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ANCIENT AMERICA
11
Archaeological Excavations on the Island of Pariti,
Bolivia: New Light on the Tiwanaku Period
in the Lake Titikaka Region
by
ANTTI KORPISAARI
University of Helsinki, Finland
JÉDU A. SAGÁRNAGA MENESES
Scientia, La Paz, Bolivia
RIIKKA VÄISÄNEN
Vantaa City Museum, Finland
BOUNDARY END ARCHAEOLOGY RESEARCH CENTER
Barnardsville, NC 28709-0220 U.S.A.
ANCIENT AMERICA 11
ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATIONS
ON THE ISLAND OF PARITI, BOLIVIA:
NEW LIGHT ON THE TIWANAKU PERIOD
IN THE LAKE TITIKAKA REGION
Antti Korpisaari
University of Helsinki, Finland
[email protected]
Jédu A. Sagárnaga Meneses
Scientia, La Paz, Bolivia
[email protected]
Riikka Väisänen
Vantaa City Museum, Finland
[email protected]
First submitted March 2004
Revised and updated April 2010
O
ur Finnish-Bolivian team of archaeologists has been working in the canton of Cascachi,
Bolivia, since 1998. In this paper we discuss the main findings of our 2003–06 fieldwork
on the island of Pariti in Lake Titikaka. The pioneer archaeologist Wendell C. Bennett
excavated on Pariti in 1934, but since Bennett’s days no further excavations had been carried
out prior to our involvement. In 2004, we located two rich Tiwanaku offering pits below the
soccer field of the present-day community of Pariti. Together, these two pits contained 18 intact
or nearly intact ceramic vessels and the sherds of at least 417 intentionally smashed or “killed”
vessels, many of them of the very highest artistic and technical quality. Much of the paper is
dedicated to the discussion of the two features’ contents and dating and the implications of
our discoveries for the archaeology of the Lake Titikaka region. For a start, however, are a few
words concerning the Tiwanaku period in general.
The Tiwanaku type-site and heartland were situated in the southern Lake Titikaka Basin
in present-day Bolivia at an altitude ca. 3,800–4,000 meters above sea level (Figure 1). The building of Tiwanaku’s monumental religious and administrative core began around AD 500, and
the city reached its maximum extent towards the end of the first millennium A.D. (e.g., Janusek
1
Ancient America Number 11
Copyright © 2011 by the Boundary End Archaeology Research Center
2
ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATIONS ON THE ISLAND OF PARITI, BOLIVIA
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 1. MAP OF THE CENTRAL ANDES, INDICATING THE LOCATION OF PARITI
AND THE EXTENT OF TIWANAKU INFLUENCE
Colombia
Ecuador
Map
Area
South
America
Peru
Brazil
Lima
N
Ayacucho
(Wari)
Bolivia
Cuzco
(Inca)
Pariti
Lake Titikaka
0
10
La Paz
Tiwanaku
20 km
Southeastern
Parts of Titikaka
Basin
Lake
Chuquito
(see enlarged
area, left)
Desaguader
a ca )
(Mac
h
r
ve
Ri
Arica
Tiraska
Lake
Wiñaymarca
Taramaya
Pariti
Cochabamba
Areas of
Tiwanaku
Influence
i
ar
Ka
t
Lake
Poopo’
Chiripa
R
.
Lukurmata
na
ku
R.
a
Ti w
r
aguade
De s Machaca
(
) oR
0
100
Tiwanaku
.
200
300 400
500 km
Modern Border
River Valley
Chile
San Pedro
de Atacama
Argentina
NOTE: THE LOCATIONS OF THE SITES MENTIONED IN THE TEXT ARE SHOWN IN THE LOWER LEFT-HAND MAP,
REPRESENTING THE SOUTHEASTERN PARTS OF THE TITIKAKA BASIN.
(BY J. C. SPLITSTOSER; THE EXTENT OF TIWANAKU INFLUENCE AFTER B. D. OWEN AND P. S. GOLDSTEIN 2002:FIG. 1)
Korpisaari et al.
3
2004, 2008; Kolata 1993; Ponce S. 1981). At its height, it may have had as many as 15,000–20,000
inhabitants (Kolata 2003:200). Beginning around AD 600, the Tiwanaku acquired more and more
direct control over their immediate neighbors (Janusek 2008; Janusek and Kolata 2003; Pärssinen
2002; Stanish 2003). Intensive raised-field agriculture in the Katari, Tiwanaku, and Desaguadero
(Machaca) Valleys helped to turn the low-lying areas close to Lake Titikaka into a productive
agricultural landscape (Kolata 1991; Kolata and Ortloff 1996; cf. Bandy 2005).
Portable artifacts remarkably similar to those typically found in the Tiwanaku heartland
are spread over a huge area encompassing much of highland Bolivia, as well as parts of South
Peru and North Chile (Figure 1). However, most contemporary scholars see direct Tiwanaku
control as having been largely limited to the Titikaka Basin (e.g., Goldstein 2005; Janusek 2008;
Stanish 2002, 2003, 2009). Nevertheless, together with the Wari State flourishing at the same
time in Peru, the Tiwanaku State contributed to the emergence of the so-called Middle Horizon
(ca. AD 650–1050)—a cultural period during which a homogenous art style and religion characterized most of the South Central Andes (e.g., Cook 1994; Isbell 2008; Isbell and Knobloch 2009).
The Tiwanaku State developed a highly emblematic corporate art style. Bennett (1934;
see also Wallace 1957) laid the foundations of the current Tiwanaku ceramic chronology in the
1930s, distinguishing three Tiwanaku styles: Early, Classic, and Decadent. Some decades later,
Carlos Ponce Sanginés developed his own five-phase sequence (Tiwanaku I–V) on the basis of
Bennett’s scheme (e.g., Ponce S. 1981; 2004:305–309). Even if Ponce himself may not have intended to link certain ceramic styles directly with particular phases of Tiwanaku’s political and
economic development (Janusek 2003:34), in practice Bennett’s Classic-style pottery came to be
associated with Ponce’s phase IV, and Bennett’s Decadent-style pottery with Ponce’s phase V.
However, recent excavations and analyses have proven beyond much doubt that the “Classic”
and “Decadent” styles were for the most part contemporaneous, and that the differences between them were mostly contextual (e.g., Alconini M. 1995; Burkholder 1997, 2002; Isbell 2001;
Isbell and Burkholder 2002; Janusek 2003; Knobloch 2001).
The great majority of decorated Tiwanaku vessels are red-slipped, with black, white,
and orange as their most common decoration colors. The vessels’ rather stylized painted motifs typically depict full-bodied profile felines and feline heads, avian heads, anthropomorphic
profile heads, and steps. Blackware vessels without painted decoration form an important subgroup of Tiwanaku pottery. The fine “Classic”-style ceramics are more frequent at ceremonial
sectors and sites and at elite residential areas, while the somewhat less carefully manufactured
“Decadent” vessels predominate at provincial sites and at lower-status residential areas. Overall, however, Tiwanaku pottery is of a rather high quality.
Around AD 1100, the Tiwanaku State came to its end. Tiwanaku, Lukurmata, and other
large centers were almost abandoned. The collapse of the complex administrative network of the
Tiwanaku heartland led to the formation of hundreds of new, predominately small, settlements.
In art, certain aspects of the Tiwanaku style survived; however, in the Titikaka Basin as a whole,
the cultural period that followed—the Late Intermediate Period (ca. AD 1100–1450)—was characterized by social disunion and the rise of several small-scale local polities (e.g., Janusek 2004:249–
273; 2008:299–305; Pärssinen 2003:229–238; 2005a:95–101; Stanish 2003:204–235).
PREVIOUS INVESTIGATIONS ON THE ISLAND OF PARITI
The island of Pariti is situated in Lake Titikaka’s smaller part, Lago Menor or Wiñaymarca (Figure 1). The island’s longest axis (NNW-SSE) measures ca. 4.0 km. Pariti’s maximum
width (NE-SW) is ca. 0.9 km. The island’s highest point, Cerro Cotisi, rises to 3,955 m above sea
level.1 The present-day community of Pariti, home to about 200 people, is situated in a sheltered
bay on the eastern side of the island. Both Bennett’s and our own archaeological findings point
Korpisaari et al.
4
to the fact that this area was also favored in the pre-Columbian period. The western side of
Pariti is lined by extensive and well-preserved field terraces (Figure 2).
Arthur Posnansky was probably the first investigator to visit Pariti; however, it was
Bennett who carried out the first systematic excavations on the island in June 1934, at which
time Sr. Pablo Pacheco owned Pariti. Pacheco discovered both pottery and gold work on the
island, probably prompting Bennett to work on Pariti (Bennett 1936:446). Some of the finest
pieces discovered by the Pacheco family are illustrated in Posnansky (1957, Vol. 3; see also
Bennett 1936:Fig. 31). The vessels of plates XXIXb and XXXIVc come from Pariti, as do the
gold beaker and gold plaque of plate LXXXIXa and c. It would seem that all of these pieces
were found in a single burial along with some bones and several small gold plaques with an
embossed human face.
Bennett excavated eight trenches on the eastern side of Pariti near the (now largely demolished) hacienda house. Five of the trenches were dug on terraces, while the remaining three
were dug in the fields situated around the hacienda house. The total area of the eight trenches
2
was over 130 m . Bennett found Formative-period Chiripa material in three of his trenches (Nos.
1, 6, and 7). “Classic” Tiwanaku material was present in two trenches (Nos. 4 and 5) and in a
FIGURE 2. VIEW OF THE WESTERN SIDE OF PARITI WITH ITS ROWS OF EXTENSIVE
AND WELL-PRESERVED FIELD TERRACES
ALL THE PHOTOGRAPHS FEATURED IN THIS PAPER WERE TAKEN BY A. KORPISAARI.
Korpisaari et al.
5
burial in Trench 6. This burial is remarkable as it contained 23 small gold objects (mostly miniature vessels), seven incised bone paint tubes, many small beads, and fragments of green, red,
white, and blue paint (Bennett 1936:446–456).
Due to minor iconographic differences between the pottery of the Tiwanaku typesite and Pariti, Bennett (1936:455) stated that the finds from Pariti “represent either a late
Classic Tiahuanaco, or a close derivative of the Classic.” “Decadent” Tiwanaku material
was not very abundant,2 but was nevertheless present on the surface, in Trenches 1, 4, 5, 6,
and 8, and in a tomb in Trench 4. Inca material was present on the surface and in Trench 8
(Bennett 1936:446–456).
Following Bennett’s work, no further excavations were carried out on Pariti before our
involvement. However, Václav Šolc (1965, 1969), Gregorio Cordero Miranda, and Ponce all
seem to have visited the island. Some Pariti finds also feature in the collections of the Museo
Nacional de Arqueología, La Paz, and the Ethnologisches Museum, Berlin (see Eisleb and Strelow 1980:Figs. 150, 231).
FINNISH-BOLIVIAN EXCAVATIONS ON PARITI IN 2003–06
Korpisaari and Sagárnaga visited Pariti for the first time during the 2002 field season,
while carrying out investigations at the nearby sites of Tiraska and Taramaya (see Kesseli et al.
2003; Korpisaari 2004; 2006:114–150; Korpisaari et al. 2003). Probably prompted by our 2002 visit, Juan Carlos Callisaya—a resident of the community of Pariti—came to look for us in Tiraska
during the following field season. He had in his possession some interesting Tiwanaku ceramic
fragments, which captured our attention and motivated the three authors of this paper to head
for Pariti to document the site of discovery. Once on the island, we learned that other residents
of the village of Pariti had Tiwanaku pottery in their possession as well. Sr. Armando Callisaya,
an adobe brick maker, had the most impressive collection, consisting of over sixty fragments of
wako retratos, keros, tazones, human-feline beakers, and other vessels.3
In October, during the last week of the 2003 field season, Korpisaari and Sagárnaga
worked for three days on Pariti excavating three 1-m x 1-m test pits a few meters southeast of
the location where J. C. Callisaya claimed to have found his ceramic pieces (Figure 3). We hoped
to locate material comparable to these fragments, but unfortunately found only small sherds
with scant decoration.4 Although our test pits did not contain cultural material as rich as we had
hoped to find, they still proved the existence of a rather thick cultural layer in this part of the
village of Pariti.
In August 2004, we had a chance to return to Pariti to continue our test excavations.
We began by opening two 2-m x 1-m pits on the western side of the community’s soccer field
(Figure 3). The first of these test pits—Pit 1—was situated a few meters to the north of a pit rich
in archaeological material dug in the 1990s by local residents in order to obtain clay for adobe
brick manufacture. Pit 1 proved the existence of a well-preserved Tiwanaku cultural layer about
40-cm-thick about 60–80 cm below present ground surface. However, no structural features
were present in Pit 1, and at a depth of about 120 cm sterile soil was reached.
Pit 2 was situated near the northwestern corner of the soccer field, ca. 41 m to the north
of Pit 1. At a depth of about 60 cm we encountered a rather rich Tiwanaku cultural layer, and at
a depth of about 70–80 cm there appeared two courses of unworked stone—one in the N-S direction and the other in the E-W direction (Figure 4). The bases of these possible wall foundations
lay at a depth of ca. 95–100 cm. The cultural layer continued to a depth of approximately 120 cm,
after which the finds all but disappeared. However, we continued deepening the test pit, and at a
depth of ca. 135 cm encountered a dense concentration of large ceramic sherds (mostly belonging
to large tinajas, which are curve-necked storage vessels) in the northeastern part of Pit 2. At first,
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 3. THE APPROXIMATE GENERAL PLAN OF THE PRESENT-DAY
COMMUNITY OF PARITI WITH OUR EXCAVATION AREAS MARKED
NOTE: BENNETT SEEMS TO HAVE EXCAVATED CLOSE TO THE MODERN BASKETBALL COURT;
HOWEVER, THIS IS HARD TO VERIFY, AS HE NEVER PUBLISHED A GENERAL PLAN OF THE SITE.
THE PARITI MUSEUM IS SITUATED A LITTLE TO THE SOUTH OF THE AREA SHOWN HERE.
(BY R. VÄISÄNEN AND A. KORPISAARI)
6
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 4. PLAN OF THE 32-SQUARE-METER AREA WE EXCAVATED IN 2004–2006
IN THE SO-CALLED CENTRAL AREA OF PARITI, LOCATING FEATURES 1 AND 2
IN RELATION TO WALLS OR WALL FOUNDATIONS ASSOCIATED WITH TWO
TIWANAKU-PERIOD BUILDING PHASES
NOTE: THE GRID IN THE TOP RIGHT-HAND CORNER INDICATES THE POSITIONS OF INDIVIDUAL EXCAVATION PITS,
OF WHICH NOS. 2–3 WERE EXCAVATED IN 2004, NOS. 4–5 IN 2005, AND NOS. 7–13 IN 2006.
(BY A. KORPISAARI AFTER ORIGINAL FIELD MAPS BY A. KORPISAARI,
J. SAGÁRNAGA M., R. VÄISÄNEN, AND M. PÄRSSINEN)
7
Korpisaari et al.
8
we thought that we had stumbled upon a typical kind of midden pit. However, as we proceeded
to collect the ceramics, we discovered that the finds continued deeper and deeper, and that their
artistic and technical quality just kept on increasing. When miniature statues of ceramic and stone
and fragments of ceramic effigy vessels began appearing near the 200-cm level, we understood
that we had found a very important feature.
This discovery, which we later named Feature 1, continued somewhat into the eastern profile of Pit 2, for which reason we opened a third pit, Pit 3, immediately to the east of
Pit 2. Before reaching the depth at which the first finds of Feature 1 appeared (138 cm), two
courses of stone that might be possible wall foundations, both running in the E-W direction,
were encountered at a depth of ca. 80–90 cm. Of these possible wall foundations, the more
southern one was continuous to one of the two rows of stones noted in Pit 2. Additionally,
in the course of deepening Pits 2 and 3 we discovered that another offering pit, Feature 2,
was situated about 50 cm to the east of Feature 1. In 2004, however, we left this second offering unexcavated.
We extracted the material of Feature 1—for the most part an immense quantity of ceramic sherds and a more moderate quantity of animal bone—in 20-cm-levels. The soil surrounding the feature was totally sterile, but in the cylindrical offering pit—which had a diameter
of ca. 70–80 cm and a total depth of ca. 170–180 cm—there was almost more cultural material
than soil. The nature of the pottery changed from level to level: Sherds belonging to particular
vessel types were frequently concentrated close to each other, and many of the most striking
vessels were found in pairs. For example, two semi-intact, paired, eagle-effigy vessels rested on
the same side of the offering very close to one another (Figure 5). This same phenomenon was
noted in connection with the fragments of several pairs of effigy vessels representing seated or
kneeling females (Figure 6). Furthermore, at a depth of ca. 245–255 cm there was a layer almost
exclusively containing fragments belonging to challador-type vessels (possessing a tapered body
and a narrow, perforated base) representing coiled serpents (see Figure 15 below).
At a depth of ca. 250 cm the soil turned more and more clayey and humid. Finally, at a
depth of 310 cm—already close to the groundwater level—we reached the bottom of Feature 1. In
the course of the investigation we had recovered 16 intact or nearly intact vessels (mostly of the
bottle type), thousands of sherds belonging to at least 314 intentionally smashed or ritually killed
ceramic vessels, 22 small stone (sodalite) beads, two miniature human-feline statues of stone, and
13.5 kg of animal bone (2,487 bones and bone fragments). Because we had not planned for our
small-scale excavations to yield such a huge amount of material, which had to be carefully cleaned
and then reconstructed and catalogued, we suspended our work on Pariti and returned with the
finds to La Paz in order to conserve our resources for post-fieldwork. Cleaning, reconstruction,
and cataloging continued until early 2006, but we resumed fieldwork on Pariti in January–February 2005, and we excavated again in April–May of the same year.
In January–February 2005, Sagárnaga investigated an area situated ca. 200 m to the
south of the community’s soccer field. The Cooperación Suiza and Swisscontact organizations
had agreed to finance the building of a small museum on Pariti, and it had to be verified that
the prospective building site was not situated over important pre-Columbian remains. On the
basis of the excavation of a 3-m x 2-m test pit, it was determined that the area in question was
not very intensively used in the pre-Columbian era. However, in the course of the laying of the
museum’s foundations, one cist tomb came to light (see Korpisaari 2006:101; Korpisaari and
Sagárnaga M. 2007:21; Sagárnaga M. and Korpisaari 2009:414–415). Furthermore, the construction workers encountered a ceramic vessel probably associated with human bone.
2
In April–May 2005, we excavated four new pits (in total, 15 m ) on Pariti. Three of these—
Pits 4–6—were situated on the community’s soccer field, and the fourth—Pit 1H—was located
some 100–150 m to the north, near the old hacienda house (Figure 3). In order to carefully exca-
Korpisaari et al.
9
FIGURE 5. PAIR OF EAGLE EFFIGY VESSELS FROM PARITI’S FEATURE 1
(HEIGHTS 10.3 CM [LEFT] AND 11.3 CM [RIGHT]; CODES PRT 00080 [LEFT] AND 00081 [RIGHT])
NOTE: ORIGINALLY, BOTH VESSELS HAD A SPOUT, WHICH, HOWEVER, WERE ATTACHED
TO THE VESSELS ONLY AFTER THIS PHOTOGRAPH WAS TAKEN.
vate Feature 2, which we had located in 2004, we opened a 2-m x 2-m pit—Pit 4—to the east of
Pit 3. In Pit 4 we found the first pre-Columbian potsherds at a depth of ca. 50 cm. Two courses of
stone continuous with those noted in Pit 3 came to light at a depth of ca. 70–100 cm (Figure 4). At a
depth of 126 cm we encountered the topmost layer of Feature 2. This second offering proved to be
somewhat smaller than Feature 1; it was ca. 60 cm in diameter and ca. 170 cm deep.5 It contained
two intact ceramic vessels, thousands of potsherds belonging to at least 122 intentionally smashed
vessels (Figure 7), approximately two-thousand animal bones or bone fragments, and, near the
base, some small ornaments of sheet gold (Figure 8).
The 2-m x 2-m Pit 5 was situated to the south of Pits 3 and 4 and was found to contain
no structural features or contexts paralleling the courses of stone and offerings of Pits 2–4. Pit
6, on the other hand, was located near the southeastern corner of the soccer field, away from
the “central area” in which Pits 2–5 were situated. Ground-penetrating radar indicated that
interesting structural features might be present in this area. Unfortunately, our 3-m x 1-m pit
failed to reveal any architectonic features, and pre-Columbian cultural material of any kind
was sparse.
Korpisaari et al.
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As previously mentioned, the 2-m x 2-m Pit 1H was situated some 100–150 m north of
the soccer field of the community of Pariti. In this pit, we hoped to find evidence of the Formative-period Chiripa occupation noted by Bennett in 1934. Of the 3,570 potsherds recovered in
Pit 1H, the Bolivian archaeologist María Soledad Fernández (Fernández M. 2006a) classified 122
as dating to the Middle Formative period and 26 as dating to the Late Formative; however, two
samples from Pit 1H gave post-Formative radiocarbon dates (see Korpisaari and Pärssinen In
Preparation).
In addition to Pits 4–6 and 1H, we had intended to excavate many more pits on
Pariti in 2005. However, due to rising social tensions in Bolivia, our fieldwork period was
cut short. Fortunately, work on building the Pariti Museum proceeded according to plan
under Sagárnaga’s supervision. The museum opened its doors on September 10, 2005, and
it now displays about 200 reconstructed and intact ceramic vessels from Pariti’s Features 1
and 2. On the eve of its inauguration ceremony A. Callisaya donated dozens of fragmentary
Tiwanaku vessels and sherds to the Pariti Museum. He had collected this material from the
aforementioned pit that local residents had dug in the 1990s on the western side of the soccer field of Pariti.
FIGURE 6. FOUR RELATIVELY COMPLETELY RECONSTRUCTED VESSELS
REPRESENTING SEATED OR KNEELING FEMALES
NOTE: THE VESSELS ON EXTREME LEFT (PRT 00183; HEIGHT 16.0 CM) AND RIGHT (PRT 00182; HEIGHT 16.0 CM)
FORM A PAIR. THE OTHER TWO VESSELS FEATURED IN THE PHOTOGRAPH (PRT 00184; HEIGHT 20.4 CM,
AND 00181; HEIGHT 14.4 CM) ALSO HAVE THEIR OWN RESPECTIVE PAIRS.
Korpisaari et al.
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FIGURE 7. FINDS IN SITU IN PARITI’S FEATURE 2, AT A DEPTH OF CA. 205 CM
NOTE: A SMALL, INTACT CHALLADOR (PRT 00544) IS VISIBLE IN THE UPPER CENTER OF THE PHOTO.
We excavated on Pariti for the last time in August 2006. We opened seven new pits (Nos.
7–13), all of which were situated in the central area, to the north and east of Pits 2–5 (Figure 3).
2
In total, these seven pits were 20 m in area. We did not encounter any new offering contexts but
managed to uncover ca. 4-m-long sections of two ca. 50-cm-thick walls (or foundations), each
consisting of two rows of (mostly) unworked stones joined with clay mortar, enclosing a thin
inner fill of clay and smaller stones. One of these double walls ran approximately N-S through
Pits 7 and 9; the other ran approximately E-W through Pits 11 and 12, also partly entering Pits
4 and 8 (Figure 4). The northernmost of the two stone rows noted during the excavation of Pit
4 in 2005 was now in fact found to form part of this double wall. Importantly, the stratigraphy
of Pit 7 proved that the other, simpler stone rows that we had documented in 2004–05 corresponded to an earlier construction phase and, thus, were unrelated to the structure defined by
the more massive double walls (Patiño S. and Villanueva C. 2006). Due to the high quality and
evident ceremonial nature of the pottery recovered in Features 1 and 2, we tentatively interpret
the structure defined by the thick double walls as a temple or a residence of priests. Be that as
it may, the temporal association of this structure with the two offering pits is clear, as we found
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FIGURE 8. SMALL GOLD LAMINAS FROM FEATURE 2
NOTE: THE 4.8-CM-LONG PIECE ON THE RIGHT REPRESENTS A MYTHICAL CAMELID-BEING OR WARI WILKA.
IN ADDITION TO THE FOUR ARTIFACTS ILLUSTRATED HERE, FEATURE 2 ALSO YIELDED A 2.3-CM-HIGH PROFILE
ATTENDANT ORNAMENT OF GOLD AND A CA. 17-CM-LONG “STRAW” OR TUBE OF ROLLED-UP GOLD LEAF.
several sherds of large, kero-shaped vessels with a partially modeled deity face on their front—
closely paralleling vessels of this type recovered in Features 1 and 2 (see Figures 10 and 34
below)—in the fill of the double wall in Pit 7.
THE POTTERY OF PARITI’S FEATURES 1 AND 2
As Features 1 and 2 contained most of the sherds from hundreds of smashed vessels,
we were able to reconstruct the majority of these vessels more or less completely. This timeconsuming process proved that the vessels had not been thrown into their respective pits intact;
rather, as almost all reconstructed vessels are missing sherds of significant size, it seems certain
that these vessels were first smashed in some unknown location, and the majority of the sherds
were then gathered up and deposited in the two offering pits. Feature 1 contained the sherds of
at least 295 vessels and 16 intact or nearly intact vessels; Feature 2 held 103 smashed vessels and
two intact ones.6 Below, we present some general aspects of the vessel assemblages of the two
offering pits (Figure 9).
Korpisaari et al.
13
FEATURE 1
The kero and the tazon are the two most emblematic Tiwanaku vessel forms, so it is no
big surprise that vessels of both types had a significant presence also in Feature 1: the minimum
number of keros whose sherds had been deposited in this offering pit is 43, that of tazones is 22.
The keros of Feature 1—two of which are blackware and the rest are redware—form a rather
heterogeneous group with regard to both size and decoration. The smallest goblet is only 8.3 cm
high, whereas the four largest stand 27.2–30.5 cm tall and could hold several liters of maize beer
or other liquid each. The mean height and rim diameter are 18.6 cm and 15.5 cm, respectively.
Although these values fall within the average height (16–20 cm) and rim diameter (12–18 cm) of
Tiwanaku heartland keros as determined by John W. Janusek (2003:60), only eight of the 43 vessels actually fit within said size range, 15 others being too small and the remaining 20 too large.
The majority of Feature 1’s keros (n = 29) possess a flattish, slightly protruding exterior torus.
In addition to the painted decoration typical of Tiwanaku redware keros, many keros of Feature 1 (n = 23) also display modeled decoration. The most typical partially modeled motif is the
Rayed Head/frontal-faced deity (n = 15) (Figure 10), but two vessels display a partially modeled
FIGURE 9. SAMPLE OF THE VESSEL FORMS PRESENT IN PARITI’S FEATURES 1 AND 2
NOTE: ALL VESSEL PROFILES ARE TO SCALE.
(BY R. VÄISÄNEN)
Korpisaari et al.
14
Staff God image very rarely seen on Tiwanaku pottery (Figure 11). Seven or eight keros depict
full-bodied felines, steps, and avian heads on the body and a series of anthropomorphic profile
heads on the torus (Figure 12).
Arguably, the most notable observation concerning the tazon assemblage of both Feature 1 and Feature 2 is that, whereas at the Tiwanaku type-site tazones typically depict decoration on the exterior surface and only secondary designs around the interior rim (Janusek
2003:64), the vast majority of the Pariti tazones display decoration exclusively on the interior
surface. One miniature tazon recovered in Feature 1 has a rim only 6.5 cm in diameter, but the
rest of the vessels flare to a rim diameter of 14.2–16.5 cm, i.e., they fall within the typical Tiwanaku heartland size range (see Janusek 2003:63). By far the most typical design composition of
the tazones of Feature 1 (n = 13) depicts two or three inverted avian heads close to the rim and
two horizontal bands lower down, close to the base (see Figure 27 below).
The largest vessel group in the assemblage of Feature 1 is that of the escudillas (n = 54). The
precursor of this flaring-rimmed Tiwanaku serving type was present already in the Late Formative Qeya ceramics (Janusek 2003; Wallace 1957; see also Bennett 1934:Fig. 14; Eisleb and Strelow
1980:Figs. 12a–16). Pariti’s escudillas can be roughly divided into three size groups: small, large,
and very large. The small escudillas of Feature 1 (n = 21) have a rim 8.2–14.0 cm in diameter and
probably served as individual eating bowls in the same manner as the tazones. However, 32 of
Feature 1’s escudillas open to a rim diameter of 23.3–32.0 cm and the largest one—which has
two vertical handles—has a rim diameter of 42.0 cm. These sizable bowls/basins probably had a
serving function. The large escudillas of Feature 1 are homogeneously decorated, displaying fullbodied profile felines, steps, and avian heads along their interior flaring rim and larger full-bodied
felines or staff-bearing Profile Attendants on the exterior surface (Figure 13). The small escudillas
depict much sparser decoration, which is only along the interior flaring rim and frequently in the
form of full-bodied felines or feline heads (n = 9). As opposed to the great majority of the ceramic
vessels of Pariti’s Features 1 and 2, about a half of the small escudillas of both offering pits are
heavily worn and/or rather crudely manufactured.
The escudilla group is the largest one within the Feature 1 assemblage. The second- and
fourth-largest groups are composed of the challadores (n = 44) and the kidney-shaped bowls (n
= 38), respectively. This is somewhat surprising, as the challador—a vessel with a tapered body
and a narrow base—is rather uncommon at most Tiwanaku heartland sites (Janusek 2003:62). The
kidney-shaped bowl is an even rarer Tiwanaku vessel form: as far as we know, it had not even
been described in the literature prior to the discovery of Pariti’s Features 1 and 2.
All but four Pariti challadores have a perforated base, so these artifacts are functionally
more like funnels or pacchas (see Lothrop 1956; see also Posnansky 1957, Vol. 3:36–37; Rydén
1959:75–76) than goblets meant for containing liquid. Furthermore, six challadores of Feature 1
have crosswise tubes of unknown function or significance in their interior (Figure 14, vessel on
left). The smallest challador recovered in Feature 1 is only 11.5 cm high. In the other end of the
size range are two vessels standing 35.1 cm and 36.5 cm tall, respectively. Most challadores of
Feature 1, however, are 20–28 cm high. Many vessels of this form have a thin wavy line circling
their interior rim, but twelve challadores display more complex internal decoration (Figure
14). All challadores depict painted decoration on the exterior surface. Fourteen vessels display
a rattlesnake that coils around the challador 10–15 times and ends in a modeled head near the
level of the rim (Figure 15). The other 30 vessels depict heterogeneous—although in most cases
very rich and multicolored—painted decoration (see Figure 26 below). However, all but missing
are such emblematic Tiwanaku-style motifs as full-bodied felines, feline and avian heads, and
anthropomorphic profile heads. Rather, the iconography of the Pariti challadores seems to have
drawn more from the centuries-old religious symbols and beliefs of the local inhabitants of the
Lake Titikaka region (see Pärssinen In Press).
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 10. LARGE DEITY-FACE KERO FROM PARITI’S FEATURE 1
(HEIGHT 27.2 CM; RIM DIAMETER 23.1 CM; CODE PRT 00158)
15
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 11. KERO DISPLAYING A PARTIALLY MODELED STAFF GOD IMAGE,
VERY RARELY SEEN ON TIWANAKU POTTERY
16
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 12. KERO DEPICTING “CLASSIC” TIWANAKU-STYLE ICONOGRAPHY:
FELINES, STEPS, AVIAN HEADS, AND ANTHROPOMORPHIC PROFILE HEADS
17
Korpisaari et al.
18
FIGURE 13. LARGE ESCUDILLA FROM PARITI’S FEATURE 1
NOTE: THE VESSEL’S INTERIOR FLARING RIM DEPICTS FIVE PROFILE FELINES ALTERNATING WITH STEPS
ENDING IN AVIAN HEADS; THE EXTERIOR SURFACE DISPLAYS THREE LARGER PROFILE FELINES.
The term kidney-shaped bowl refers to vessels that are elongated and have one central, shallow depression on each long side; that is, vessels that look somewhat kidney-shaped
when observed from above (Figure 16). Twenty-nine such vessels recovered in Feature 1 have a
flattish base and a maximum rim diameter of 11.1–18.2 cm (Figure 16a). Characteristically, the
kidney-shaped bowls of this first variant display painted decoration—e.g., anthropomorphic
profile heads (n = 7) (Figure 17), avian heads (n = 5), or a continuous volute band (n = 4)—only
on their exterior surface. However, both the exterior and interior surfaces of five vessels are
divided into four equally sized zones, two of which are colored red, the other two orange. Six
kidney-shaped bowls of Feature 1 are of a larger and more round-based variant (Figure 16b).
Most examples of this second kind have a maximum rim diameter of 19.5–21.7 cm, but one
kidney-shaped bowl opened to a maximum rim diameter of around 30 cm. The larger kidneyshaped bowls depict relatively elaborate decoration: three only on their exterior surface, one
only on its interior surface, and two on both their exterior and interior surfaces (Figure 18).7
The assemblage of Pariti’s Feature 1 includes 23 bottles that are tallish and slim, flaringrimmed vessels that probably developed out of Qeya long-neck bottle vasijas (see Eisleb and
Strelow 1980:Figs. 18–22; Janusek 2003:Fig. 3.17). Out of the total of 16 intact or nearly intact
Korpisaari et al.
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vessels recovered in Feature 1, ten are bottles (Figure 19). Unlike the overwhelming majority of
the vessels of the offering pit, these bottles had not been smashed to pieces. It seems certain that
they had been left intact for a specific reason—perhaps they were deposited in the pit containing
maize beer or some other ceremonially important liquid. All bottles of Feature 1 are of a rather
similar size, standing 15.7–19.5 cm high. They all display painted decoration on the exterior
surface and about half of them also along the interior rim. Five bottles depict Profile Attendants,
but both the upper and the lower design registers of most vessels of this form display two or
three profile felines, those of the lower register often alternating with steps ending in avian
heads (Figure 19).
Both in academic circles and in exhibitions open to the general public, the 40 sculptural
vessels within the assemblage of Feature 1 have received the greatest amount of attention. This is
partly because naturalistic ceramic art is comparatively rare in existing Tiwanaku collections, and
partly because many of Pariti’s sculptural pieces are particularly skillfully modeled. The subjects
of the sculptural pieces recovered in Feature 1 include animals and human beings. There are a
total of 16 animal effigy vessels, of which eleven represent water birds living in Lake Titikaka (Figure 20), two depict llamas, two represent birds of prey—possibly Amazonian harpy eagles (Figure
FIGURE 14. TWO RICHLY DECORATED CHALLADORES FROM FEATURE 1
(RIM DIAMETERS 25.0 CM [LEFT] AND 24.5 CM [RIGHT]; CODES PRT 00110 [LEFT] AND 00111 [RIGHT])
NOTE: THE VESSEL ON LEFT HAS PECULIAR CROSSWISE TUBES IN ITS INTERIOR.
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 15. CHALLADOR REPRESENTING A COILED RATTLESNAKE
20
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5)—and one depicts a river otter (Korpisaari et al. In Press). The vessels representing human beings feature three sub-groups: (1) the “typical” wako retratos or portrait vessels representing male
heads (n = 7) (Figures 21 and 22), (2) effigy vessels portraying squatting or seated males (n = 8)
(Figure 23), and (3) effigy vessels depicting seated or kneeling females (n = 9) (Figure 6).
Feature 1’s human effigy vessels and wako retratos offer an unparalleled opportunity to
investigate the clothing and ornaments worn by members of the Tiwanaku elite. In the Bolivian
high plateau, very few Tiwanaku textiles have survived. However, now it is possible to compare
the details of the Pariti portraits with actual Tiwanaku and/or Wari textiles and headdresses
that have been preserved in the more arid areas of the South Central Andes. The Pariti material
strongly points to the fact that during the Tiwanaku era it was principally elite males who wore
jewelry and ornaments: Pariti’s sculptural males carry varying combinations of status symbols
that include diadems, ear plugs, labrets, pectorals, bracelets, and anklets. Females are almost
never portrayed wearing such ornaments.8 However, the clothing worn by the females is generally depicted much more carefully than that of the males. It is possible that the Tiwanaku considered jewelry and ornaments as mostly masculine attributes, while textiles may have carried
feminine connotations.
FIGURE 16. VIEW FROM ABOVE AND THE PROFILES OF THE LONG AND SHORT
SIDES OF TWO KIDNEY-SHAPED BOWLS RECOVERED IN PARITI’S FEATURE 1
NOTE: VESSEL A (MAXIMUM RIM DIAMETER 15.8 CM; CODE PRT 00107) IS OF THE FLAT-BASED VARIANT, VESSEL B
(MAXIMUM RIM DIAMETER 21.7 CM; CODE PRT 00190) OF THE LARGER AND MORE ROUND-BASED VARIANT.
(BY R. VÄISÄNEN AFTER ORIGINAL DRAWINGS BY R. KESSELI)
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FIGURE 17. KIDNEY-SHAPED BOWL OF THE FLAT-BASED VARIANT,
DEPICTING ANTHROPOMORPHIC PROFILE HEADS
(HEIGHT 7.0 CM; MAXIMUM RIM DIAMETER 16.0 CM; CODE PRT 00191)
Pedestal bowls comprise the last large vessel group in the assemblage of Feature 1 left to
mention. This group includes 16 vessels that are rather heterogeneous with regard to both their
size—the rim diameters vary from 16.5 to 33.0 cm—and their decoration. Five pedestal bowls
in the smaller size range display a snake whose tail functions as the vessel’s spout and whose
modeled head is (or was) attached to the exterior of the vessel or the interior center of the bowl.
One large pedestal bowl has a modeled monkey figurine attached close to the outside rim. Finally, two vessels have a portrait head as their pedestal (Figure 24).9
FEATURE 2
In addition to the 16 intact or nearly intact vessels and 295 intentionally smashed ones discussed in the previous section, Feature 1 contained parts of 19 vessels whose sherds were distributed between Features 1 and 2 (Figure 25), a fact that strongly suggests that Features 1 and 2 were
dug and filled more or less simultaneously.10 However, this is not the only strand of evidence
pointing in this direction: The combined ceramic assemblage of the two features includes at least
64 vessels forming 32 pairs (see Figures 5, 6, and 26) and 20 vessels that form ten near-pairs—that
Korpisaari et al.
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is, two-vessel sets that were undoubtedly manufactured together by the same potter (or the same
workshop), but in which certain painted or modeled decorative elements subtly differ from one
vessel to the other.11 It is highly significant that some of these paired vessels were distributed between the two features: in five cases the sherds of one paired vessel had been deposited in Feature
1, those of the other in Feature 2 (Figure 26). Additionally, one of a pair of small, intact challadores
had been deposited in Feature 1, the other in Feature 2 (see Figure 7).
Even though Pariti’s Features 1 and 2 shared vessels and vessel pairs and quite possibly
formed a dualistic “whole” or complimentary pair, the offering pits’ contents varied rather notably from one to the other in other respects. Feature 2’s volume was only approximately 62 per3
3
cent of that of Feature 1 (approx. 0.48 m as opposed to approx. 0.77 m ), and it contained two
12
intact vessels and the sherds of at least 103 vessels, that is, only a third of the vessels present in
the first offering pit. In addition to the smaller size of the pit itself, another factor contributing
to the smaller size of the Feature 2 assemblage in relation to that of Feature 1 is that the faunal
remains present in this second offering context tended to be larger and bulkier than those recovered in Feature 1. Although the above-mentioned issues go a long way towards explaining some
of the variability between the two ceramic assemblages, the fact remains that the assemblage of
FIGURE 18. RICHLY DECORATED KIDNEY-SHAPED BOWL OF THE LARGER
AND MORE ROUND-BASED VARIANT
(HEIGHT 10.3 CM; MAXIMUM RIM DIAMETER 21.7 CM; CODE PRT 00197)
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FIGURE 19. TEN BOTTLES RECOVERED NEARLY INTACT IN PARITI’S FEATURE 1
(HEIGHT OF TALLEST PIECE 19.5 CM)
Feature 2 also seems a bit more “ordinary” than that of Feature 1, being relatively poor in such
rare vessel forms as kidney-shaped bowls (n = 5), human effigy vessels (n = 1), and portrait
heads (n = 0). Feature 2 also contained comparatively more tazones (n = 21) and escudillas (n =
27) than Feature 1; vessels belonging to these two open serving-vessel types make up approximately 46 percent of all Feature 2 vessels and only about 24 percent of all Feature 1 vessels.
Feature 2’s tazones are rather similar to those of Feature 1: they depict decoration only
on the interior surface, flare to a rim diameter of 14.2–18.4 cm, and commonly display inverted
avian heads (n = 11) (Figure 27). Also the eight small escudillas of Feature 2 resemble their
counterparts recovered in Feature 1. There are interesting differences, however, between the
collections of large escudillas of the two offering pits: Two of Feature 2’s large escudillas and
one very large escudilla have a “pouring lip,” a feature that we have not seen previously reported for Tiwanaku pottery (Figure 28). Regarding iconography, even though 15 of the 18
large escudillas of Feature 2 display full-bodied felines and/or Profile Attendants, some of these
motifs are painted rather distinctly and/or appear in novel compositions that include additional
motifs not present on the escudillas of Feature 1 (Figure 29). Three vessels display solely “atypical” iconography (Figures 28 and 30), and the exteriors of four large escudillas depict no decora-
Korpisaari et al.
25
tion whatsoever (Figure 28). Interestingly, this phenomenon of depositing in Feature 2 “typical”
escudilla vessels that display “atypical” iconography is repeated in bottles: Feature 2 contained
only three (smashed) bottles, all of which depict iconography not present on the bottles of
Feature 1 (Figure 31). Whatever the reason for such iconographical differences between certain
parts of the two assemblages, we strongly feel that they were intentional and were probably
loaded with symbolic and/or religious significance.
As Pariti’s challador iconography is so rich and variable, it is more difficult to determine
whether there are meaningful iconographical differences like the kind described above between
the challador collections of the two offering pits. One difference is clear, however: no rattlesnake
challadores—14 of which were recovered in Feature 1 (see Figure 15)—were deposited in Feature
2. The relative proportions of challadores in the two assemblages are comparable; where the 18
challadores of Feature 2 make up about 17 percent of that assemblage, the 44 challadores of Feature 1 are about 14 percent of it. Five challadores of Feature 2 have crosswise tubes in their interior
(Figure 32), so, relatively speaking, vessels of this variant were more common in said offering pit
than in Feature 1. Interestingly, Feature 2 also contained nine challadores under 20 cm high, while
Feature 1 had only two challadores this small.
FIGURE 20. WATERFOWL EFFIGY VESSEL FROM FEATURE 1
(HEIGHT 13.4 CM; CODE PRT 00365)
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 21. COMPLETELY INTACT WAKO RETRATO OR PORTRAIT VESSEL
DEPICTING A BROAD-FACED MALE WEARING EAR PLUGS
AND A LABRET IN HIS LOWER LIP
26
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 22. LARGE PORTRAIT VESSEL DEPICTING A MALE WHO WEARS
A DIADEM-CROWNED, HELMET-LIKE HEADDRESS
NOTE: THE VESSEL IS NOT AN OPEN GOBLET, AS ARE THE GREAT MAJORITY OF TIWANAKU PORTRAIT VESSELS,
BUT HAS A SEPARATE NECK PART THAT PROTRUDES FROM THE BACK OF THE MALE’S HEADDRESS.
27
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28
FIGURE 23. MAGNIFICENT PIECE REPRESENTING A WRINKLE-FACED MAN
WITH A SPOTTED WATERFOWL ON HIS LEFT ARM
NOTE: THE MAN’S EARLOBES ARE PIERCED AND PROBABLY ORIGINALLY FEATURED METAL, STONE, SHELL, OR WOOD EAR
PLUGS. HE WEARS A FOUR-POINTED HAT WITH A WIDE (TEXTILE OR FUR?) “BRIM.”
Korpisaari et al.
29
FIGURE 24. PEDESTAL BOWL WHOSE SOMEWHAT INCOMPLETELY
RECONSTRUCTED PEDESTAL IS A PORTRAIT HEAD
As with the challadores, the relative proportions of keros in the two assemblages are
roughly comparable (these goblets make up about 14 percent of the Feature 1 assemblage and
about 10 percent of that of Feature 2). Either due to the smallish size of the Feature 2 kero collection (n = 10) or to intentional selection in ancient times, the range of decorative themes on
these vessels is more restricted than on the keros of Feature 1: Six keros of Feature 2 that are
13.2–21.0 cm high (one of which is blackware; Figure 33) depict full-bodied profile felines, steps,
and avian heads on the body and a series of anthropomorphic profile heads on the torus. The
four remaining vessels (one of which is greyware) are 22.9–28.6 cm high and display one Rayed
Head image each (Figure 34).
Feature 2 also contained eight pedestal bowls, one of which displays a partially modeled snake whose now-detached head originally rose from the interior center of the bowl. It is
the only vessel of the whole assemblage of Feature 2 to depict this kind of (rattle)snake iconography; in comparison, 26 vessels from Feature 1 display snake iconography (Korpisaari et al. In
Press). Two pedestal bowls of Feature 2 have a modeled figurine—in one case a human being
(Figure 35), in the other a robust feline or other animal—attached close to the outside rim.13
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 25. LARGE CHALLADOR RECONSTRUCTED USING SHERDS
FOUND BOTH IN FEATURE 1 AND IN FEATURE 2
NOTE: THE VESSEL IS STANDING UPSIDE DOWN IN THIS PHOTOGRAPH.
30
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31
FIGURE 26. PAIR OF IMPRESSIVELY DECORATED CHALLADORES THAT HAVE
CROSSWISE TUBES IN THEIR INTERIOR
(HEIGHTS 25.0 CM [LEFT] AND 24.5 CM [RIGHT]; CODES PRT 00517 [LEFT] AND 00110 [RIGHT])
NOTE: THE VESSELS ARE STANDING UPSIDE DOWN IN THIS PHOTOGRAPH. THE SHERDS OF THE CHALLADOR ON LEFT
WERE RECOVERED IN PARITI’S FEATURE 2, THOSE OF THE VESSEL ON RIGHT IN FEATURE 1.
THE VESSEL ON RIGHT ALSO APPEARS IN FIGURE 14.
THE DATING OF PARITI’S FEATURES 1 AND 2
A lot of charcoal was present throughout Features 1 and 2, strongly indicating that
burning fires and/or incense was an integral part of the ceremonial activities that resulted in the formation of these offering pits. Whatever the exact reason for the presence of
charcoal in the features, this provided us with plentiful samples for radiocarbon dating.
In total, 15 radiocarbon samples collected on Pariti in 2004–06 have been processed. Five
of these samples were collected from Feature 1 and three from Feature 2. The details of
these eight offering-pit dates are presented in Table 1. The remaining seven Pariti dates
are discussed in more detail in other publications (see Korpisaari In Press; Korpisaari and
Pärssinen In Preparation).
Using the “Combine” function of the OxCal v.3.10 program and the Southern Hemisphere Atmospheric calibration data from McCormac et al. (2004), the five Feature 1 dates
give the following combined results: cal AD 895–920 (24.8%), cal AD 950–990 (43.4%) (one sigma) and cal AD 890–1000 (95.4%) (two sigma) (X2-Test: df=4, T=15.5(5% 9.5). The three dates
from Feature 2, on the other hand, give the following combined results: cal AD 1020–1050
32
Korpisaari et al.
TABLE 1. RADIOCARBON DATES FROM PARITI’S FEATURES 1 AND 2.
Lab. Code
Feature 1
Hela-954
Hela-955
Hela-956
Hela-957
Hela-958
Feature 2
Hela-1081
Hela-1082
Hela-1083
Sample
δ13C BP
Calibrated Age (1 sigma) Calibrated Age (2 sigma)
Pariti 2 (Feature 1, depth ca. 140 cm)
Pariti 3 (Feature 1, depth ca. 155 cm)
Pariti 4 (Feature 1, depth ca. 205–210 cm)
Pariti 5 (Feature 1, depth 234 cm)
-24.8
-25.3
-26.5
-24.7
-22.1
1075±45
1040±40
1240±45
1195±45
1180±45
AD
970–1050, 1080–1110
990–1050, 1080–1140
AD 770–900, 920–940
AD 860–990
AD 880–990
AD
AD
AD
-23.4 1030±45
-24.9 1005±45
-24.6 1035±40
AD
1010–1050, 1070–1150
1020–1060, 1070–1150
AD 990–1050, 1080–1140
AD
AD
AD
890–1060, 1070–1150
980–1160
AD 690–750, 760–980
AD 770–990
AD 770–1010
980–1160
990–1180
AD 980–1160
THE CALIBRATED ONE- AND TWO-SIGMA AGES WERE OBTAINED USING
AND FOLLOWING THE CALIBRATION CURVE OF
OXCAL V.3.10
MCCORMAC ET AL. (2004).
FIGURE 27. TAZON FROM FEATURE 2, DEPICTING TWO INVERTED
AVIAN HEADS ON ITS INTERIOR SURFACE
NOTE: LIKE THE GREAT MAJORITY OF THE TAZONES OF PARITI’S FEATURES 1 AND 2,
THIS VESSEL DOES NOT DISPLAY ANY DECORATION ON THE EXTERIOR SURFACE.
Korpisaari et al.
33
FIGURE 28. LARGE ESCUDILLA WITH A “POURING LIP” (VISIBLE ON THE LEFT)
NOTE: THE INTERIOR OF THE VESSEL’S FLARING RIM DISPLAYS TWO REPEATS OF AN S-SHAPED DESIGN ENDING IN AVIAN
HEADS; THE VESSEL’S EXTERIOR IS UNDECORATED.
(28.3%), cal AD 1080–1140 (39.9%) (one sigma) and cal AD 990–1150 (95.4%) (two sigma) (X2Test: df=2, T=0.3(5% 6.0). In the light of these “combined” dates of Pariti’s two offering pits,
it would seem that Feature 1 was formed perhaps a century earlier than Feature 2; however,
as we explained above we find it almost certain that the two were formed simultaneously.
The two-sigma ranges of the combined dates of Features 1 and 2 overlap in the years cal
AD 990–1000, so it is quite probable that the ceremony leading to the formation of Pariti’s
Features 1 and 2 took place close to the year AD 1000. The combining of all eight radiocarbon dates from the two features gives results which are in accordance with this inference:
cal AD 985–1020 (68.2%) (one sigma) and cal AD 980–1025 (95.4%) (two sigma) (X2-Test: df=7,
T=29.5(5% 14.1).
Many of the vessels recovered in Pariti’s Features 1 and 2 are rather conspicuous examples of Bennett’s (1934) “Classic” Tiwanaku style, earlier thought to have dated to Ponce’s Tiwanaku IV phase. The fact that the Pariti material dates to the 10th century A.D., that is, around
the end of the Early Tiwanaku V period14 strongly supports the previously discussed, emerging
consensus that Bennett’s “Classic” and “Decadent” styles were largely contemporaneous.
Korpisaari et al.
34
FIGURE 29. LARGE ESCUDILLA DISPLAYING FULL-BODIED PROFILE FELINES
IN A COMPOSITION DISTINCT FROM THOSE PAINTED
ON THE ESCUDILLAS OF FEATURE 1
THE PARITI OFFERINGS IN THE WIDER CONTEXT OF THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE
LAKE TITIKAKA REGION
Pariti’s Features 1 and 2 were either religious offerings in themselves or pits into
which the remains of symbolically killed or smashed ceramic vessels were deposited during
or following an important religious ceremony or a feast of great magnitude (or several such
ceremonies/feasts). Nothing points to the fact that the features would have been either “normal” midden pits or middens related to ceramic manufacture. Although the great majority of
the vessels deposited in Features 1 and 2 were broken, 18 intact or nearly intact vessels were
also present. Additionally, approximately 21 percent of the vessels had been buried either in
pairs or in four-vessel sets of closely related artifacts (see Korpisaari In Press; Korpisaari and
Pärssinen In Preparation; Sagárnaga M. 2009), which rules out the possibility that they were
accidentally broken. The interpretation that broken pottery might somehow indicate that the
two features were related to ceramic manufacture must also be ruled out because of the absence of other kinds of ceramic wasters, such as the kind produced by firing.
Korpisaari et al.
35
Because in 2005–06 we were unable to completely investigate the immediate surroundings
of Features 1 and 2, we cannot be sure of whether or not additional offering pits are connected
with this pair of archaeologically excavated features. However, we strongly feel that the great
majority of the finds that originally led us to Pariti in 2003—and of those that A. Callisaya donated
to the Pariti Museum in 2005—come from a third offering context more or less similar to Features
1 and 2. This hypothetical third offering, hit upon in the 1990s by the local residents, was situated
about 40 m away from Features 1 and 2. Therefore, the third offering is probably not intimately
linked to, and may be chronologically distinct from, the other two. However, the presence of the
(hypothetical) third offering strongly suggests that more such features could be found on Pariti.
As we imply in the title of the paper, we feel that our work on Pariti has shed a great deal
of new light on the Tiwanaku era in the Lake Titikaka region. However, our contributions towards
the Tiwanaku-period archaeology of this area began earlier when our team excavated at the late
Tiwanaku/early post-Tiwanaku cemetery site of Tiraska in 1998 and 2002–03. In his Ph.D. dissertation, Korpisaari (2006; see also Isbell and Korpisaari In Press) analyzes the tomb styles and burial
practices documented at Tiraska, as well as those of the Tiwanaku heartland in general, concluding that on the islands of Lake Titikaka and at many Tiwanaku-period sites situated on or near
FIGURE 30. LARGE ESCUDILLA FROM PARITI’S FEATURE 2
NOTE: THE INTERIOR OF THE VESSEL’S FLARING RIM DEPICTS THREE REPEATS OF A FELINE-HEADED,
SNAKE-LIKE BEING WITH A FANGED MOUTH.
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 31. RICHLY DECORATED BOTTLE FROM FEATURE 2
NOTE: THE VESSEL’S EXTERIOR DISPLAYS TWO ATYPICAL PROFILE FELINES, STEPS ENDING IN AVIAN HEADS,
AND A CONTINUOUS VOLUTE BAND. ONE HALF OF THE INTERIOR RIM DEPICTS VOLUTES ENDING IN STEPS;
THE OTHER HALF IS BLACK.
36
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 32. CHALLADOR WITH CROSSWISE TUBES IN ITS INTERIOR AND A
CONTINUOUS VOLUTE BAND AROUND ITS INTERIOR RIM
37
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 33. SMALLISH BLACKWARE KERO FROM PARITI’S FEATURE 2
NOTE: THE VESSEL DEPICTS INCISED DECORATION—TWO PROFILE FELINES AND STEPS ENDING IN
AVIAN HEADS ON THE BODY AND FIVE ANTHROPOMORPHIC PROFILE HEADS ON THE TORUS.
38
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 34. LARGE DEITY-FACE KERO FROM PARITI’S FEATURE 2
39
Korpisaari et al.
40
FIGURE 35. LARGE PEDESTAL BOWL THAT HAS A HUMAN FIGURINE
ATTACHED CLOSE TO ITS RIM
NOTE: THE HUMAN FIGURINE IS CA. 8 CM HIGH AND STANDS ON A SHORT HORIZONTAL “HANDLE.”
A SMALL SODALITE BIT ATTACHED TO THE INDIVIDUAL’S UPPER LIP APPARENTLY REPRESENTS A LABRET.
the shore of Lake Wiñaymarca burial in stone-lined cists was the rule. Based on this, Korpisaari
suggests that an ethnic or social-identity boundary of some kind separated the inhabitants of the
immediate Lake Titikaka region from those of its neighboring river valleys.
Of course, evidence of the presence of two or more ethnically or otherwise divergent
groups within the Tiwanaku heartland has been noted earlier by other scholars. For a long
time it has been acknowledged that in the early Colonial period four languages—Aymara, Uru,
Pukina, and Quechua—were present in the Titikaka Basin (e.g., Browman 1994; Torero 2005).
Quechua was spread by the expanding Inca Empire in the 15th and 16th centuries A.D., but
most Tiwanaku scholars today agree that the other three languages were already present in
the Titikaka Basin during the Middle Horizon, and that, consequently, the Tiwanaku State was
multiethnic (e.g., Goldstein 2005:55–57; Janusek 2008:50–54, 199; Kolata 1993:240–242; Pärssinen
2005b:31–33). Regarding concrete archaeological evidence, bioanthropological research (Blom
2005a, b) and ceramic studies (Bermann 1994; Janusek 2003:80; 2004:190–194; 2005:45–49) have
shown that there were significant differences in cranial modification types and pottery assemblages between the Tiwanaku and Katari Valleys during the Tiwanaku period. Korpisaari’s
Korpisaari et al.
41
(2006) findings concerning the heterogeneity of the Tiwanaku heartland burial record fit well
within this existing body of knowledge.
So, then, how does the research presented here contribute to the unraveling of this
ethnic/social-identity mosaic of the Tiwanaku-period southern Titikaka Basin? For one thing,
Feature 1 and 2’s naturalistically modeled and painted portrait vessels, human effigy vessels,
and human figurines (Figure 36) give an unprecedented view of how some late Tiwanaku-period noblemen and noblewomen dressed and wore their hair. As Martti Pärssinen and Korpisaari
discuss in more detail elsewhere (Korpisaari and Pärssinen In Preparation; Pärssinen 2005b:31–
33), the variability of the hair and headdress styles, sets of personal ornaments, and facial
features of the individuals depicted on Pariti’s ceramic portraits reinforces the above-mentioned
interpretations of the existence of several social identities in the Tiwanaku heartland. Furthermore, the headdress and clothing styles that the inhabitants of the Titikaka Basin used around
the beginning of the 17th century, according to Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala’s (1987 [1615])
famous drawings, find close parallels in the Pariti assemblage. This indicates that there probably
was considerable ethnic and/or cultural continuity in the Titikaka region from ca. AD 1000 until
the early Colonial period.
Pariti’s Tiwanaku pottery differs in certain notable ways from Tiwanaku pottery from
the sites of Tiwanaku, Lukurmata, and others that have been investigated. For instance, many of
the iconographic motifs and themes painted on the challadores of Features 1 and 2 are “new,”
not having been encountered previously (see Figures 14, 25, and 26). Furthermore, the compositions on many of the Pariti escudillas and keros, in which normative Tiwanaku icons typically
appear, differ from those typical in the Tiwanaku “capital,” and Pariti’s tazones display decoration on their interiors, that is, on the “wrong” side. Differences between the Tiwanaku pottery
of Pariti and that of the Tiwanaku type-site were noted already by Bennett. Concerning his
“Classic” Tiwanaku collection from Pariti, he wrote: “these puma figures are modified with a
wing, a folded snout, a turned-down tail, and other details which distinguish them from those
figures as observed at Tiahuanaco itself” (Bennett 1936:455). All of the above led Väisänen (2008)
to suggest that the pottery of Features 1 and 2 represents a particular Pariti sub-style within the
more general Tiwanaku style. This Pariti sub-style shares certain traits with the Lukurmata style
defined by Janusek (2003:80; 2005:45). These include keros with a frontal-faced deity, serving
wares with short annular bases (in the Pariti case, escudillas, bottles, and a few kidney-shaped
bowls), and the continuous-volute motif that at least 28 vessels of Pariti’s Features 1 and 2 display (see Figures 31 and 32). Furthermore, some Lukurmata-style tanware vessels are included
in the assemblage of Pariti’s two offering pits.
Another noteworthy issue to consider is the strong degree to which Cochabamba
influence seems to be present in the assemblage of Pariti’s Features 1 and 2. The challador is
believed to be a vessel form originally developed in the Cochabamba region, from which it
would have spread to the Tiwanaku heartland around AD 800 (Janusek 2003:62; see also Anderson 2009; Bennett 1934:408). When one pools the assemblages of Pariti’s Features 1 and 2,
the challador is the second most common vessel form (n = 67), preceded only by the escudilla
(n = 82). To our knowledge, challadores have never been found in such relative proportions
at any other Tiwanaku heartland site. The central role of these vessels in the Pariti offerings
hints at cultural ties between the group(s) that manufactured the Pariti assemblage and the inhabitants of the Cochabamba area. However, the Pariti challadores are made of pastes similar
to those of the rest of the vessels (Fernández M. 2006b) and decorated in a markedly non-Tiwanaku and non-Cochabamba fashion, so the nature and direction of these contacts may have
been rather complex.
There are also indications that the manufacturers and/or users of the Pariti pottery had
contact with Wari-affiliated peoples or groups—perhaps via the Moquegua Middle Valley Ti-
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 36. FREE-STANDING HUMAN FIGURINE FROM FEATURE 1
42
Korpisaari et al.
43
wanaku colony. The main line of evidence pointing in this direction are Features 1 and 2 themselves, which find their closest parallels in the deposits of intentionally smashed ceremonial pottery investigated at the Wari sites of Pacheco (e.g., Menzel 1964:23–28), Conchopata (e.g., Cook
1984–1985; Isbell 2001:36–44), Ayapata (Ravines 1968, 1977), and Maymi (Anders 1990).15 Most
Wari ceramic offerings of this kind included at least some vessels displaying Staff God and/or
Profile Attendant iconography, and these motifs appear on a number of Pariti keros, escudillas,
and bottles16 (see Figures 11 and 19). Furthermore, the closest parallels for the four foot-shaped
beakers recovered in Pariti’s Features 1 and 2 (Figure 37) also come from the Wari cultural area
(see Berrin 1997:178; Longhena and Alva 1999:51).
Gold artifacts are rarely found at Tiwanaku sites and even more seldom in large numbers. Furthermore, during the Middle Horizon, gold (and silver) grave goods were much more
uncommon in the southern Titikaka Basin than in the preceding Formative period. All of the
above suggests that sumptuary laws regulated the ownership of gold in the Tiwanaku State
(Korpisaari 2006:156; see also Lechtman 2003:430). In this light, the Pariti tomb that Bennett
found containing 23 (smallish) gold objects is a remarkable feature. Further, if one considers the
ca. 20-cm-high gold kero and small gold plaques that Pacheco found in another tomb on Pariti,
and the small ornaments of sheet gold we recovered in 2005 in the lowest levels of Feature 2 (see
Figure 8), Tiwanaku gold artifacts are present on the small island in surprisingly large quanti2
ties—particularly when one considers that less than 200 m have been archaeologically excavated on Pariti. Furthermore, the high quality and immense number of the ceramic vessels ceremonially smashed and later deposited in Pariti’s Features 1 and 2 seem to speak to a ritual of major
proportions and importance, probably carried out in a very special place. One also has to take
into account the fact that, based on the osteological analysis of the faunal remains recovered in
Pariti’s two offering pits, at least 33 llamas were sacrificed and/or consumed during these celebrations (Callisaya M. 2005, 2006). For all these reasons, we believe that Pariti was sacred to the
local inhabitants of the immediate Lake Titikaka region and possibly to the Tiwanaku State as a
whole. We further believe that one or more Tiwanaku-period temple structures once stood on
the island. Our excavations may have revealed the southwestern corner of one such structure,
but more fieldwork is needed in order to verify or refute this assumption.
Although many questions still remain, it is very probable that the spectacularly rich—
and surprisingly “cosmopolitan”—archaeological record of the island of Pariti is related to the
sacred and central role of Lake Titikaka in Andean mythology. In this context it is important
to note that other islands of Lake Titikaka are home to important Tiwanaku sites too. Brian S.
Bauer and Charles Stanish’s (2001; see also Stanish and Bauer 2004) survey located 28 Tiwanaku
sites on the famous Island of the Sun, and two on the Island of the Moon. Bauer and Stanish
suggest that by ca. AD 650, these two islands had become a fundamental part of the Tiwanaku
State. One of the principal Tiwanaku sites on the Island of the Sun, Chucaripupata, was situated close to the Sacred Rock of the Incas (Seddon 2004). Bauer and Stanish (2001) hypothesize
that the Sacred Rock was already a major ritual object by the time of Tiwanaku. On the Island of
the Moon, Bauer and Stanish’s excavations indicated that the Inca temple site of Iñak Uyu had
a Tiwanaku-period occupation.17 Consequently, it seems that the Tiwanaku—like the Incas—
appropriated the sacredness of Lake Titikaka for their own purposes. Our finds on Pariti are
further proof of this apparent link between the sacred Lake Titikaka and the Tiwanaku State.
Korpisaari et al.
FIGURE 37. FOOT-SHAPED BEAKER FROM PARITI’S FEATURE 1
NOTE: A ROW OF EIGHT PAINTED SKELETAL HEADS CIRCLES THE VESSEL’S EXTERIOR RIM.
44
Korpisaari et al.
45
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The 2003–06 investigations on Pariti formed part of the Formations and Transformations
of Ethnic Identities in the South Central Andes, AD 700–1825 project, funded by the University of
Helsinki and the Finnish Cultural Foundation, and headed by Professor Martti Pärssinen. Antti
Korpisaari and Jédu Sagárnaga directed the Pariti fieldwork together with Pärssinen. The then
director of the Dirección Nacional de Arquelogía of Bolivia, Lic. Javier Escalante, granted authorization for these investigations. Riikka Väisänen, Risto Kesseli, Javier Mencias, Claudia M. Sejas Rivero, Marco Antonio Taborga, Tania M. Patiño Sánchez, Juan E. Villanueva Criales, Jenny
Martínez, and María Soledad Fernández Murillo participated in the fieldwork on Pariti and/
or in the post-fieldwork in La Paz. The people living in the community of Pariti participated
in the fieldwork on a rotating basis. Our thanks are due to all the aforementioned persons and
institutions, as well as to the anonymous reviewers of the drafts of this paper. We also would
like to acknowledge our gratitude for the keen interest Jeffrey Splitstoser showed in getting the
manuscript to print throughout its prolonged process of preparation and editing. Finally, Korpisaari would like to thank the Niilo Helander Foundation, the Emil Aaltonen Foundation, and
Dumbarton Oaks, whose financial support allowed him to work on analyzing the Pariti material
in 2006–2010.
Korpisaari et al.
46
ENDNOTES
Lake Titikaka’s surface is ca. 3,810 m above sea level.
This relative scarcity of “Decadent” Tiwanaku pottery noted by Bennett reinforces our view that Pariti was an
important ceremonial site in which “higher-status” vessels of the “Classic” kind would have predominated (see below).
3
Regarding the appropriateness of using Quechua (e.g., kero), Spanish (e.g., tinaja, escudilla, tazon, and vasija), or
English words (e.g., pedestal bowl) to refer to Tiwanaku vessels of particular shapes, it is the editors’ opinion that,
while all these words carry potential “baggage” (deeply rooted and culturally specific definitions of a word that are
transferred, often unconsciously, to the thing described), short of creating a new word, they are often the best terms
we have. The aim of this paper is not to invent, discuss, or challenge vessel-shape nomenclature; instead, the authors
use nomenclature already in use. For example, while the Inca word kero refers only to wooden drinking cups (Cummins 2005:30), and the Tiwanaku vessels described in this paper are ceramic, Tom Cummins (2005) uses the term
“ceramic quero” to refer to both Inca and Tiwanaku kero-shaped ceramic vessels; Wendell C. Bennett uses the term
“kero-shaped cup” in his Tiwanaku ceramic typology of 1934; Dwight T. Wallace (1957) uses “kero,” as does JoEllen Burkholder (1997) in their English-language Tiwanaku ceramic typologies. The authors follow John W. Janusek
(2003) in describing and naming vessels.
4
Some weeks later we learned that J. C. Callisaya had lied to us concerning the original location of the pieces he
had in his possession. In fact, these artifacts—along with those of A. Callisaya—had come from a pit dug by local residents on the western side of Pariti’s soccer field in order to obtain clay for adobe brick manufacture.
5
The bottom of Feature 2 was located at a depth of 299 cm.
6
Naturally, all fragments recovered in Pariti’s Features 1 and 2 could not be joined to their respective vessels.
Hundreds of loose sherds still remained in the end of the almost two-year-long post-fieldwork period.
7
In addition to the two variants mentioned above, Feature 1’s kidney-shaped-bowl category also includes three
vessels with a slightly projecting base ring.
8
The only exceptions are bracelets worn by a pair of seated females.
9
In addition to the vessel types discussed in detail above, the assemblage of Pariti’s Feature 1 includes seven vasijas, three foot-shaped beakers (see Figure 37 below), three gourd effigy bowls, two “challador outliers,” two ellipsoid
bowls, two globular-based beakers, two sahumadores, two triangular tripod vessels, one cylindrical vessel with a short
pedestal, and one egg-shaped pitcher (see Korpisaari and Pärssinen In Preparation and Väisänen 2008 for more details). Sherds belonging to at least six large tinajas had also been deposited in the offering pit, but only one of these
vessels was reconstructed more fully.
10
This group of vessels whose sherds were found in both investigated offering pits includes five challadores (Figure 25), three keros, two kidney-shaped bowls, two sahumadores, one egg-shaped pitcher, one ellipsoid bowl, one
escudilla, one foot-shaped beaker, one paccha possibly depicting a human fetus and its umbilical cord, one “pedestal
bowl outlier” standing on a portrait head pedestal, and one vasija.
11
For further information and analysis on the paired vessels of Pariti’s Features 1 and 2, see Korpisaari In Press;
Korpisaari and Pärssinen In Preparation; Sagárnaga M. 2009.
12
Counting also those 19 vessels whose sherds had been distributed between both features, Feature 2 contained
sherds belonging to at least 122 vessels.
13
In addition to the vessel types mentioned above, the assemblage of Pariti’s Feature 2 includes four animal effigy
vessels, two ellipsoid bowls, two sahumadores, one “challador outlier,” one egg-shaped pitcher, one tinaja, and one
vasija.
14
AD 800–1000, according to Janusek (2003:37).
15
In the Tiwanaku area, the closest parallel for Pariti’s Features 1 and 2 is the so-called Akapana Kero Smash (see
Manzanilla 1992; see also Kolata 1993:123–124, 2003:191). However, this differs from the Pariti offerings in that the
sherds of the smashed vessels were spread on the terrace of a temple, not buried in pits.
16
Three vessels of Pariti’s Features 1 and 2 depict a Staff God image, and 17 vessels have Profile Attendant imagery
(see Korpisaari In Press).
17
Pärssinen (2003:255–259, 2005a:212–215) also published evidence of a Tiwanaku presence at Iñak Uyu.
1
2
Korpisaari et al.
47
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