n c i p a l subjects of the Golden Age drama, the concern with honour. According to Andreas, love can only exist among the noble. In fact, the higher the s o c i a l status, the more s u i t ed the person f o r loving, and as Capellanus underlines i n the dialogues, s o c i a l rank determines the n o b i l i t y of the soul and the pattern of behaviour to follow when courting. Thus, the setting and the protagonists of Carcel de amor are of the highest n o b i l i t y . Leriano, the son of a Duke, i s endowed with uncommon v i r t u e , as his mother points out i n her planto: "Tu temeroso de Dios, ttS amador de l a v i r t u d , tu enemigo del v i c i o " (p.209). He corresponds to the p o r t r a i t of the noble lover drawn by Fernando de l a Torre: Discreto galan polido valiente, d i e s t r o y osado virtuoso, bien medido de los onbres mas amado, por todas mucho loado en publico e escondido. Leriano, l i k e Lancelot, i s an excellent knight and therefore i s suited to be a perfect lover, since the practice of c h i v a l r y transforms, and sublimates man i n t o a s p i r i t u a l l y su- 56 perior being. 50 Therefore, Leriano's superior soul cannot help experiencing love of the highest degree, that i s , the perfect love bound to destroy the lover, f o r i t knows no reward. Leriano was well aware of his f a t a l destiny when he f e l l in love, as he a l l e g o r i c a l l y explains to the Auctor: when Amor decided to imprison him, his Entendimiento agreed l i n g l y with Amor and his Razon understood wil- that, considering the superior q u a l i t i e s of "por quien ha de s o f r i r " , he was bound to die. The "handmaids" of Entendimiento and Razon, Memoria and Voluntad, simply follow the example of their "masters" and a l l y themselves with Amor to torture Leriano. Contrary to what Wardropper supposes, Leriano*s love i s not 51 irrational. Leriano's Raz6n understands well the worth of Laureola and accepts the Prison of Love, knowing that, because of Laureola's great v i r t u e and the u n f u l f i l l e d nature of perfect love, i t i s sentencing Leriano to death. Leriano has the opportunity to prove his prowess as a knight i n his duel with Persio and during the b a t t l e s with the King when he i s saving Laureola from her prison. Through his chivalrous prowess, Leriano*s v i r t u e i s proved to the world and only confirms our knowledge of his great s p i r i t u a l 52 nobility. Leriano*s n o b i l i t y of soul and s o c i a l class determine his behaviour. He suffers the torments of Love patiently, as San Pedro advises i n his Serm6n. He exhibits the r e s i g nation and fortitude of a martyr who bears his punishment well aware of " e l bien de l a causa." And, as i t b e f i t s a perfect lover l i k e him, he never v a c i l l a t e s i n his loving, 57 but finds strength i n his suffering, for as the Sermon establishes, the wounds of love are "como las feridas que los caualleros reciben con honrra"(p.105), or as the anony- mous author of Questi6n de amor expresses i t : La llaga es muy grande mas es tan ufana que quanto es mas pena mi g l o r i a es mayor.53 Leriano proceeds to seek his beloved-"s bons semblans or i n d i c a t i o n that she accepts -although not necessarily returnshis love. This bel accueil that welcomes the dreamer of the Roman de l a Rose i s the only reward Leriano can accept and actually wants from Laureola. To the perfect lover, the only qalardon i s to know that his lady may and sufferings f o r her>i know of his service as Juan Fernandez de Heredia says: y porque mejor sepays ques l a fe de mi cuydado, no quiero que me hagays mas merced que conozcays que bivo por vos penado.54 Leriano"s l e t t e r s to Laureola conform to Andreas' advice that the lover should i n c l i n e h i s lady's d i s p o s i t i o n towards him through fluent speech: " . . . for an elaborate l i n e of t a l k on the part of the lover usually sets love's arrow af l y i n g and creates a presumption i n favour of the excellency 55 of the speaker's character." Leriano seeks the help of a go-between, as both Ovid and Andreas recommend. The Auctor proves through his prudent behaviour when encountering Deseo, i n the tower and i n the court of Macedonia,that he was a worthy confidant, the perfect go-between recommended by Andreas and much sought a f t e r by bb lovers. Also, the author conveys the worth of E l Auctor as a confidant and intermediary through his perceptive comments on the events he i s supposed to have witnessed: Quando bes6 las manos a Laureola pasaron cosas mucho de notar, en especial para mi, que sabia l o que entre e l l o s estaua: a l vno l e sobraua turbaci6n, a l otro l e faltaua color; n i 6l sabie que d e z i r n i e l l a que responder; que tanta fuerca tienen las pasiones enamoradas, que siempre.. traen e l seso y discrecion debaxo de su vandera, l o que a l i i v i por c l a r a esperiencia. (p.147) and also when he i s planning to free Laureola from her father's prison: yo llegare de tu parte a Galio, hermano de l a reyna, que en parte desea tanto l a l i b e r t a d de l a presa como tu mismo, y l e dire" l o que t i e nes acordado, y l e suplicar5, porque sea salua del cargo y de l a vida, que este\ para e l dia que fueres con alguna gente, para que s i fuere t a l tu ventura que la puedas sacar, en sacandola l a pongas en su poder a v i s t a de todo e l mundo, en testimonio de su bondad y tu l i n pieza; y que recebida, entretanto que e l rey sabe lo vno y provee en l o otro, l a ponga en Dala, fortaleza suya donde podra" venir e l hecho a buen f i n . (p.158) The Auctor, then, i s also a prototype of what a go-between should be l i k e ; an ideal character seldom encountered in r e a l l i f e as Juan Ruiz c y n i c a l l y states i n h i s Libro de buen amor, and as the down-to-earth Celestina shows i n the Traqicomedia de C a l i s t o y_ Melibea. Laureola i s a perfect beloved, i n the most limpid t r a d i t i o n of courtly love. Perhaps due to what G i l i y Gaya labels as "mayor severidad de l a a r i s t o c r a c i a c a s t e l l a n a " ( p . x v i i i ) . Laureola, l i k e a l l the heroines of Spanish courtly l i - 59 terature, i s a maiden. 56 The preference of C a s t i l i a n courtly poets for unmarried women as t h e i r heroines i s a characteri s t i c that sets C a s t i l i a n courtly love t r a d i t i o n apart from the Provencal and Catalan t r a d i t i o n s , for as Martin de Riquer points out, neither the Provencal nor the Catalan troubadours could conceive of the donzella or dona soltera as t h e i r midons or meu senyor: . . . i a dama, en canvi, l a domina, muller d e l senyor, dominus, es troba situada, en una cort o en un cas t e l l , , a l H o c preeminent i mes yenerat. Horn l i deu f i d e l i t a t i respecte que, en t r a s l l a d a r - s e e l s conceptes feudals a l s poet i c s , es converteixen en amor. Per aquesta rao l a dama a l a qual e l trobador dedica les seves poesies i de qui es confessa servidor i v a s s a l l , es sempre una dona casada, esposa, molt sovint, del mateix senyor feudal del poeta. Amb aixb arribem a l'essencia de I'amor cortes, o s i g u i l'amor c a r a c t e r i s t i c de les corts feudals.57 Furthermore, Laureola, unlike Liesa,v Oriana, Mirabella or Melibea, does not y i e l d to Leriano*s love. She behaves according to her high position as a princess and as a lady of ideal v i r t u e . I t i s precisely her evident v i r t u e r e f l e c t e d in her matchless beauty which causes Leriano's enamoramiento, and which, consequently, allows no hope to the lovers "tu hermosura causo e l a f i c i o n , y e l a f i c i o n e l deseo, y e l deseo la pena"(p.133). Leriano's words seem to echo Villasandino*s cantiga: La tu fermosura me puso en p r i s i 6 n : por l a cual ventura del mi corac6n non parte t r i s t u r a en toda saz6n: poren tu figura me entristece a s s i . 60 Laureola's v i r t u e leaves no room f o r the i l l i c i t expectations of the cancionero poets. Leriano, as the perfect lover, would not dream of hoping for anything beyond her p i t y . Laureola's s p i r i t u a l superiority causes her to be deeply moved by Leriano's condition, though she fears the consequences of her feelings: "Quanto meior me estouiera ser afeada por cruel que amanzillada por piadosa"(p.144), for as Andreas indicates, a noble lady should always be compassionate. However, when Laureola's honour becomes seriously compromised, she has to reject Leriano's service e n t i r e l y . She s t i l l f e e l s p i t y for him but cannot r i s k her good name, and she begs him to overcome his passion: "No pongas en peligro tu vida y en disputa mi onrra, pues tanto l a deseas, que se d i r a muriendo tu que galardono los seruicios quitando las vidas."(p.l88) Laureola's concern with her honour i s the main obstacle to Leriano's love. When she learns of Leriano's feelings f o r her, her sole concern i s for her fama: Por Dios te pido que enbueluas mi carta en tu fe, porque^no se te pierda n i de nadie pueda ser v i s t a ; que quien viese l o que te escriuo pensaria que te amo, y creeria que mis razones antes eran dichas por disimulaci6n de l a verdad que por l a verdad.(p.145) It i s s i g n i f i c a n t that honour should be chosen by San Pedro as a primary obstruction between the lover and the beloved, and as the lady's v i t a l concern. Her constant worry about her fama i s not only fear of "l'aspra legge de Scozia" that condemns Mirabella and almost ends Laureola's l i f e . 61 Perhaps the same "austeridad castellana" that caused Spanish courtly poets to reject adultery i n t h e i r poetry had raised woman's chastity to the l e v e l of a moral axiom. However, many cancionero poets seemed to have enjoyed the fact that t h e i r love had an i l l i c i t quality, and they seemed unconcerned about the lady's fame. Because courtly love considered love incompatible with the married state, love could only be experienced outside the marital t i e s , as Juan Alvarez Gato notes in his canci6ri "Porque l e dixo una senora que servia, que se casase con ella'': Dezis: "Casemos los dos porque deste mal no muera." Sefiora, no plega a Dios, siendo mi sefiora vos, cos haga mi companera, Que, pues amor verdadero no quiere premio n i fuerca aunque me vere que muero, nunca querre, n i quiero que por mi parte se tuerca. Amarnos amos a dos con una f e muy entera, queramos esto los dos: mas no l e plega a Dios, siendo mi sefiora vos, cos haga mi companera."? 9 Yet, San Pedro appears to be using an actual moral consideration of C a s t i l i a n society as a resource to move the plot to a c o n f l i c t i n which Leriano w i l l have the opportunity to prove his a b i l i t i e s as a knight, f i r s t by his performance i n the duel with Persio, and l a t e r i n combat. On both occasions, Leriano acts i n defense of Laureola's honour, and she, by protecting her honour decides Leriano's death. Because the lady's good name was a s i g n i f i c a n t issue i n the C a s t i l i a n court, J 62 San Pedro warns lovers i n the Sermon; "que todo amador deue antes perder l a vida que escurecer l a fama de l a que s i r uiere"(p.101), and f o r that reason, perfect love as conceived by San Pedro, has to be based "sobre cimiento del secreto"(100). So, while f o r Ovid, Andreas, troubadours, and cancionero poets, secrecy was merely a means to enjoy loving better, secrecy became for San Pedro and his world a moral p r i n c i p l e of capital importance. Consequently, the lover should exercise "en las palabras mesura, y en e l meneo honestidad, y en los actos cordura, y en los ojos auiso, y en las muestras soffrimiento, y en l o s desseos tenplanca, y en las p l a t i c a s dissimulacion, y en los mouimientos mansedunbre"(p.101). And t h i s i s Leriano's attitude throughout the entire narrative. Most c r i t i c s , perhaps judging the world of the Carcel through modern eyes, have unjustly accused Laureola of c r u e l 60 ty because of her f i n a l rejection of Leriano. Whereas i n e f f e c t , she simply behaves i n the only possible way open f o r a courtly lady of her stature. After having been condemned to death f o r the f a l s e accusation of Persio, she could only reassure her people of her v i r t u e by avoiding anything that could compromise her honour again. Her p i t y for Leriano and her desire to persuade him against his f o l l y are evident i n her l a s t l e t t e r : Mucho te ruego que te esfuerces como fuerte y te remedies como discreto . . . Tern5s en e l reyno toda l a parte que quisieres, credere" tu onrra, doblare t u renta, sobire" tu estado, ninguna cosa ordenarSs que reuocada t e sea; assf que biuiendo causaras que me iuzguen agradecida, y muriendo que 63 me tengan por mal acondicionada . . . No quiero mas d e z i r t e porque no digas que me pides esperanca y te do conseio. Pluguiera a Dios que fuera tu demanda iusta porque vieras que como te aconseio en l o vno te s a t i s f i z i e r a en l o otro.(p.188) The i d e a l characters of Leriano and Laureola decide the plot of the novel. The f a l s e accusation of Persio, the duel, the imprisonment of Laureola, and the b a t t l e , are a l l secondary incidents that prove the v i r t u e of the protagonists j u s t i f y the t r a g i c and end. There i s an element of f a t a l i t y i n San Pedro's concept of love. Love i s born from v i r t u e and thus i s perfect. Perfect love ennobles and increases the lover's v i r t u e and therefore i t i n t e n s i f i e s i t s e l f at the same time. Consequently, the perfect lover i s trapped i n a v i c i o u s c i r c l e whose only e x i t i s death, for love, being forever u n f u l f i l l e d and forever increasing, i s an unbearable torture leading to death. L e r i a no's Razon i s well aware of t h i s f a t a l destiny, when i t agrees with the enamoramiento t Yo no solamente do cohsentimiento en l a p r i sion, mas ordeno que muera, que meior l e estara" la dichosa muerte que l a desesperada vida, segund por quien ha de sofrir.(p.123) Although cancionero poets often express the desire for death to escape the pain of loving, and though Arnalte repeats constantly that "muere porque no muere (p.32); en u tt e l l a Jtla muertel esta l a vida* (p.27); Pues guien quiera que amare, que t a l nueva supiere, de l a muerte l e ruega que se (l socorra" (p.75) j, only Leriano f u l f i l l s t h i s wish by a c t u a l l y l e t t i n g himself die. San Pedro finds no better way to represent the quintes- 64 s e n t i a l kind of love exemplified i n the Carcel, than by using the symbolism of the Religion of Love. The sublimation of the three most important c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of courtly love led to the creation of a Religion of Love, which stressed the super i o r i t y of the beloved and i d e n t i f i e d the love of her as worship. The Religion of Love recognized a moral p r i n c i p l e i n every action or thought of love and raised the ennobling power of love to the concept of love as a source and stimulus of a l l virtues, capable of improving a l l the s p i r i t u a l charac- t e r i s t i c s of the lover, as Leriano points out i n his defense of women: a los sinples y rudos disponen para alcancar l a v i r t u d de l a prudencia . . . de l a v i r t u d de l a i u s t i c i a tan bien nos hazen s u f i c i e n t e s . . . a l que f a l l e c e fortaleza ge l a dan . . . no menos nos dotan de las virtudes teologales gue de las cardinales dichas. Y tratando de l a primera, ques l a Fe, avnque algunos en e l l a dudasen, siendo puestos en pensamiento enamorado creerian en Dios y alabarfan su poder . . . nos c r i a n en e l alma l a v i r t u d del Esperanca . . . nos hazen merecer l a Caridad, l a propiedad de l a qual es amor.(p.195-7) Because i t i d e n t i f i e d love with worship, the Religion of Love found i t s means of expression i n the concepts and language of the Religion of Christ, and ! was even integrated with C h r i s t i a n i t y by Dante A l i g h i e r i , f i r s t i n the V i t a 61 va and later more thoroughly i n the Divina Commedia. Nuo- It would be an error to think of the Religion of Love 62 as a mere "colouring of human passions by r e l i g i o u s emotion," or as an irreverent practice, since nowhere do we f i n d e v i dence that the poets were w i l l i n g l y d i s r e s p e c t f u l of Christ i a n i t y or even conscious of the immorality of their con- 65 cept of love. For the poet, the Religion of Love was a metaphor which expressed the b l i s s f u l experience of love, i n a personal heaven with a god, saints, commandments, arid" ~ liturgy. San Pedro depicts Leriano's love as r e l i g i o u s worship i n the opening allegory! * Lleuaua.en i a mano yzquierda vn escudo de azero muy fuerte, y en l a derecha vna ymagen femenil entallada en vna piedra muy c l a r a , l a qua1 era de tan estrema hermosura que me turbaua l a v i s t a . Salian d e l l a diuersos rayos de fuego que leuaua encendido e l cuerpo de vn onbre que e l cauallero forciblemente leuaua tras s i . E l qual con vn lastimado gemido, de rato en rato dezia: "En mi fe, se sufre todo." (p.116) Later, we witness Leriano's noble resignation to his sufferings, not unlike those of Christ. In fact, Leriano's passion i s represented i n the terms of the Passion of Christ, as the author stresses with the a l l e g o r i c a l description of the lover's torments, such as having him crowned with "vna corona de unas puntas de hierro . . . que l e traspasauan todo e l celebro"(p.120), an image that seems to have been a favourite with courtly poets. However, Leriano's oassion i s not a mystical experience 63 as Hayd£e Bermejo and Dinko Cvitanovic propose. Leriano's awareness of his beloved's worth and of the hopelessness of his passion as well as his very experience of loving, are not a manifestation of Platonic love. Leriano does not love Laureola beyond herself, nowhere i n his acts of thoughts do we find evidence that Leriano seeks God through Laureola or that his love has an aim other than loving for love's sake. Leriano's abandonment to his passion i s not "an aven- 66 tura e s p i r i t u a l " achieved through suffering, but a l y r i c a l expression of the courtly convention of love. Leriano's description of the ennobling power of love i n terms of the Religion of Love i n his long pror-feminist speech, does not conform to his actual experience. He stresses the fact that through the love of women, man acquires the theological and cardinal v i r t u e s , but as we read his nes", razo- we r e a l i z e that he i s not t a l k i n g i n Platonic terms, but i n the language of the Religion of Love. He i s i l l u s t r a t i n g the ennobling force of love i n the l o f t i e s t terms he knows. For example, i t i s important to seek the v i r t u e of prudence, which increases through love, because i t makes lovers more discretos and sotyles i n loving: porque s i de l a enamorada pasi6n se catyuan, tanto estudian su l i b e r t a d , que abiuando con e l dol o r e l saber, dizen razones tan dulces y tan concertadas, que alguna vez de conpasi6n que les an se l i b r a n d e l l a ; (p.195) Similarly, women's love cultivates i u s t i c i a : de l a v i r t u d de l a i u s t i c i a tan bien nos hacen suf i c i e n t e s , que lbs penados de amor, avnque desygual tormento reciben, hanlo por descanso iustificandose porque iustamente padecen; (p.196) Tenplanca makes lovers worthy of the beloved because "por no s e l l e s aborrecibles para venir a ser desamados"(p.196). Fortaleca makes lovers "fuertes para s o f r i r , causan osadia para cometer, ponen coracon para esperar."(p.196). Women kindle Faith i n men who thus are able to praise God's name and thank Him "porque pudo hazer a aquella que de tanta ecelencia y hermosura les parece"(p.197). Also, women c u l t i v a t e Esperanca i n t h e i r lovers: "que puesto que los 67 sugetos a esta ley de amores mucho penan, sienpre esperan" (p.197), and f i n a l l y , women awaken love i n men, which i s Caridad (p. 197) ; The other reasons Leriano gives t o explain "por que" los honbres son obligados a las mugeres"(p.195) are i n a similar vein: love makes men contrite , and they conse- quently confess t h e i r love and beg forgiveness for t h e i r f a u l t s as lovers, doing whatever penance the lady may impose on them. Love renders stingy men generous, f o o l s i n t e l l i g e n t , andoso on. Leriano's pro^feminist speech i n the terms of the Rel i g i o n of Love s i g n i f i e d a momentary v i c t o r y over the misogynists, who u n t i l the end of the f i f t e e n t h century, were an i n s i g n i f i c a n t number i n Spain. However, the speech's apparent irreverence was the cause of a tremendous a n t i 64 feminist reaction, p a r t i c u l a r l y by Luis de Lucena. In the same way that San Pedro's defense of women s i g n i f i e s the culmination of Spanish prorfeminism, Lucena *s Satiras represent the culmination of Spanish misogynism. Lucena uses his humanistic knowledge to attack women's vices and i n p a r t i c u l a r the "desenfrenado eroticismo femen i l " , which was a favourite subject among the anti-feminists: Son o t r o s l las mugeres a s i como animales que, s i n ninguna d i s c r e c i 6 n , sirven a s i a l apetito de l a luxuria . . . Item, no s 6 l o l a luxuria es pas- • sion de mugeres, mas avn l a yra y continuo l i t i g i o . 5 Thus i t i s evident that the same aspect of femininity that San Pedro and his many feminist predecesors considered to be women's greatest v i r t u e (their awakening of men's desire) was 68 thought to be women's worst vice by the misogynist, and t h i s alone made her the object of the most brutal epithets: Es otrosx l a muger p r i n c i p i o de pecado, arma del diablo . . . notorio mal . . . mal de todos desseado, pelea que nunca cessa, dafio continuo . . . desuio de castidad, puerta de l a muerte, sendero herrado, llaga de escorpi6n, camino para e l fuego . . . enfermedad incurable . . . muerte suave . . . delicada d e s t r u c c i 6 n , rosa que hiede, l i s o n j a crescida, p e s t i l e n c i a que manzilla e l anima . . . 6 6 Lucena's perverse delight i n describing the vices of women i s as extreme as San Pedro's i d e a l i z a t i o n of t h e i r v i r t u e s , but whereas the cruel misogynism of the former had l i t t l e place i n the enlightened San Pedro's feminism contributed world of the Renaissance, strongly to the Renaissance ideal of the perfect courtier. Nowhere i s the Religion of Love more evident than i n Leriano's character. The whole attitude of the perfect lover i s reminiscent of Christ's personality. The exemplary patience, meekness, resignation, selflessness, and submission demanded from a perfect lover i n the Sermon have no better personi- f i c a t i o n than those of C h r i s t . Also there i s a c l e a r ident i f i c a t i o n between Christ's death and Leriano's suicide. We know he i s bound to die for "una buena causa", and from the moment he f a l l s i n love, Leriano begins to f u l f i l l his destiny as a perfect lover. In his f i n a l words, "Acabados son mis males," he renders the "Consummatum est" of Christ. San Pedro's use of the courtly love t r a d i t i o n at i t s l o f t i e s t i n Carcel de amor i s the best example of t h i s 69 trobador's great esthetic s e n s i t i v i t y and craftmanship. As a courtly poet he was not content with simply writing a good story of love. He had to search f o r the ultimate expression of the mediaeval theory of love and apply i t to his novel. As a r e s u l t , he produced the f i n e s t Spanish courtly romance, i n which poetic content, language and form combine a r t f u l l y as a testimony of San Pedro's s u r p r i s i n g l y adaptable s k i l l . 70 Footnotes to Chapter Three 1 2 Origenes, p.408. See f o r instance: A. Valbuena Prat, H i s t o r i a de l a l i t e r a t u r a espanola (Barcelona: Gustavo G i l i , 1937), 1, 266; Juan Luis Alborg, H i s t o r i a de l a l i t e r a t u r a espanola (Madrid: Gredos, 1966), 1, -253;. Juan Hurtado, J . de l a Serna y Angel Gonzalez Palacios, H i s t o r i a de l a l i t e r a t u r a espanola (Madrid: Saeta, 1943), p.224. 3 See Whinnom, Diego de San Pedro, pp.62-118; Juan de Flores, G r i s e l y_ Mirabel la, ed. Pamela Waley, pp.i-xxi; and Dinko Cvitanovic, La novela, po.177-233. 4 By Menendez y Pelayo,, Valbuena Prat, Jose Luis Var e l a , Dinko Cvitanovic and Angel d e l Rio among others i n the works previously c i t e d . 5 Cited by Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes, pp.483— 84. 6 Ibidem., pp.489-90. 7 Juan de Flores, G r i s e l , p.xvi. 8 Apparently Menendez y Pelayo did not know t h i s work or he would have included i t i n h i s survey of novelas sentimentales. The only copy of t h i s novel i s an unpublished manuscript found i n the Biblioteca de Cataluna and i s described by Martin de Riquer i n Revista de F i l o l o g i a Espanol a , 40 (1956), .-,33-65. 9 The verses e n t i t l e d Maldezir de mugeres by the Catalan Pere Torrellas won him the hatred of a l l Spanish feminists. His i s the most misogynistic work written i n the Iberian peninsula. S t i l l i n the late XVI century, C r i s t o bal de C a s t i l l e j o s c i t e s the name of T o r r e l l a s as one of the most formidable detractors of women: "Tanto mal/No se puede en especial/Relatar en poco espacio;/Remitolo a Juan Boccaccio,Torrellas y Juvenal." See Jacobo Ornstein>"La misoginia y e l profeminismo en l a l i t e r a t u r a castellana," Revista de F i l o l o g i a Hispanica, 3 (1941), 222. Juan de Flores also includes Torrellas i n h i s G r i s e l y_ Mirabella as a participant i n a debate on the vices and virtues of women. When Torrellas wins the debate between him and the profeminist Bracayda, the ladies of the court murder him as a punishment for his defamations. 10 See A. Pacheco, Novel*letes sentimentals dels segles XIV i XV (Barcelona: Antologia Catalana, No.57, Edicions 62, 1970). 71 11 ^Myrrha Lot-Borodin, De 1'amour profane a 1'amour sacre: Etudes de psycholoqie sentimentale au Moyen Age (Paris, n.p., 1961), p.60. 12 Origenes, p> 474. 13 Ibid., p.475. 14 Ibid., p.475. 15 Ibid., p.476. 16 It was precisely the immoral quality of the Fiammetta that inspired Juan de Flores to write his Grimalte y Gradissa, a didactic work on conjugal f i d e l i t y i n which he shows Pamphilus to be repentant of his adulterous association, and having attempted to dissuade Fiammetta from resuming t h e i r r e l a t i o n ship, he i n f l i c t s on himself an extreme oenance. 17 Pamela Waley, "Love and Honour," p.275. 18 Origenes, p.481. 19 Ovid and the Renaissance i n Spain (Berkeley: Univers i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , 1913), p.117. 20 The sources of the origins, progress and nature of courtly love treated i n t h i s chapter are found-in: Gaston Paris, "Lancelot du Lac. Le conte de la Charrete," Romania, 12 (1883), 459-534; Ernst Robert Curtius, European L i t e r a ture and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. W i l l i a r d R. Trask; (New York: Harper & Row, 1963); C. S. Lewis, The Allegory °£ Love: A Study i n Mediaeval Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1936); Andreas Capellanus, The Art of Courtly Love, ed. and t r a n s l . John Jay Parry (New York: F. Ungar Publishing Co., 1959); Alexander Denomy, The Heresy 2i. Courtly Love, New York: Boston College Candlemas Lectures on Christian Literature, 1947), esp. pp.30-40. Also, "An Inquiry into the Origins of Courtly Love," Mediaeval Studies (1945), pp.1-75; Ramon Menendez P i d a l , "Poesia Srabe y poesia europea," B u l l e t i n Hispanigue, 40 (1938), 339-423; A. Jeanroy, La poesie lyrigue des troubadours, (Toulouse: Edouard Privot, 1934); A. R. Nykl, A Book Containing the Risala Known as The Dove's Neck Ring About Love and Lovers by Abu Muhammed A l i Ibn Hazm al-andalusi (Paris: Geuthner, 1931), esp. p p . l x x v i i i c i i i ; Denis de Rougemont, Love i n the Western World: Passion and Society (New York: Pantheon, 1965); M. C. D'Arcy, The Mind and Heart of Love (New York: Meridian Books, 1956), esp. pp.37-55; Peter Dronke, Mediaeval Latin and the Rise of European Love L y r i c , 1 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965). 72 21 22 Lewis, The Allegory of Love, pp.2-4. They were so popular that Ludwig Traube used to c a l l t h i s period aetas ovidiana. See Edward kennard Rand, Ovid and His Influence (New York: Longmans, 1928), pp.12-23. 23 In fourteenth century Spain, Juan Ruiz parodies much of the Ovidian material in his Libro de buen amor. 24 Lewis, The Allegory of Love, p.11. 25 Nykl, The Dove's Neck Ring, pp.12-13. 26 Ibid., po.71-72. 27 Ibid., op.39-40. 28 Ibid., p.58. 29 Ibid., p.92. Despite the many s i m i l a r i t i e s between the system of love depicted by Ibn_ Hazm and that of the troubadours, Jeanroy states that "there i s no trace, for example, i n Ibn Hazm of the ennobling power of love, nor of the amorous vassalage, nor of the superiority of the lady over her lover, that i s to say, of the courtly theories." op. c i t . 2, 367. 30 The Art of Courtly Love, p.12. 31 D'Arcy, The Mind and Heart of Love, p.40. 32 Some of the examples of the language of the Catharist Church of Love pointed out by Denis de Rougemont could be e a s i l y applied to the C h r i s t i a n t r a d i t i o n , such as a poem where Guiraut de Bornheil prays to true Light: 0 high and glorious King, 0 Light and Brightness true! 0 God of Power, Lord, ". Suppose .it pleases you, Make my comrade welcome, And grant him a l l your aid, For him I have not seen, Since f e l l the night's dark shade, And soon w i l l come the dawn. De Rougemont interprets t h i s poem according to Catharist-Manichean symbolism, but i t could very well be about the C h r i s t i a n soul i n search of God. Love i n the Western World, p.87. 73 33 De Rougemont offers an Interesting interpretation of t h i s myth i n op. c i t . , pp.20-95. 34 Ibid., p.38. 35 The Allegory of Love § p.12. On p.11 Lewis writes: "Real changes i n human sentiment are very rare - there are perhaps three or four on record - but I believe that they occur, and that t h i s i s one of them." Lewis does not mention which are the changes on record, nor does he provide us with evidence to prove that the changes i n human sentiment a c t u a l l y take place, rather than changes i n attitude or ideology which may eventually a l t e r the concept we have of the sentiment. Of a l l the theories explaining the o r i g i n s of courtly love, t h i s seems the least plausible. 36 Peter Dronke, Mediaeval Latin, pp.1-9. 37 See J . J . Parry's introduction to his e d i t i o n of Capellanus', The Art of Courtly Love, pp.12 et seq. 38 Alexander Denomy (The Heresy of Courtly Love, pp. 50-5L) believes that Chretien wrote t h i s book only to please his mistress. Chretien t e l l s us p l a i n l y that the countess furnishes him both the subject matter (matiere) and the manner of treatment (sens)and that he i s simply t r y i n g to carry out her desire and intention. Father Denomy even supposes that t h i s i s a note of apology for writing on a theme he detested and for t h i s reason he did not f i n i s h the poem, writing instead Perceval where he celebrates the things of God under the guise of allegory. 39 J . J . Parry, op. c i t . , see the bibliography for d e t a i l s of the printed editions and translations of Andreas* book. The Courts of Love were a common practice among European nobles, but although they existed i n Catalonia they did not become popular i n C a s t i l e . See William A l l a n Neilson, The Origins and Sources of the Court of Love (New York: Russel & Russel, 1967). 40 J"..'J. Parry, pp. 177-186. 41 Ibid., p.187. Alexander Denomy believes that Andreas, l i k e Chretien, did not approve of courtly love and although Capellanus wrote the f i r s t two books of the t r e a t i s e to please Marie de Champagne, he has to assert the antinomy between courtly love and C h r i s t i a n i t y . Father Denomy examines Andreas* attitude i n both parts of the t r e a t i s e and provides convincing evidence that Andreas'was sincere i n r e j e c t i n g courtly love. -However,"-Andreas * vicious misogynism seems : 74 unjustified. 42 The lady's superior rank i n love did not mean that she a c t u a l l y occupied a superior s o c i a l rank i n r e a l l i f e . According to Andreas, a noble can woo a woman of a lower middle c l a s s , since love has an ennobling power. 43 The Art of Courtly Love, p.28. 44 Amador.de los-Rios, H i s t o r i a c r i t i c a , 6, 59. 5 Ibid., p.60. 46 Gerald Brenan, The L i t e r a t u r e of the Spanish People, (London: Penguin Books, 1951), pp.63-73. 47 Amador de los Rios, H i s t o r i a c r i t i c a , 6, 60. 48 Ibid., 6, 60-61. 49 Cancionero de Fernando Torres, c i t e d i n Otis Green, The L i t e r a r y Mind, p.49. 5° See Myrrha Lot-Borodin, De 1'amour profane,p.18: "Lancelot est en v e r i t e l e p a r f a i t amant, parce q u ' i l est l e meilleur chevalier du monde, et inversement, l a g l o i r e qui b r i l l e sur son front n'est que l e r e f l e c t de sa vertu l a plus haute;" 51 "El mundo sentimental ) pp. 174-79. 52 In " E l mundo. sentimentaly'pp. -I83r8.7, Wardropper stresses the fact that San Pedro's theory of c o u r t l y love i s not inspired by the troubadour t r a d i t i o n but by the novel of c h i v a l r y . In f a c t , San Pedro's theory of love blends elements from both sources i n the manner of the Lancelot du Lac, but Carcel de amor cannot possibly be considered as a novel of chivalry. 53 Otis Green, The L i t e r a r y Mind, p.59. 54 Obras (Valencia, 1913), p.100. 55 Op. c i t . , pp.167-77. 4 1 56 I t i s also worthy of notice that cancionero poets often dedicate t h e i r love songs to t h e i r wives. For example, Jorge Manrique: "Vaya l a vida passada/que por amores s u f r f , / pues me pagaste con s i / seflora bien empleada." Cancionero general, p.100. 57 M. de Riquer, H i s t o r i a de l a l i t e r a t u r a catalana, p.34. 75 58 E. A l l i s o n Peers, A C r i t i c a l Anthology of Spanish Verse (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1950), p.55. 59 Cancionero castellano d e l s i q l o XV, ed. R. FoulcheDelbosc, 1 (Madrid, 1912 ), , 229. .60 For instance, G i l i y Gaya assumes that Leriano's intention was to marry Laureola, and that she rejected him out of sheer cruelty: "y e l desdichado amante se encierra otra vez en l a c a r c e l alegorica donde acaba su vida, mientras l a despiadada princesa se parapeta en l a defensa de su honra." p.xx. 61 The ReJLigion.of Love may have begun as a parody of C h r i s t i a n i t y as the anonymous Concilium i n Monte Romar i c i (cited i n Lewis, The Allegory of Love, pp.18-21) leads us to believe, but l a t e r i t became something f a r more serious than parody: a noble fusion of sexual and r e l i g i o u s experience as the Divina Commedia shows. 62 Lewis, Op_. c i t . , p. 21. 63 "La aventura e s p i r i t u a l de l a Carcel de amor," Rev i s t a de F i l o l o g i a Espanola, 49 (1966), —289-300. 64 J . Ornstein, "La misoginia y e l profeminismo en l a l i t e r a t u r a castellana," Revista de F i l o l o g i a Espanola, 3 (1941), »,.„ 219*32. See especially p?228. 65 Ibid., p.220. 66 Ibid., p.230. 67 A. Giannini, "La Carcel de amor y II Cortegiano de B. de Castiglione," Revue Hispanique.46 (1919), . 547-68. J r 76 Chapter Four Structure and Style Genre Although Menendez y Pelayo c l a s s i f i e d Carcel de amor as a sentimental novel, i t i s not a novel properly speaking, since the novel was a l i t e r a r y form unknown to mediaeval rhetoric and even to the new A r i s t o t e l i a n l i t e r a r y theory 1 of the sixteenth century. Anna Krause i d e n t i f i e s i t with 2 the tractatus l a t i n o . According to the c l a s s i c a l rhetoric upon which mediaeval rhetoric i s based, the narratio i t s e l f i s a part of discourse and a digression within i t ; what Andrew's 3 Lexicon described as a homily or e p i s t l e , a tractatus. However, the term did not describe a l i t e r a r y genre but a r h e t o r i c a l technique based on precepts formulated by the c l a s s i c a l writers and adopted by the Fathers of the Church i n the'exegesis o f C h r i s t i a n and c l a s s i c a l texts. Later, t h i s technique became very popular among vernacular writers, who underlined the cultivated nature of t h e i r works by stressing t h e i r c l a s s i c a l form. "Gonzalo fue so nomne gue f i z o este tractado" wrote Gonzalo de Berceo i n the 4 thirteenth century, and l a t e r , Juan Ruiz and Juan Manuel 5 also c a l l e d t h e i r works tractados. The verb trattare became the common term among I t a l i a n humanists to describe t h e i r c r a f t : "ma per t r a t t a r del ben ch'io t r o v a i " (Divina Commedia [ i n f . I, 8*3 ). and t h e i r followers among the courtly writers of John II popularized the term i n f i f t e e n t h cen- 77 tury Spain. 6 However, not a l l mediaeval prose can be included i n either the d e f i n i t i o n of a tractatus, or i n any other rhet7 o r i c a l - form such as the novel of chivalry. In e f f e c t , most prose writers applied the term tractatus i n a very broad sense. I t could mean a narrative (La cronica de Pedro Nino), a discourse meant to prove a theory (Como a l omne es necessario amar), or a dissertation condemning or defending something (Reprobacion d e l amor mundano by Martinez de Toledo or Tractado en defensa de las virtuosas mu jeres by Mosen Diego d e V a l e r a ) . The f i c t i o n a l nature of Carcel de amor, i t s prose form, and i t s inclusion of chivalresque elements and e p i s t l e s detach i t from the t r a d i t i o n a l tractatus, and place i t among a unique l i t e r a r y genre not found i n mediaeval rheto- r i c ; a kind of work that resembles what was l a t e r c a l l e d a "novel", and one which developed from the narratio or 8 tractatus. I t i s also a forerunner of the epistolary novel 9 as Charles E. Kany has pointed out, but i t cannot yet be considered an epistolary novel because the action i s not carried out e n t i r e l y by l e t t e r s , but depends also on d i r e c t narration from the author. Kany simply describes the Carcel as a "prose story i n which l e t t e r s have come to assume a 10 s i g n i f i c a n t position i n the r o l e . " The sentimental con- tent of t h i s story and the relationship of ' i t s form to the narratio, the epistolary novel, and the novel i n general, should be s u f f i c i e n t to allow us to accept Menendez y Pe- 78 layo's approximate term f o r i t : "novela sentimental". The use of the l e t t e r i n the sentimental novel i s s i g n i f i c a n t . I t incorporates into f i c t i o n a l narrative a v e r i s i m i l a r means to express the emotional l i f e of the characters. The love l e t t e r was a popular form of t e l l i n g about a love a f f a i r or about a love story. Ovid had adapted the personal and subjective style of the elegy into a new 11 kind of narrative poetry i n the f i f t h book of T r i s t i a . He applied the technigue of addressing an i n d i v i d u a l on the most emotionally disturbing fact known to man i n an e r o t i c context. Love substitutes death as the ultimate human experience, and the beloved becomes the poem's cause and object. Henceforth, the love l e t t e r was established as the ideal form of narrating or exposing an amorous relationship. Allegory Carcel de amor begins with the allegory of the prison of love. San Pedro offers a p l a s t i c representation of the story he i s about to convey. Adopting an autobiographical style, he t e l l s us about his encounter with a savage c a l l e d Deseo, who i s armed as a knight and i s holding the image of a woman with h i s right hand: "de tan estrema hermosura que me turbaua l a vista."(p.116) The savage knight i s dragging behind him a man who burns with the f i r e emanating from the woman's image. The man j u s t i f i e s his torture i n the name of h i s " f a i t h " and begs the author's help. Together, they a r r i v e at the prison of love, a strange tower on the 79 height of a mountain. The author gives a detailed description of the place and the tower. The foundation of the tower i s a strong and clear rock which supports four t a l l p i l l a r s of purple marble. The tower has three corners, each with a human image made of metal - " l a una de leonado, l a otra de negro y l a otra de p a r d i l l o " ( p . H 7 ) - holding a chain with i t s hands. On the top of the tower there i s an eagle which i r r a d i a t e s f i r e through i t s beak and wings. He can hear the two guards of the tower, Desdicha and Desamor, who are watch- ing constantly. The author climbs the dark stairway that leads to the entrance, and there the doorman asks him to leave his arms before entering (though they are not the arms of t r a v e l l e r s but those of the heart): "Descanso, Esperanca. y Contentamiento". Later, another guard makes the same request and f i n a l l y , the author enters the chamber on top of the tower where he sees the prisoner of the savage knight s i t ting on a chair of f i r e . Leriano i s t i e d with the chains held by the three images on the corners of the tower. duenas i n mourning who Two are weeping incessantly, place a crown with iron thorns on his head. A Negro dressed i n y e l low comes to beat him regularly with a shield that comes from out of his head. Three servants feed him gravely while an old man s i t s besides him i n deep thought. Leriano then no- t i c e s the author staring at him i n amazement, and to thank him f o r having come to his aid, he t e l l s him the story of his Prison of Love. This i s a perfect allegory according to mediaeval rhet- 80 o r i c , that i s to say, i t does not i d e n t i f y any aspect of the v i s i o n except for Deseo and Amor at the beginning. I t i s l e f t to the imagination of the reader to discern what everything stands f o r , and while the modern reader may not be able to recognize the symbols, they were f a m i l i a r to the mediaeval reader. The allegory was a favourite form among poets i n the Middle Ages. It represented an esthetic interpretation of abstract ideas which man had not yet 12 learned to examine subjectively. The idea of the Prison of Love was not o r i g i n a l . Visions, Hells, Purgatories, Castles, and Prisons of Love abound throughout mediaeval 13 literature. San Pedro only applied the f a m i l i a r symbols of e r o t i c suffering to represent i n p l a s t i c form the story of Leriano's unrequited love for Laureola. This helps him to explain the theory of love that ruled the sentimental l i f e of his milieu. However, the d e t a i l s we f i n d within the prison do not e n t i r e l y belong to t r a d i t i o n a l allegory. The setting of the v i s i o n i n a wilderness i s a commonplace, best known through 14 Dante's Commedia and the "caballero salvaje". generally stands either for a man Deseo l i k e Amadis (whose pas- sion and s u f f e r i n g dehumanize him and forces him to leave society and hide i n nature), or f o r desire i n general. The black prison, f i e r y chair, dark stairway, and mourning maidens and guards can be found i n other popular f i f t e e n t h century a l l e g o r i e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n Badouin's Prison d'amour, the matiere de Bretagne, and scattered throughout many 81 Spanish works. 15 But the courtly language of Deseo, the symbolic use of heraldic colours i n an e r o t i c sense, the tortures i n f l i c t e d on Leriano, and the eagle on the tower are a l l San Pedro's o r i g i n a l contribution to the allegory 16 of love i n C a s t i l i a n f i c t i o n . The author transforms Deseo into the symbol of a "certain inborn suffering from the sight of and excessive meditation upon the beauty of the opposite sex." which Andreas describes i n the F i r s t Book of De Arte honeste 17 amandi. Deseo i s the cause and constant nourishment of courtly love. His wildness represents the unrestrained nature of desire, but his manners and speech betray i t s courtly essence: Caminante, segund mi natural condicion, ninguna respuesta quisiera darte, porque mi o f i c i o mas es para secutar mal que para responder bienj pero como sienpre me cri£ entre hombres de buena crianca, v s a r i contigo de l a gentileza que aprendi y no de l a braueza de mi natural.(p.117) Deseo i s courtly love i t s e l f ? an a r t i f i c i a l and conventional concept of love which i s practised only by "hombres de buena crianca". The meaning of the three images on the corners of the tower i s based i n t h e i r colours: "leonado . . . negro . . . p a r d i l l o " . In mediaeval heraldry, these colours represent sadness, anguish, and labour. The eagle at the top of the tower s i g n i f i e s the unmatched intensity of Leriano's f e e l ing of imprisonment. The use of these noble symbols stresses the a r i s t o c r a t i c character of courtly love. The author 82 wishes to make i t clear that the l o f t y pains of i d e a l love are reserved f o r the highborn, as Coleria's cry corroborates l a t e r : "bienaventurados los baxos de condicion y rudos de engenio, que no pueden sentir l a s cosas sino en e l grado que las entienden".(p.209) The tortures i n f l i c t e d upon Leriano are conceived i n terms of the "Religion of Love". The perfect lover i s regularly whipped and i s crowned with iron thorns. He burns without ever being consumed by the flames and he bears h i s pains with a martyr's resignation. San Pedro's apparent irreverence was a common l i t e r a r y resource among courtly writers. Ever since the author of Concilium i n Monte Ro19 marici decided to take over Ovid's concept of an e r o t i c r e l i g i o n and proceeded to elaborate i t i n terms of Christ i a n i t y , poets had been imitating the Liturgy and Scriptures i n an e r o t i c sense; some consciously i n the s p i r i t of parody, and some, l i k e Chretien de Troyes and San Pedro, 20 to represent better the strongest of worldy emotions. Leriano i s i n the same t r a d i t i o n as Lancelot, as they both serve the god Amor and venerate the image of the beloved. Lancelot worships the fountain, meadow, and comb touched 21 by Guinevere as i f they were r e l i c s . Leriano worships the image of Laureola held by Deseo, and his pains are depicted as those of Christ. San Pedro, l i k e Chretien, could not f i n d a more eloquent way to express the perfect lover's passion than by portraying i t i n sacred terms. San Pedro's version of the theory of courtly love i s 83 b e a u t i f u l l y represented i n the structures of the prison of love. The foundation of the tower i s faiths "una piedra tan fuerte de su condicion y tan c l a r a de su natural cual nunca otra t a l jamas habfa visto"(p.118). On the rock of f a i t h rest the p i l l a r s that support Leriano's loves Entendimiento, Razon, Memoria j Voluntad? According to Andreas, desire leads to love, and t h i s cannot e x i s t unless the lover i s able to hope for the fulfilment of his desire. In t h i s way, f a i t h becomes the basic sustaining force of love. In order f o r t h i s phenomenon to take place, the r a t i o n a l elements of man must become subordinate to the impulse of desire. San Pedro's poetic rendering of t h i s incident i s as followss Los quatro p i l a r e s que asientan sobre e l l a \hhe rock of his f a i t h j son mi entendimiento y mi razon y mi memoria y mi voluntad, los quales mand6 Amor parescer en su presencia antes que me sentenciase, y por hazer de mi iusta i u s t i c i a pregunt6 por sf a cada vno s i consent i a que me prendiesen, porque s i alguno no consintiese me absoluerfa de l a pena. A lo cual respondieron todos en esta manera: Dixo e l Entendimiento: "Yo consiento a l mal de l a pena por e l bien de l a causa, de cuya raz6n es mi voto que se prenda". Dixo l a Raz6ns "Yo no solamente do consentimiento en l a p r i s i o n , mas ordeno que muera, que meior le estarS l a dichosa muerte que l a desesperada vida, segund por quien ha de s o f r i r " . Dixo l a Memoria: "Pues e l Entendimiento y la Razon consienten por que s i n morir no pueda ser l i b r e , yo prometo de nunca olvidar". Dixo l a Voluntad: "Pues que a s s i es, yo quiero ser llaue de su p r i s i o n y determino de siempre querer". (pp. 122-3) Understanding capitulates and Reason forsees the inev i t a b l e destiny of Leriano, since the cause of his desire i s a lady most worthy of eternal love. Andreas had c l e a r l y 84 established that perfect love i s the pure, never s a t i s f i e d desire. Laureola's great v i r t u e leaves no room to expect r e t r i b u t i o n , and Leriano knows that from the moment he f a l l s i n love with her. That i s why he i s imprisoned awaiting death. His Reason r e a l i z e s the pointlessness of his Faith, but can do nothing to prevent i t , so great i s the cause f o r Desire. The decisions of Memoria and Voluntad are the just consequence of what Entendimiento and Razon have agreed upon. Together, they w i l l support Amor's resolution to take Leriano prisoner. We are t o l d i n the following section what every e l e ment of the v i s i o n s i g n i f i e s , and a l i n k between the v i s i o n and the remaining action of the story i s maintained: El Auctor " has seen the v i s i o n , not dreamed of i t l i k e Berceo 1 in the Milagros de Nuestra Sefiora, and he returns to i t l a t e r a f t e r his meeting with Laureola i n the court of Macedonia. He refers repeatedly to the Prison, thus investing i t with a very physical and r e a l i s t i c presence. The t r a n s i t i o n between the a l l e g o r i c and the r e a l world i s subtle and contributes to the creation of a dream-like atmosphere 22 that renders the novel more romantic. We are i n the realm of ideal love and lovers, where the author i s a witness by v i r t u e of his poetic s e n s i t i v i t y . San Pedro leads us from one world to the other by means of imperfect a l l e g o r i e s , such as that of the wild knight Deseo, and later, Conten- tamiento, Esperanca, Descanso, Alegria, Holganca, and Plazer. That i s to say, he uses a l l e g o r i c a l characters i d e n t i f i e d by t h e i r names and symbolic values, and i n t h i s 85 manner he transports us halfway between the two worlds described. Cclrcel de amor develops the dream of the Roman de la Rose by Guillaume de L o r r i s into a true story. The abstract people and places representing actual l i f e i n the Roman become concrete characters, circumstances, and settings i n the Carcel. The a l l e g o r i c a l representations in the l a t t e r are only a l y r i c a l element meant to define p o e t i c a l l y the emotional aspect of San Pedro's novel. Guillaume de L o r r i s gives us an account of imaginative passion as i t was believed to e x i s t . In the Roman the hero and heroine are removed from the t a l e . We look at the narrator's dream through the eyes of the lover, and the lady's character i s distributed among personifications. We encounter her as Courtesy, Pride, Fear, Shame, Kindness, Pity and Modesty, 23 as the dreamer discovers new aspects of her personality. In Carcel de amor E l Auctor conveys to the reader the lady's emotional reactions to the circumstances he i s nar- rating as he perceives them i n her demeanor. Leriano's feelings are depicted a l l e g o r i c a l l y because they are the overwhelming r e s u l t of the malady of love, although h i s personality l i k e Laureola's, i s described as the author perceives i t . The difference between the Roman and the Carcel i s partly the difference between poetry and f i c t i o n . While the former deals with the psychological i n an obviously subjective manner (through the lover's eyes) f o r a l y r i c a l purpose, the l a t t e r adopts a narrative perspect i v e that j u s t i f i e s the author's reasons f o r writing, and 86 his opinions and feelings towards his narration. Style The novel i s formed by several r h e t o r i c a l units a l l c a r e f u l l y modelled on t r e a t i s e s . San Pedro fuses the narr a t i o , e p i s t l e s , discourses, 24 tatio planctus, harangue, and argumen- into a coherent and polished work whose entertaining quality was r e f l e c t e d i n i t s tremendous success. Like a l l c u l t i v a t e d mediaeval writers, San Pedro was concerned with propriety and decorum i n the content of his narrative i n the way he was and to convey i t . The idea of o r i g i n a l i t y i n s t y l e did not enter into the mind of the mediaeval writer. Manuals showed him correct way of writing through the s tU{ able l i t e r a r y models. His purpose was the * y of the best a v a i l to i n s t r u c t while delighting, and he considered himself a craftsman c a r e f u l l y applying the rules of his c r a f t . Each of the r h e t o r i c a l units found i n the Carcel i s meticulously developed accord- ing to established rules. The manner i n which San Pedro develops the e p i s t o l a r y form i s e s p e c i a l l y noteworthy. The l e t t e r was supposed to begin with a s a l u t a t i o ; usually a very b r i e f greeting, or mentioning of the names of the person addressed. San Pedro l i m i t s the s a l u t a t i o to an i n d i c a t i o n of the name of the r e c i p i e n t ; Laureola, Leriano, Padre, Persio, etc.. Then came the exordium which appealed for the reader's i n t e r e s t , often through a convention c a l l e d captatio benevolentiae. This was the means 87 to attract the reader's attention or c u r i o s i t y by praising him, requesting his mercy, stressing h i s state of mind, etc.. We can see, f o r instance, how Leriano seeks Laureol a 's p i t y : Si touiera t a l razon para escreuirte como para quererte, s i n miedo l o osara hazer: mas en saber que escriuo para t i s e turba e l seso y se pierde e l sentido, y desta causa antes que lo comencase toue conmigo grand confusion: mi fe dezia gue osase, tu grandeza gue temiese: en lo vno hallaua esperanca y por l o otro desesperaua, y en e l cabo acord£ esto. Mas, guay de mi, gue comence tenprano a dolerme y tarde a quexarme, porque a t a l tienpo soy yinido, que s i a l guna merced te meresciese, no ay en mi cosa biua para s e n t i l l a , sino sola mi f e . E l coracon esta s i n fuerca y e l alma s i n poder y e l i u y z i o s i n memoria.(pp.132-3) Following the exordium was the expositio or narratio, the main body of the l e t t e r which explains what i t i s about. Leriano wants Laureola to know about his love f o r her and to acknowledge his torments by showing mercy-towards him: Podras dezir que como pense escreuirte: no t e marauilles, que tu hermosura causo e l a f i c i 6 n , y e l a f i c i o n e l deseo, y . e l deseo l a pena, y l a pena e l atreuimiento; y s i porque l o hize te pareciere que merezco muerte, ma"ndamela dar, que muy meior es morir por tu causa que beuir s i n tu (si c 3 esperanca. Y hablandote verdad, l a muerte, s i n que tu me l a dieses yo mismo me-la darla, por h a l i a r en e l l a l a l i b e r t a d que en l a vida busco, s i tu no ouieses de quedar infamada por matadora: pues mal auenturado fuese e l remedio que a mi l i b r a s e de pena y a t i te causase culpa.(p.133) The expositio was followed by a p e t i t i o , the reason for writing the l e t t e r and usually the p e t i t i o n of a f avour: 88 Por quitar tales inconueniencias, te sup l i c o que hagas tu carta galardon de mis males, que avngue no me mate por l o que a t i toca, no podre beuir por l o que yo sufro, y todavia quedaras condenada.(pp.133-4) The l e t t e r ended with a conclusio that could be either a r e c a p i t u l a t i o n of the matter previously expounded, or a f i n a l attempt to gain sympathy. Leriano's conclusio i s brief: S i algund bien quisieres hazerme, no l o r tardes, s i no podra ser que tengas tienpo de arepentirte y no lugar de remediarme.(p.134) A l l other r h e t o r i c a l units - the " c a r t e l de desafio", Leriano's answer, the harangue to the caualleros. the " l l a n to de l a madre de Leriano", the "discursos razonados" by the Cardinal, the King, and Leriano's on defense of women - present the same application of r h e t o r i c a l rules. I f the d i s courses are examined as the e p i s t l e was, the same c a r e f u l development of the e x i s t i n g theories on the subject would be found. We f i n d t r e a t i s e s i n f i f t e e n t h century Spain dealing 25 with duel laws. Keith Whinnom finds a surprising resem- blance between Persio's l e t t e r and a l e t t e r of 1480 i n which Don Diego L6pez de Haro, challenged Don Pedro Fajar26 do to a duel. The harangue to the troops also c l o s e l y follows the formulae expounded i n the artes aregandi. I t consisted mainly of praises of the soldiers' courage and strength, appeals to the fame of t h e i r ancestors, explanat i o n of the reasons for the battle, attempts to convince the troops of t h e i r right to exterminate the enemy and of 89 the glory involved i n either v i c t o r y or death f o r the causes como sea mas estimada l a v i r t u d que l a muchedunbre, v i s t a l a vuestra, antes temo necesidad.de ventura que de caualleros, y con esta consideraci6n en solos vosotros tengo esperanca . . . Agora se nos ofrece causa para dexar l a bondad que eredamos a los que nos han de eredar . . . Grandes apareios tenemos por osars l a bondad nos obliga, l a i u s t i c i a nos esfuerca, l a necesidad nos apremia. No ay cosa por que deuamos temer y ay m i l l para que deuamos morir.(pp.180-1) 27 The " l l a n t o de su madre de Leriano" i s a planctus. Its rules are found i n the artes poeticae and i t i s derived from the c l a s s i c a l apostrophe. I t s most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c e l e ments are the exclamatio and the interroqatio, and i t may include a great number of themes such as apostrophes to famous h i s t o r i c a l figures, objects, countries, or i l l u s trious l i v i n g personages. The planto or endecha was a very widely practised form i n fifteenth-century Spain and excelled i n the famous Coplas of Jorge Manrique. The duchess Coleria explains to Leriano the i l l omens that made her come to his side when she saw his helpless s i t u a t i o n , and she bursts into tears lamenting her son's fate. She addresses Leriano, though he cannot hear her: "\0 alegre descanso de mi vegez, o dulce hartura de mi voluntad!", " 0 muerte cruel enemiga . . .! Tan traidora eres. . ."(p.210) and p a i n f u l l y r e a l i z e s her future l i f e , lonely without her only son and awaiting her own end "£Que sera de mi vegez contenplando en e l f i n de tu juventud?"(p.210) "con dolor sera mi beuir y mi comer y mi pensar y mi dormir, hasta que su fuerca y mi deseo me lieuen a tu sepoltura"(p.211). 90 Stephan Gilman has compared Coleria's planto to that of Pleberio i n La Celestina, but although they may be techni- c a l l y comparable, they are guite d i f f e r e n t i n mood. The despair and desolation of Pleberio when he c a l l s love, "a mysterious and t e r r i b l e goddess whose e v i l influence poisons and corrupts human l i f e " , and sensing the "chaotic imperso28 n a l i t y of the universe" are not at a l l the legitimate g r i e f of Leriano's mother, she does not blame love for causing the death of her son. She r e a l i z e s the power of the passion that i s k i l l i n g him, but she accepts the fact that he, l i k e a l l high-born men, cannot help loving as he does. Coleria's "pluguiera a Dios que fueras tu de los torpes en e l s e n t i r , que meior me estuuiera ser llamada con tu vida madre del rudo"(p.210), sounds at once sincere and self-complacent. Leriano's imminent death f i l l s her with sadness, but she blames his death on his superior soul, " s o t i l j u i z i o " . The l l a n t o crowns the highly emotional tone of the novel; i t gathers together and explains the events of the tragedy: "Tan poderoso fue tu mal que no tuuiste para con 51 ningund remedio"(pp.210-11). Keith Whinnom has studied c l o s e l y the language and 29 s t y l e of Carcel de amor and Arnalte y_ Lucenda, following the observation made by G i l i y Gaya and l a t e r developed by ^30 Carmelo Samona, that the s t y l e of the Carcel i s superior to that of the Arnalte and constitutes a considerable im- provement or "pulimento". Whinnom finds that the main chara c t e r i s t i c s of what he c a l l s "San Pedro's S t y l i s t i c reform" are: 91 a ) the abandonment of syntactical latinisms such as the postponement of the verb and the use of the Latin subjunctive, b) the reduction of the use of "acoustic conceits" or "figures of sound" l i k e the annominatio and and paranomeon, and c) the employment of the techniques of 31 abbrevatio i n narrative s t y l e . Both Whinnom and Samona f e e l that the changes i n San Pedro's s t y l e are due mainly to a change i n the l i t e r a r y taste of the period, a changing i n t e l l e c t u a l climate, and as Whinnom i n s i s t s , to the advent of Humanism. Preceptists l i k e Nebrija were censoring the imitation of L a t i n syntax in Spanish and the use of rhyme i n proses " l a barbaria, por 32 todas partes de Espafia tan ancha y luengamente derramada". Also, Juan de l a Encina advised strongly against these uses and against ornamental excessess " e l guisado con mucha miel 33 no es bueno." Nebrija and his followers went back to the newly discovered l a t e c l a s s i c a l grammarians. They imposed a new rhetoric which was eagerly learned and assimilated by the ladies of the court, who consequently preferred the simple unadorned s t y l e of the Sermon to that of Arnalte y_ Lucenda s because "a Dona Marina Manuel l e parescfa tilo menos malo que e l que puse en otro tratado que mio."(p.114). Whinnom believes (as was e l esvido stated i n Chapter I) that San Pedro's reform represents not only a slow evolution of technique, but also a conscious e f f o r t to adapt himself 92 to the demands of his enlightened audience. 34 Whinnom thinks that San Pedro's reform starts i n the Serm6n, although here h i s intention was merely to use the sermo simplex form for his parody, and he was not consciously trying to simplify the r h e t o r i c a l l y ornamented manner of his f i r s t novel. San Pedro became aware of the need to modify h i s prose on hearing the comments of Dona Marina Manuel, and r e a l i z e d that his public preferred a more d i r e c t and unpretentious s t y l e . This r e a l i z a t i o n led him to study the new rhetoric and to apply i t i n his new novel. The use of syntactical latinisms such as the postponement of the verb and the use of the Latin subjunctive, were very popular among fifteenth-century rhetoricians, and San Pedro employs them generously i n the Arnalte. Any passage chosen at random may serve as an example of his f i r s t conspicuos use of latinisms: Pues como l a hora d e l dormir l a f i e s t a presente en tregua puso, cada vno a su posada a reposar se reparte. y como yo mas para trabajo que para reposo apercibido estouiesse, quando Lucenda de l a Reyna fug despedida, con dissimuladas razones por ver l a sentencia de mi carta tras e l l a qui£, y non solamente fasta su posada l a acompane, mas fasta su camara l a segui. Pero en todo este tiempo ningund papel en l a mano tom6. y a s l s i n ma's certenidad aquella noche estuue. (p.35) In the Arnalte Whinnom finds that the verb of the p r i n c i p a l clause i s postponed i n about half of the cases, while the verb i n the subordinate clause i s postponed i n about three-quarters of the cases. Neither.in the Sermon nor i n the Carcel do we f i n d an example of verbs which have been a r t i f i c i a l l y postponed, and fewer than three per cent of 93 postponed verbs are i n subordinate clauses. The use of como followed by the past subjunctive (corresponding to the Latin cum plus the imperfect i s repeated subjunctive) i n s i s t e n t l y i n the Arnalte. In one paragraph alone we f i n d as many as s i x examples of t h i s latinism: Pues como Thebas mi naturaleza fuese. y como e l Rey l o mas del tiempo en e l l a gastasse, . . . Y como hombre de mucha autoridad y honrra fuese„ . . . E como en medio del templo e l cuerpo se pusiese. . . . Y como l a ruuiura d e l l o s tan grande fuese e las muchas lagrimas del rostro mas l e encendiesen y aclarassen. . . . Y como e l l l a n t o presente de su publicaci6n fuese causa de y e r l a t a l . . .(p.19) This latinism i s rare i n the Carcel though i t s t i l l occurs at times: "y como l a escuridad y l a poca sabiduria de l a t i e r r a me fuesen contrarias"(p.118). Whinnom finds thirteen of these cases i n the opening chapter of Arnalte, but only two i n the corresponding chapter of the Carcel. Whinnom also notices a considerable reduction of rheto r i c a l colours. He bases his d e f i n i t i o n s and examples on the anonymous Rhetorica ad Herennium, and finds that the acoustic conceits most used by San Pedro i n the Arnalte are 35 annomi)riatio and paranomeon. The f i r s t i s the r e p e t i t i o n of the same word, adjective, or noun i n d i f f e r e n t cases of i t s declension; "Nunca haze desconcierto; en todo y por todo a c i e r t a , / sigue a Dios, que es l o mas c i e r t o , / y desconcierta e l concierto/ que l o contrario concierta"(p.15). This device i s used only sparingly throughout the Carcel and i s limited to two similar^elements i n one sentence; also, when t h i s device appears i n the Cctrcel i t i s not as a meaningless play on words, but i n a s i g n i f i c a n t context: 94 "yguales en cerimonia avnque desiguales en. fama.".(152). The second acoustic conceit, a l l i t e r a t i o n or paranomeon, i s almost t o t a l l y absent from the C a r c e l although i t abounds in the Arnalte: "E non de dicha me quexara siquando l a mano en e l papel puse, l a gouernadora d e l l a peresciera: pues de l i b r e , catiua guise ser, dandote prenda s i n nada deberte" (p.54). San Pedro also eliminates the use of rhymed prose from the Cdrcel. Whinnom suggests that he may have previously been inspired by the Goliardic rhythm of Walter C h a t i l l o n which was adopted by Thomas a Kempis i n his Imitatio C h r i s t i where we f i n d an exact Latin analogue to San Pedro's s t y l e i n Arnalte: "pero mas con temor de su no, que con esperanca de su s i , no con menos dolor que acatamiento allegue, y con desigualados sospiros y con turbaci6n conoscida, que quisiese comigo dancar l e suplique"(p.32). The f i n a l most outstanding s t y l i s t i c reform introduced by San Pedro consists i n the employment of the techniques of abbreviatio. Whinnom counts twenty-three cases of the brevitas technique frequently used to terminate a speech or a l e t t e r : " s i e l alargar no fuese enoioso"(p.206), "Y porque en detenerme en p l a t i c a tan fea ofendo mi lengua, no digo mas"(p.l30). The purpose of t h i s technigue i s to avoid r h e t o r i c a l ornaments or pointless amplificatio, and i s typi c a l of the humanist rhetoricians. The Arnalte contains only seven examples of brevitas, whereas we find many v a r i ations of t h i s technigue i n the Carcel. It i s evident that San Pedro's writing was largely 95 determined by the tastes and expectations of his audience. The v e r s a t i l i t y of his talent, and his remarkable s e n s i t i v i t y to the contemporary atmosphere allowed him to grasp the ideas and attitudes of h i s courtly public and interpret them s k i l f u l l y . In Carcel de amor he responded to the desire of the Alcaide de los Donceles that he write a love story, and to Dona Marina Manuel's wish that he improve his s t y l e . By reviewing his rhetoric i n order to overcome the f a u l t s of 36 the Arnalte, he was able to appreciate the incongruities of the hero's character which prevented him from being a perfect romantic hero f o r a more c a r e f u l l y planned love story which combined harmoniously r h e t o r i c a l devices, language, and content. The r e l a t i v e s i m p l i c i t y of the new rhet- o r i c , the c a r e f u l application of the diverse topoi, and the choice of the epistolary form to convey a•sentimental mood, were a key to the success of the Carcel. San Pedro succeded i n his e f f o r t s because of his readiness to please and to ingratiate himself with his public. Unity and Structure San Pedro's a r t i s t r y has been underestimated by the c r i t i c s who, on the one hand, praise his style, on the other, condemn the apparent lack of unity i n the Carcel. Menendez y Pelayo, for instance, refers to "elementos que entran 37 en l a fabula . . . confusamente hacinados y yuxtapuestos;" Bruce Wardropper has pointed out that i t i s d i f f i c u l t to understand such disunity of purpose and tone i n a writer 38 who attends so consciously to minute d e t a i l s of s t y l e . 96 The Carcel de amor i s a story about the servitude of love and torture suffered by a lover. It develops the allegory already suggested i n the t i t l e into a story. From beginning to end, the novel appears as a c a r e f u l l y planned exposition of a courtly theory of love, and i t s thematic unity can hardly be questioned. A l l secondary incidents - duels, Laureola's imprisonment, appeals to the King, etc. - are 39 subordinated to the love story. The three v i t a l factors that give the Carcel unity are (1) the theme - courtly love (the prison of love already studied i n Chapter 3 of t h i s work), (2) the e p i s t o l a r y structure of the novel, and (3) the role of E l Auctor. It has been noted that the novel i s conceived as a l e t t e r to "vuestra merced", Don Diego Hernandez de c6rdoba, and that i t developed i n accordance with the r h e t o r i c a l rules i n vogue at the time. It opens with a s a l u t a t i o , "Muy virtuoso senor" and proceeds to narrate the story a f t e r the pertinent exordium i s presented as a prologue. By using the epistolary form, San Pedro feigns an h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y that renders the t a l e v e r i s i m i l a r . This r e a l i s t i c appearance i s further supported by the active role played by the author i n the events narrated. San Pedro pretends to be one of the protagonists of his novel and thus j u s t i f i e s his first-hand perspective as narrator. He pretends to be t e l l i n g us his experience, describing the events he witnessed, reporting what the characters told him or wrote i n the l e t t e r s he delivered, the reactions he 97 noticed i n people and his own reactions to the events and characters. A l l of t h i s strengthens the i l l u s i o n of h i s t o r - i c i t y . Perhaps, the fact that each of these aspects of the tale have been studied separately i s what has confused the c r i t i c s . They are not "hacinados" or "maladroitement associes", but c a r e f u l l y selected elements within a structure they help create and on which they depend. San Pedro i s reinterpreting his supposed experience through the sadness caused by Leriano's death. By r e c a l l i n g his reactions to the events he i s narrating he j u s t i f i e s his l e t t e r to "vuestra merced". He not only witnessed the tragedy, but was part of i t ; he became Leriano's confident and friend, and he was the'go-between'twixt him and Laureo- la and knew of their joys and sorrows. The constant recalling of his feelings and reflexions on the incidents revealed, keeps the i n d i v i d u a l elements c l o s e l y united. This explains the zealous descriptions of incidents and characters, for example: Y con este acuerdo bolui otro dia a palacio para ver que* rostro h a l l a r f a en Laureola, la qual, como me vido trat6me de l a primera manera, s i n que ninguna mudanca hiziese: de cuya seguridad tome" grandes sospecnas. Pensaua s i lo hazla por no esquiuarme, no auiendo por mal que tornase a l a raz6n comencada. Creia que disimulaua por tornar a l p r o p 6 s i t o para tomar emienda de mi atreuimiento, de manera que no sabira a qual de mis pensamientos diese f e . (pp. 130-1) or Tanta c o n f u s i 6 n me ponlan las cosas de Laureola, que quando pensaua que mSs l a entendla menos sabia de su voluntad. Quando tenia mas esperanca me daua mayor desuioj quando estaua seguro, me ponlan mayores miedos sus desatinos, 98 cegauan mi conocimiento. En e l recebir l a carta me s a t i s f i z o ; en e l f i n de su habla me desespero. No sabia que" camino siguiese en que esperanca hallase, y como onbre s i n conseio.(p.137^ Because San Pedro i s not primarily concerned with desc r i b i n g or reproducing dialogues such as his entire conversations with Laureola, he alludes to them b r i e f l y by means of the brevitas topos: "Concluyendo, porque me alargo, e l rey mando apartar e l conbate con p£rdida de mucha parte de sus caualleros, en especial de los mancebos cortesanos, que sienpre buscan e l peligro por gloria"(p.l80). Bruce Wardropper thinks that E l Auctor and Leriano embody two sides of San Pedro's character, the sentimental and the r a t i o n a l , but i t might be argued that the sentimental and r a t i o n a l aspects of San Pedro are represented i n E l Auctor and the author respectively, though the aspects overlap. The author i s r a t i o n a l i z i n g the events and presenting us with his supposed emotional reactions to them. E l Auctor i s portrayed acting out h i s emotion: Por c i e r t o no he avido menos plazer de oyrte que dolor de uerte, porque en tu persona se muestra tu pena, y en tus razones se conosce tu bondad. Sienpre en l a peior fortuna socorren los virtuosos, como tu agora a mi heziste; . . . Tanta a f i c i o n te tengo, y tanto me ha obligado amarte tu nobleza, que avria tu remedio por galard6n de mis trabaios.(pp.125 and 126) The author gathers a l l the ingredients of the story and uses them i n an autobiographic f i c t i o n : Despu£s de hecha l a guerra del ano pasado, viniendo a tener e i inuierno a mi pobre reposo, pasando vna manana, quando ya e l s o l queria esclarecer i a t i e r r a , por vnos v a l i e s hondos y escuros en l a Sierra Morena, v i . . . (pp.115-6) 99 The pseudo-autobiographic nature of the novel made Menen- dez y Pelayo and l a t e r c r i t i c s assume that San Pedro was in fact disguising i n l i t e r a r y form a love a f f a i r i n which he had been involved. Thus, they i d e n t i f y the author with Leriano and the a l l e g o r i c a l Prison of Love with the castle of Penafiel of which he was alcaide. In his e d i t i o n of the Circe 1, Moreno Bciez takes f o r granted that "hay agui e l r e f l e j o de una vivencia del autor. ^Quien no recuerda a l a monja de l a que segun e l prefacio de su Pasi6n estuvo 40 morado?" ena- These c r i t i c s f a i l to appreciate the novel's un- questionable indebtedness to the courtly love t r a d i t i o n , i t s purpose of d e l i g h t i n g i t s a r i s t o c r a t i c audience by giving l i f e to the convention of noble love, and i t s poetic essence rendered r e a l by means of c a r e f u l l y selected form, style*: and language. In his important study of the picaresque novel, Francisco Rico has c l e a r l y underlined the significance of the epistolary form i n the development of the novels En e l Renacimiento, l a obra de arte . . . se entiende como un segmento del universo segun lo observa una persona determinada, desde un determinado punto de v i s t a , en un momento determinado . . . E l minimo comun denominador de l a tecnica narrativa consiste en someter todos los ingredientes del r e l a t o a un punto de v i s t a singul a r : en las ficciones autobiograficas . . . a l convertirse e l protagonista en e s c r i t o r . . . se j u s t i f i c a l a perspectiva del narrador, se noveliza e l punto de v i s t a . 41 Therefore, the epistolary form, as well as being the best l i t e r a r y form for confessions or rendering confident i a l information, also j u s t i f i e s the writer's perspective 100 and reinforces the i l l u s i o n of r e a l i t y : "La carta c o n c i l i a 42 l a t r a d i c i o n r e t 6 r i c a con una modesta h i s t o r i c i d a d " . San Pedro's intention of translating h i s theory of courtly love as f i r s t expressed i n the Serm6n into a convincing story, found shape i n the s t y l e of the l e t t e r and the contemporary rhetoric of the Isabeline court. San Pedro, l i k e the author of L a z a r i l l o , i n t u i t i v e l y recognized the need f o r a r e a l i s t i c novelization of the author's point of view, and t h i s was 43 l a t e r to become the primary aim of the modern novel. 101 Footnotes to Chapter Four 1 2 See Whinnom, 2, 47. Anna Krause, " E l 'tractado' n o v e l i s t i c o de Diego de San Pedro," B u l l e t i n Hispanique. 54 (1952), 245-75. See especially p.249. 3 Cited by A. Krause i n a r t , c i t . , p.246. 4 Gonzalo de Berceo, Milaqros de Nuestra Sefiora, ed. A. G. Solalinde (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1952). 5 Juan Manuel, Tractado en que se prueba por razon que l a Virgen Maria esta en cuerpo y alma en e l Paraiso; Juan Ruiz refers constantly to his Libro de buen amor as a tractado: Martinez de Toledo also refers to i t as: " E l exenplo antiguo e l que puso e l Arcipreste en su tractado." Cited by A. Krause i n " E l 'tractado* n o v e l i s t i c o , " p.247. Even though Juan Manuel writes i n prose and Juan Ruiz i n verse, the l a t t e r was using primarily the mester de c l e r e c i a , form which was considered a polished prose. 6 A. Krause, " E l 'tractado' n o v e l i s t i c o , " p.249. 7 Whinnom c a l l s i t mediaeval f i c t i o n i n Diego de San Pedro, Obras completas, 2, 47, although t h i s term could also be applied to the popular ballad which i s i n verse form. 8 Rudolph s c h e v i l l , Ovid and the Renaissance i n Spain (1913; r p t . Hildesheim: Georg 01ms, 1971), pp.87 et seg.. 9 "The Beginning of the Epistolary Novel i n France, I t a l y and Spain," University of C a l i f o r n i a Publications i n Modern Philology, 21 (Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1937), x-158. 10 Ibid., p.40. 11 ;, . • Ibid.. p.3. 12 Johan Huizinga, The Waning, pp.200-214. 13 See Chandler Rathfon Post, Mediaeval Spanish Allegory, Harvard Studies i n Comparative Literature, 4 (Cambridge,Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1915). 14 See A. D. Deyermond, " E l hombre salvaje en l a novela sentimental," Actas del 20 Congreso Internacional de Hispanistas (Nimega, 1965), pp.265-72. 102 15 16 C. R. Post, op_. c i t . . pp.88-91, 105 and 276. We f i n d heraldic colours used symbolically i n an e r o t i c sense i n some Catalan sentimental works. For some examples of e r o t i c allegory see Arseni Pacheco, Novel'letes sentimentals dels segles XIV i XV (Barcelona: Antologia Catalana, 1970), esp. Prosa feta per Romeo L l u l l i n t i t u l a d a l o deSpropiament de amor (pp.65-71), Somni de Francesc Alegre recitant 10 proces de una q u e s t i 6 enamorada(pp.89-104). 17 A. D. Deyermond, " E l hombre salvaje,'" p. 266. 18 Labour refers i n t h i s context, to a l l the deeds and pains the lover has to undergo before deserving the lady's reward. 19 Lewis, Allegory of Love, p.20. 20 Ibid., pp. 1-43. 21 Rosemarie Thee Morewedge, ed., The Role of Women i n the Middle Ages (Albany: New York Press, 1975), esp. pp.41-64. 22 I cannot agree with Keith Whinnom when he says that " l a mente moderna p r e f e r i r l a que se pudiera a i s l a r un mundo del otro, p r e f e r i r i a que se pudiera decir donde esta L e r i a no, a l l ! est5 su p r i s i 6 n emocional" (Obras, 2, 52). The subtle l i n k between both worlds corresponds to the ethereal essence of the sentimental and i d e a l nature of the novel. 23 See C. S. Lewis, Allegory of Love f o r an interpret a t i o n of the Roman de l a Rose. 24 See Whinnom*s examples of these r h e t o r i c a l units i n his e d i t i o n to San Pedro's Obras, 2, 54-4. 25 E.g. Mosen Diego de Valera, Tratado de los Rieptos y_ desaf ios que entre los cava H e r os v hi jos dalgo se acostumbran hazer, segun las costumbres de Espafia, Francia y Inqlaterra;and Alfonso de Cartagena o Gufa de Santa Maria Doctrina y_ instruccion de l a arte de c a v a l l e r f a , c i t e d by Whinnom i n Obras, 2, p.56. 26 See Erasmo Buceta, "Cartel de desafio enviado por D. Diego Lopez de Haro a l Adelantado de Murcia, Pedro Fajardo, 1480," Revue Hispanigue, 81 (1933), ,1-23, c i t e d by K. Whinnom, Obras. 2, ~ 56. 27 Whinnom describes the rules of the planto i n his e d i t i o n of San Pedro's Obras,2. 58. 103 28 . Stephen Gilman, The Spain of Fernando de Rojas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972),pp.155 and 154. 29 K. Whinnom, "Diego de San Pedro's S t y l i s t i c Reform," B u l l e t i n of Hispanic Studies, 37 (1960), .,1-15. 30 "Pall'Arnalte e Lucenda' a l i a 'Carcel de amor'," p.273. 31 "Diego de San Pedro's S t y l i s t i c Reform,"p.13. Whinnom uses the terms "acoustic conceit" and "figure of sound" i n his analysis of San Pedro's s t y l e . 32 Antonio de Nebrija, Gramatica de l a lengua c a s t e l l a na (Salamanca: Gonzalez Llubera, 1492), p.57, apud -, Whinnom "Diego de San Pedro's S t y l i s t i c Reform," p.14. 33 Ibid., p.14 34 Ibid., pp.14-15 35 Ibid., p.4 36 Judging by the Arnalte's popularity i t s f a u l t s were not a l l that evident to the contemporary public. See the "Noticia b i b l i o g r a f i c a " i n Whinnom, 2, 71-5. 37 Origenes, p. 512 38 See "Allegory and the r o l e of E l Auctor i n the O c t r ee 1 de amor," P h i l o l o g i c a l Quarterly. 31 (1952), , ... 39-44. 39 It i s not a miniature chivalry novel as Wardropper says i n " E l mundo sentimental," because the description of warfare i s more i n the manner of a chronicle than i n the f a n t a s t i c accounts of battles found i n the Amadis and similar novels. Moreover, the battle occupies a secondary place i n the Carcel. Also Marquez Villanueva (op.cit. p.. 1.85) c a l l s San Pedro's novel a novela p o l f t i c a because of the many non-romantic events that take place. Neither view i s j u s t i f i e d . See the discussion of Marguez's views i n Chapter 1 of t h i s work. 40 Carcel de amor (Madrid: Alianza E d i t o r i a l , 1974), p.24. Moreno Baez, however, does appreciate San Pedro's work as a whole and p o e t i c a l l y compares i t to a Gothic cathedral: Buscando l a clave de l a estructura de l a Cctrcel de amor en su goticismo, recordemos gue l a o j i v a nace de dos lineas que se cortan tras dibujar dos segmentos de arco, . . . Tambien se nota en e l l a s l a intenci6n de subrayar, acusandolas a l exterior, cada una de sus partes: p r i mero, l a portada, flanqueada de torres . . . y 104 cuyas esculturas,> agrupadas alegoricamente, ofrecen una s i n t e s i s anticipada de las ensenanzas de l a catedral; luego l a nave, acompanada de dos o cuatro naves l a t e r a l e s . . . mas a l l S e l crucero, tambien con sus naves laterales, gue nos detiene a l ampliar e l espacio v m u l t i p l i c a r las perspectives; finalmente l o que los franceses llaman e l coro y los espanoles l a c a p i l l a mayor . . . Todo e l l o movido por un anhelo de absoluto, que se proyecta hacia e l vaclo en e l que se recortan ios arbotantes y los contrafuertes, las gargolas y los pinaculos, pero por un anhelo propio de quienes esta*n acostumbrados a acercarse discursivamente a l misterio aunque sabiendo que a l fondo de £l solo se llega con l a i n t u i c i o n , f o r talecida por l a gracia de Dios.(p.l9£ Moreno Baez does not believe that San Pedro meant to transpose Gothic architecture into l i t e r a r y terms, but he f e e l s that the philosophy, science, a r t and l i t e r a t u r e of each period are conditioned by the same mental habits: Asi como un poeta como Dante se i n c l i n a tanto a las divisiones y subdivisiones como los f i l 6 s o fos de su tiempo, es muy natural que los problemas estructurales de una narracion se resolvieran de l a misma manera que los de los e d i f i c i o s , es decir, subrayando sus partes y armonizandolas, s i n que n i siquiera haya que suponer que e l autor se diera cuenta de ellos.(p.29) La novela picaresca y; e l punto de v i s t a (Barcelona: Seix Barral, 1970), 2*35. / 42 Ibid., p.16 43 Ibid., pp.140-741 105 Chapter Five Influence of the Carcel de amor The Carcel de amor achieved an extraordinary European success. I t has been perhaps one of the most widely read and cherished Spanish novels ever written, and was greatly i n f l u e n t i a l i n many ways. For instance: i t started a vogue for "sentimental novels" i n France, Italy, Germany, and England; i t established new concepts of love and honour; i t introduced the conception of the perfect courtier; i t was important i n the development of the e p i s t o l a r y novel, rhetoric, and the feminist battle against the anti-feminists. Nicolas Nunez wrote a continuation of the Carcel. He supposes that Laureola was also deeply i n love with Leriano, and that she suffered b i t t e r l y on learning of his death. Leriano's ghost appears to her i n the night, and she reproaches him for his lack of patience. Despite the songs and v i l l a n c i c o s included i n t h i s work, i t did not enjoy public favour. San Pedro had no true successor. Juan de Flores, a contemporary of San Pedro, published two successful courtly novels, presumably written a f t e r the 1 Carcel. Juan de Flores i s often thought to be San Pedro's successor; but though t h i s may be true i n the sense that both writers achieved a similar popularity, t h i s theory loses, ground when one compares the content of t h e i r works. G r i s e l y_ Mirabella and Grimalte y_ Gradissa are d i f f e r e n t from San Pedro's novel. G r i s e l i s a sentimental novel that 106 has more i n common with the Estoria de Ardanlier e Liessa than with the Carcel. Grimalte y_ Gradissa i s inspired byBoccaccio's Fiammetta» and i t s m o r a l i s t i c nature sets i t apart from the novels of San Pedro, and even from the G r i s e l . The heroines of Flores seem to be closer to the downto-earth Melibea than to the conventional Laureola, as has 2 often been pointed out. The novels of Juan de Flores, part i c u l a r l y Grimalte y_ Gradissa, represent a departure from the theory of courtly love, and whereas San Pedro was ess e n t i a l l y a courtly poet, Flores appears as an observer of l i f e more concerned with actual human emotions than with poetic ideals. Many c r i t i c s have stressed, after Menendez y Pelayo, that, besides the two incunabula editions of the Carcel, there were twenty-five editions i n the sixteenth century and twenty translations into French, English, I t a l i a n and German, but evidently there were many more. Sim6n Diaz r e gisters also nine b i l i n g u a l (Spanish-French) editions and 3 eight more translations. However, both Sim6n Diaz and Me- nendez y Pelayo only take into account the editions found in the great l i b r a r i e s (Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, The B r i t i s h Museum, the Hispanic Society of America), and those mentioned by b i b l i o graphers. Keith Whinnom has seen other editions i n smaller l i b r a r i e s ( s u c h as that of the Baron of Rothschild), and has himself one b i l i n g u a l edition, not registered by b i b l i o g r a 4 phers, given to him by professor E. M. Wilson. Also, J u l i o Cejador y Frauca mentions numerous editions i n h i s Historia 107 de l a lenqua y_ l i t e r a t u r e castellana, although no other c r i t 5 i c includes them i n h i s l i s t . San Pedro himself t e l l s us about the success of h i s work i n the Desprecio de l a Fortuna: "y como l a obra t a l no tuuo en leerse calma"(p.237). Many important catalogues of f i f t e e n t h and sixteenth-century Spain included i t i n t h e i r c o l l e c t i o n s , among others, those of Queen Isabella and Fer6 nando de Rojas. The novel was a great f a v o r i t e of the En- g l i s h and I t a l i a n courts, and i t played an important r o l e i n the development of rhetoric. A. Giannini believes that the Carcel de amor strongly 7 influenced Baldassare Castiglione i n writing r l Cortegiano, and Menendez y Pelayo had already pointed out that some parts of Castiglione*s work were c l e a r l y inspired by the atmosphere of the Spanish court and the customs of the Spanish n o b i l i t y . We know that the Carcel de amor, translated into I t a l i a n by L e l i o de Manfredi i n 1506, was very popular i n Italy, and i t i s v i r t u a l l y certain that Castiglione must have known t h i s work. By comparing the debate between J u l i a n de Medici, the Magnificent, and Gaspar P a l l a v i c i n o (II Cortegiano, Book I I I ) , to Leriano's speech i n defense of women, we r e a l i z e that Castiglione*s conception of the perfect courtier i s modelled on Leriano's attitudes and ideas. Giann i n i f e e l s that Castiglione developed Leriano's views according to Renaissance rhetoric and scholastic philosophy, p a r t i c u l a r l y when trying to prove the equality of men and women as members of the same species. For that reason, he 108 finds Castiglione*s arguments superior to Leriano's, overlooking the fact that San Pedro was primarily a poet and his work a novel. Leriano's judgement on those who discri- minate against women, "blasfema de las obras del mismo Dios"(p.192), needs no further s c i e n t i f i c proof and serves well the l i t e r a r y purpose of the author. Giannini, l i k e most c r i t i c s of the Carcel de amor, f a i l s to appreciate this fact: . . . se desarrolla con l a sequedad y l a r i g i dez de un arte primitivo, y, hacinando elementos diversos, e l autor tienta a hermosearla inutilmente con e l oropel de una r e t 6 r i c a f a l sa e hinchada, particularmente en las arengas y cartas.8 Gustave Reynier has studied the influence of the Carcel de amor on the French sentimental novel. I t was this work and the Arnalte which gave the French novelettes t h e i r essential c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : Notre roman sentimental d o i t beaucoup plus a l'Espagne qu'on ne s e r a i t tente de l e c r o i r e . E l l e nous a f a m i l i a r i s e s avec ce genre de f i c tions en nous les presentant sous l a forme qui reppndaitt l e mieux aux conventions t r a d i t i o n e i l e s , c'est-a-dire enveloppes d'allegories ou enferm£es dans un cadre chevaleresque. On peu d i r e que ces romans espagnols gui tout d'un coup penetrent en France de 1526 a 1539, en compagnie de 1'immortelle Celestine, ont 5te chez nous une t r a n s i t i o n necessaire. 9 Although Reynier underestimates the l i t e r a r y value of the Caxcel de amor, describing i t as "exag^ree", he underlines i t s o r i g i n a l treatment of the love theme, i t s v i t a l r o l e i n giving l i f e to the conventions of courtly love poetry, and "tout^. en conservant les caracteres essentiels de 1'amour courtois avec un peu de r e a l i t e " , i t s incorporating the 109 l y r i c a l e r o t i c ideals of the troubadours into r e a l life: "l'amour n'est plus seulement un theme lyrique, i l commence 10 a avoir une h i s t o i r e : i l peut etre raconte en prose". Reynier points out, without s u f f i c i e n t analysis, the d i r e c t influence of San Pedro's work on Les anqoisses douloureuses by Helisenne de Crenne, Les contes amoureux by Mme Jeane Flore, and p a r t i c u l a r l y Theodose Valentinian's L'Amant resuscite de l a mort d'amour. This last novel has 11 been c a r e f u l l y studied by Margaret A. Harris. She finds that Valentinian "borrowed the bare framework" of San Pedro's work to exploit i t f o r a d i f f e r e n t purpose than that of the Spanish writer. He used i t "as a medium f o r conveying a r e l i g i o u s lesson, i l l u s t r a t i n g the working of God's grace and the dangers of trusting 'votrepropre sens' and •votre propre volonte' i n matters so important as love and 12 marriage". James A. Flightner has t r i e d to analyse the use San Pedro makes of time, Laureola's situation, and the r e a l i s t i c attention to the presentation of d e t a i l i n order to 13 explain the appeal of the Carcel, but perhaps Menendez y Pelayo's reason f o r i t s popularity i s more accurate: El interes romantico de esta s e n c i l l a y pat£tica h i s t o r i a . . . explica e l e"xito que tuvo, no solo en Espana, sino en I t a l i a , Francia y en Inglaterra. No eran frecuentes todavia narraciones tan tiernas y humanas, conducidas y desenlazadas por medios tan s e n c i l l o s y en que una pasion verdadera y finamente observada era e l a l ma de todo." 14 The fact i s , that although San Pedro did not have a true successor, the theme of h i s novel, i t s characters and 110 rhetoric echo i n l a t e r Spanish l i t e r a t u r e , and also i n other European l i t e r a t u r e , as we have seen. Menendez y Pelayo had already noticed a s i m i l a r i t y between the " l l a n t o de su madre de Leriano" and that of Pleberio: " e l l l a n t o de l a madre, que es uno de los trozos mas pat^ticos del l i b r o , y que manifiestamente fue imitado por e l autor de l a Celestina en e l que puso en boca de los Pa15 dres de Melibea", but Rosa Maria Lida de Malkiel was the f i r s t c r i t i c to study the influence of the Carcel de amor on the Traqicomedia: "No cabe duda que los autores de La Celestina conocieron de este genero n o v e l l s t i c o (sentiment a l novel) por l o menos las obras de Diego de San Pedro: l a Carcel de amor figura entre los l i b r o s en romance gue 16 Rojas leg6 a su mujer". To Lida de Malkiel, the most important s i m i l a r i t y between the two works i s the personality of the main characters: "inactivos para lograr su amor y dedicados a gastar 17 su vida no solo en amar sino en mirarse amar". She finds C a l i s t o a r e a l i s t i c representation of the fifteenth-century nobleman who translated into actions the romantic s e n s i b i l i t y of the l y r i c and dramatic l i t e r a t u r e of the period. C a l i s t o ' s s i m i l a r i t y to Leriano i s the most outstanding, because: "gracias a l a r e p r e s e n t a c i 6 n r e a l i s t a que ha adoptado l a Traqicomedia, su i n e r c i a , su ensimismamiento, su exaltacion amorosa contrastan eficazmente con e l i r y venir interesado y activo de los demSs personajes y con e l sugerido escena18 r i o de l a ciudad". This i s because, i n La Celestina we are Ill no longer i n the ideal world of n o b i l i t y , but i n the everyday world that comprises a l l s o c i a l classes and a l l human types: "En efecto, e l esguematismo de Arnalte y Leriano frente a l a concretez v i t a l de C a l i s t o se explica primariamente por l a r a d i c a l divergencia de posici6n a r t i s t i c a entre e l realismo verosimil de l a Tragicomedia y l a e s t i l i z a c i o n aleg6rica de Diego de San Pedro, sobre todo en su segunda y 19 mSs c^lebre novela." Melibea coincides i n character and ideas with Laureola and Lucenda: they a l l believe i n the moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the noble maiden, but whereas San Pedro's poetic heroines remain enclosed i n the conventions of the. courtly love t r a - d i t i o n , Melibea yields to her human passion/ As Lida de Malkiel points out: "Lucenda y Laureola enuncian y amplif i c a n aquellos conceptos en sus pulidas epistolas, Melibea las esgrime como ultima v a l l a a l a pasi6n de C a l i s t o . En unas es escarceo palaciego; en Melibea es expresi6n completa de su personalidad en los momentos mas decisivos de su 20 vida." Peter G. Earle studies Rosa Maria Lida de Malkiel's observations and compares the love concepts found i n the works of Rojas" and. San Pedro'.- 'He^feels that: At least i n a general sense, i t i s perhaps not an o v e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n to say that La Celest i n a i s to the sentimental novel as Don Qui jote i s to the c h i v a l r i c novel. 21 Earle finds the following basic s i m i l a r i t i e s between the two works: a ) Instant passion of the hero, strongly rejected 112 by the-heroine. b) Intervention of a go-between. c) Go-between inspires "piedad" i n the heroine by ref e r r i n g to the lover's "enfermedad". d) Death of a twenty-year-old hero (Carcel) lamented by a sixty-year-old mother. Death of a twenty-yearold heroine (Celestina) lamented by a sixty-yearold father. Earle-finds these basic differences: a) Leriano's love i s unrequited, C a l i s t o ' s love i s cor- responded. b) The intervention of Persio and his calumny constitute the t r a g i c impetus of the Carcel, but i n the C e l e s t i na the passion i t s e l f i s the cause of the f i n a l outcome . c) Leriano's relationship to Laureola is strictly de- termined within the rules of c h i v a l r y and courtly love. C a l i s t o ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p to Melibea i s unfettered by convention once Celestina has achieved the liaison. d) Allegory i s used i n the Carcel, but not i n the Celestina. Earle i l l u s t r a t e s these aspects of both works with pertinent examples. Although he does not develop extensively his theory, he establishes that the Tragicomedia, an essent i a l l y sentimental work, humanizes the poetic concepts of love, integrating comic and t r a g i c elements and substituting realism f o r idealism. 113 Carcel de amor i s both the best and the l a t e s t example of the Spanish courtly romance. Despite the great popularity i t enjoyed, the ideals portrayed belonged to a fading world, and they were bound to be rejected i n favour of the new con- cepts which arrived with the dawning of the Renaissance. However, because San Pedro's novel portrays the tenets of courtly love i n t h e i r most idealized version, i t often served as a model of precisely that which the Renaissance writer, be i t Valentinian, or Rojas, wished to r e j e c t . Nonetheless, the charming l y r i c a l g u a l i t y of the Carcel de amor and the importance of i t s role i n the development of the novel, have given t h i s work a place of honour i n Spanish literature. 114 Footnotes to Chapter Five 1 Juan de Flores, Grimalte y Gradissa, ed.Pamela Waley (London: Tamesis Books Ltd., 1971), pp. i-xxxix. 2 For instance by Pamela Walev i n "Love and Honour," p.275. 3 B i b l i o q r a f i a de l a l i t e r a t u r a hispahica, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones C i e n t i f i c a s , I n s t i t u t o "Miguel de Cervantes" de F i l o l o g i a Hispahica (Madrid: Raycar, S.A, 1960-1976). 4 Whinnom, 2, 67. 5 H i s t o r i a de la lengua y l i t e r a t u r a castellanas (Madrid, 1915), 2, 67. 6 Harriet Goldberg, Jardin de nobles donzellas, FrayMartin de Cordoba: A C r i t i c a l Edition and Study, North Car o l i n a Studies i n the Romance Languages and Literatures (Chapel H i l l : University of North Carolina Press, 1974), p. 45. 7 "La Carcel de amor y II Cortegiano de Baldesar de Castiglione," Revue Hispanigue, 46 (1919), 547-68. 8 Ibid., p.551. 9 Le roman sentimental avant L'Astree (Paris: Armand Colin, 1908), p.55. 10 Ibid., p.64. A Study of Thebdose Valentinian's "L'amant resucite de l a mort d * amour: A RelTqiouslINovel. of~ Sentiment and i t s Possible Connexions with Nicolas Denisot du Mans (Geneve: Droz, 1966). 12 Ibid.. P.94. 13 "The popularity of the Carcel de amor," Hispania, 47 (1964), 475-78. 14 Origenes, p.507. 15 Ibid., p.512. 16 Rosa Maria Lida de Malkiel, La o r i g i n a l i d a d a r t i s t i c a d e " L a Celestina" (Buenos Aires: E d i t o r i a l Universit a n a - 1962), p.393. 115 17 18 19 20 21 Ibid.. 393. Ibid., 394. Ibid., 394. Ibid., 393. "Love concepts," p.92. 11 6 Conclusion It has been seen that San Pedro's art was determined by the taste and ideas of his audience, and that he was a courtly poet who wrote to s a t i s f y the demands of his public; but that he was also an excellent craftsman who attended consciously to minute d e t a i l s of s t y l e and language. Above a l l , San Pedro had a remarkable poetic s e n s i t i v i t y that prevented him from producing the l i f e l e s s , stereotyped writings of other courtly poets. His s e n s i t i v i t y , combined with his a r t i s t r y , led him to create works that not only answered to the demands of his audience, but which became l i t e r a r y models of immense popularity. San Pedro's adaptable art found i t s best means of expression i n the Ccircel de amor. When he was asked to write the best love story he could produce and i n a better s t y l e .than that of his Arnalte y Lucenda, he decided to develop the elements of the love t r a d i t i o n that were i n fashion at the time. He gave l i f e to the courtly i d e a l of love by means of his s k i l f u l use of the l i t e r a r y forms available to him, and to the new Renaissance r h e t o r i c . San Pedro's use of the new humanistic r h e t o r i c and the autobiographical form led him to create an e f f e c t i v e i l l u s i o n of r e a l i t y i n his t a l e , which made Carcel de amor a forerunner of the modern novel. The excellence of San Pedro's re-creation of the conventional ideals of courtly love made his Carcel de amor and i t s perfect lovers into models worthy of imitation i n 117 r e a l l i f e . However, the extremely idealized nature of these models did not correspond to the actual nature of human beings. Thus, Renaissance writers l i k e Rojas were prone to prove the falseness of the courtly romantic ideals. San Pedro's work closes an era where the individualism of the Renaissance was s t i l l unknown; an era where the actual experience of l i f e and the a r t i s t i c rendering of i t could not be the same. 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