buletinul ştiinţific - Scientific Journal of the UTCB Series Foreign

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buletinul ştiinţific - Scientific Journal of the UTCB Series Foreign
UNIVERSITATEA TEHNICĂ DE CONSTRUCŢII BUCUREŞTI
BULETINUL ŞTIINŢIFIC
DLSC
Volumul VII
Nr. 1/ 2014
COLEGI UL DE REDACŢI E
Redactor Şef:
Prof. univ. dr. Zoia MANOLESCU
Redactori Coordonatori:
Prof. univ. dr. Mihaela Şt. RĂDULESCU
Conf. univ. dr. Carmen ARDELEAN
Consiliul Ştiinţific:
Prof. univ. dr. Ileana Alexandra ORLICH, Arizona State University, Phoenix, SUA
Prof. univ. dr. Bernard DARBORD, Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, Paris,
Franţa
Prof. univ. dr. Jean PEETERS, Université Bretagne Sud, Lorient, Franţa
Prof. univ. dr. Pierre MOREL, Universitatea Liberă Internaţională din Moldova,
Chişinău, Republica Moldova
Conf. univ. dr. Tsvetelina HARAKCHIYSKA, Universitatea “Angel Kanchev” din Ruse,
Bulgaria
Conf. univ. dr. Felix NICOLAU, UTCB, Membru al Uniunii Scriitorilor din România
Conf. univ. dr. Cecilia CONDEI, Universitatea din Craiova, România
Conf. univ. dr. Alexandra ODDO, Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, Paris,
Franţa
Conf. univ. dr. Alexandra SOLCAN, Universitatea Pedagogică de Stat « Ion Creangă »,
Chişinău, Rep. Moldova
Secretar de redacţie:
Asist. drd. Ana DROBOT
Tehnoredactare computerizată, grafica şi editarea revistei:
Ing. Anca LOBAZĂ
ISSN 2068-8202
REDACŢIA BULETINUL ŞTIINŢIFIC
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Tel. +40-21-242.12.08 – int. 206
Fax. +40-21-242.07.81
e-mail: [email protected]
BULETINUL ŞTIINŢIFIC AL UNIVERSITĂŢII TEHNICE DE CONSTRUCŢII
BUCUREŞTI
BULETINUL ŞTIINŢIFIC
Seria: Limbi străine şi comunicare
Nr. 1/2014
CONSPRESS
BUCUREȘTI
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CUPRINS – CONTENTS – TABLE DES MATIÈRES
STUDIES :
Implications françaises de la contre-culture américaine des années
1950 et 1960 : les exemples de la beat generation et du mouvement
Hippie
Erwin Kretz ……………………………………………………………
Page 7
Die Vielseitigkeit der Deutschen Sportsprache anhand von zwei
Beispielen: Fussballdeutsch und Tennisdeutsch
Oana Florina Avornicesei, Anca Şelărescu ………………………
Page 13
The Feature Geometry Model and the Phonological Process of
Assimilation in English
Irina-Ana Drobot…………………………………………………………….
Page 20
Aspecte ale teoriei comunicării de masă
Aura Gherguţ……………………………………………………….…
Page 28
Dificultades en la traducción de términos argóticos del español
al rumano. Propuesta de traducción del lenguaje argótico de
Historias del Kronen
José Barroso................................................................
Page 35
The Prince of Wales – the Sovereign for the Twenty-first
Century?
Marina-Cristiana Rotaru ……………………………………….
Page 42
Rusismele aici și dincolo de Prut
Marinela Doina Nistea ............................................................
Page 49
Cine, Guerra y Política en el siglo XX
Óscar Ruiz Fernández…………………………………………………..
Page 55
Book Reviews:
Bogdan Ghiu: I the artist. Life after survival (Bar code for the
monstrous future of art)
Felix Nicolau ……………………………………………………………………
Page 63
Events
Past Events
………………………………………………
Upcoming International Conferences and Symposiums ………………
Page 66
Page 75
STUDIES – STUDII– ÉTUDES
IMPLICATIONS FRANÇAISES DE LA CONTRE-CULTURE
AMÉRICAINE DES ANNÉES 1950 ET 1960 : LES EXEMPLES DE LA
BEAT GENERATION ET DU MOUVEMENT HIPPIE
Erwin Kretz
Abstract: In this article, we present the influences of the American counterculture from the 1950s
and 1960s in France, focusing on the beat generation and the hippie movement. The study aims to
highlight the consequences of these two currents on the French society during the 1960s and 1970s.
In order to understand their specificities in France, in the first part of this paper we shall describe the
society of this country during the 1960s, because these specificities represent the roots that have
been materialized in the events of 1968. In the second part of this paper, we shall present the
beatnik and hippie culture from the metropolitan France, depending on the axis “own culture/ social
reality”, noting that their influence could not be compared to that which prevailed in the United
States. Certain themes that were frequently approached by these two currents have remained topical.
Politics, sexism and racism are just a few of them.
Mots-clés : contre-culture, beat generation, mouvement hippie, culture propre, réalité sociale.
La notion de contre-culture est en elle-même difficile à cerner, car elle embrasse des formes
très diverses au cours du temps; le dénominateur commun en est la dimension contestataire
par rapport à une culture dominante. Elle peut s’appliquer aussi bien à des courants sociaux
tel le féminisme qu’à des actions de militantisme politique (anarchisme, mouvement hippie),
à diverses formes de musique contestataire (exemple du rock indépendant), en passant par
ce qu’on appelle l’underground artistique en général (beat generation), ainsi qu’à des
mouvements artistiques, (surréalisme, futurisme…), etc. D’autre part, la définition même du
terme est loin d’être unitaire : dans le domaine de la philosophie, des héritiers de Heidegger
l’intègrent dans le Zeitgeist (esprit du temps), reflétant une conception du monde propre à
une période donnée.1 Nous nous intéresserons dans notre travail à la définition donnée par
Théodore Roszak à la notion de contre-culture, sociologue auquel est attribuée la création
du terme, dans son ouvrage Vers une contre-culture.2 Dans ce cas, la contre-culture
s’applique aux mouvements contestataires des années 1950 et 1960 de la jeunesse
contre l’hégémonie culturelle des classes « bien-pensantes ». Les deux mouvements
contestataires majeurs de cette époque sont les beatniks, inspirés par les écrits des auteurs
de la beat generation ainsi que le mouvement hippie. Les beatniks remettent en cause la
société matérialiste dès le début des années 1950, avant les hippies.
Le but du présent travail ne sera pas de procéder à une étude chronologique et historique
de ces deux mouvements ; nous nous attacherons principalement à montrer quelles furent
leurs implications dans la société française des années 1960 et 1970. Ces deux mouvements
étant nés aux États-Unis, nous comprenons par implications plus les conséquences que les
influences. En effet, l’influence ne saurait être réellement réciproque, même si des auteurs
comme Michaux et Artaud étaient lus avec ferveur par les adeptes de la beat generation et
malgré les origines bretonnes de Jack Kerouac ; celui-ci faisait cependant cohabiter aux
1
Le sociologue français Pierre Bourdieu, célèbre pour ses travaux mettant l’accent sur les facteurs culturels et
symboliques dans la reproduction des hiérarchies sociales, décrit cette notion de Zeitgeist dans son ouvrage
L’Ontologie politique de Martin Heidegger, collection « Le sens commun », Les Éditions de Minuit, Paris, 1988.
2
Roszak, Theodore, Vers une contre-culture, Stock, Paris, 2001.
7
côtés du sens de « cassé », « écrasé » (par référence à une génération perdue), celui de
l’adjectif français « béat », dérivé de béatitude. À la base mouvement littéraire et artistique,
la beat generation a vu ses idéaux incarnés socialement par les beatniks ; ceux-ci n’étaient
pas engagés politiquement et montraient leur refus du mode de vie américain par le biais
d’une spiritualité inspirée par le bouddhisme. Plus individualistes et lyriques que les hippies
dans la quête des grands espaces et cherchant à vivre simplement, « à fond », ils ont
fortement favorisé l’émergence des hippies au cours des années 1960, avec lesquels ils
partagent l’aversion pour la violence, le matérialisme et l’uniformité. Les hippies furent
activement engagés dans le domaine des droits civiques ainsi que dans l’opposition à la
guerre.
Afin de comprendre les spécificités de ces mouvements à travers la réalité française, il sera
nécessaire de décrire succinctement la société de ce pays au cours des années 1960, car
elles constituent les racines ayant abouti aux événements contestataires de mai 1968, ainsi
qu’à l’émergence du courant hippie notamment. Nous verrons que si les hippies étaient
porteurs d’idéaux parfois proches de ceux ayant débouché sur lesdits événements, les
moyens utilisés par les contestataires de 1968 étaient différents et plus politisés.
Dans une deuxième partie, nous présenterons la culture beatnik et hippie en France, selon
l’axe culture propre / réalité sociale, tout en notant que leur influence dans l’hexagone ne
saurait être comparée à celle ayant prévalu aux États-Unis.
Entre 1945 et 1973 (année du choc pétrolier), la société française subit de nombreuses
transformations ; c’est l’époque du « baby-boom », qui s’étale en France de 1942 à 19743 et
l’immigration a également augmenté depuis la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale ; la
population française est en pleine croissance et vit de plus en plus longtemps. Au niveau
économique, la production industrielle est en pleine croissance, les conditions de vie
s’améliorent et on se réfère aujourd’hui à cette période en parlant des « 30 glorieuses ».4 La
France s’urbanise de plus en plus, le monde ouvrier perd en influence, les paysans sont de
moins en moins nombreux ; c’est donc l’avènement d’une société de consommation, qui
portera en soi les germes des événements de mai 68 et favorisera un intérêt grandissant
pour les mouvements beatniks et hippies.
Pour de nombreux jeunes, la société des années 1960 est en effet « fermée ». Les cadences
de travail s’accélèrent et on assiste à une robotisation de l’industrie. La religion occupe une
place assez importante dans une société encore moralisatrice, même si celle-ci connaîtra
une baisse à partir du début des années 1960 justement, avec une accentuation de la
tendance depuis le milieu des années 1970.5 L’institution du mariage est encore très
respectée ; si on compte aujourd’hui presque un divorce pour deux mariages avec plus de
130 000 cas par an (un pic de 155 253 ayant été enregistré en 2005), les statistiques du
3
Minart, Patrice. La population française dans le temps, Le portail internet pour l’histoire-geographie-education
civique. [En ligne]. Disponible sur http://erra.perso.neuf.fr/ranguin/minart/population-francaise.htm
4
Le lecteur intéressé par une étude poussée sur la période des 30 glorieuses pourra se référer à l’ouvrage de
Jean Fourastié Les Trente Glorieuses, ou la révolution invisible de 1946 à 1975, que nous faisons figurer en
bibliographie à la fin du présent travail.
5
Senèze, Nicolas. Les evolutions de la pratique religieuse, La Croix [en ligne], 2006. Disponible sur
http://www.la-croix.com/article/index.jsp?docId=2277764&rubId=1098
8
milieu des années 1960 tournent autour de 30 000 cas.6 Les familles monoparentales ou
recomposées sont rares. L’éducation se fonde souvent sur des rapports d’autorité paternelle,
et bien souvent les femmes sont soumises à leur mari. Un nombre toujours croissant de
femmes s’organise en groupes revendicatifs, féministes : leur aspect contestataire par
rapport à une certaine conception de la société et des rapports d’autorité font du féminisme
un mouvement de contre-culture. Simone de Beauvoir est alors une des théoriciennes les
plus importantes du féminisme ; son ouvrage Le Deuxième Sexe7 fait figure de référence. Le
contexte économique favorable permet à plus d’entre elles de connaître une autonomie
financière, on parle d’émancipation, voire de libération de la femme, valeurs que les
événements de mai 1968 contribueront à développer.
La révolte de mai 1968 vise à mettre fin au conformisme de la société française qui prévalait
alors. Ce sont bien de nouvelles aspirations qui ont engendré ces mêmes événements, car la
France bénéficie à cette époque d’un contexte économique favorable, comme nous l’avons
souligné plus haut, mais également diplomatique : la guerre d’Algérie est terminée depuis
1962 et la France joue un rôle majeur dans la construction européenne. Les aspirations de
ce que l’on appelle aujourd’hui la génération 68 rejoignent sur certains points l’esprit hippie,
en ce sens que les notions d’autorité et de hiérarchisation sont remises en cause, et
correspondent pour les nouvelles générations à un besoin de dialogue et de plus grande
participation pour les questions concernant les études, le travail et leur place dans la société
en général. Il nous semble très important d’opérer dès à présent une distinction majeure
entre « l’esprit 68 » et le mouvement hippie ; si dans les deux cas nous pouvons parler de
contre-culture, les hippies étaient adeptes de la non-violence, tandis que les événements de
mai 68 sont parfois empreints d’une certaine brutalité (les barricades du Quartier latin,
l’occupation de la Sorbonne, etc.). De plus, les jeunes Français ayant participé à ces
événements avaient souvent une conscience politique connotée très à gauche de l’échiquier
politique, voire marxiste, avec pour principales influences les modèles chinois et cubain et en
aucun cas les systèmes des pays de l’ex-URSS. Ainsi, si les aspirations étaient souvent
identiques (libération des mœurs, refus de la société autoritaire), les moyens prônés pour y
parvenir étaient différents, plus liés à une forme d’activisme politique. Cette différence se
retrouve dans un slogan contestataire de mai 68 : « L’humanité ne sera heureuse que le
jour où le dernier bureaucrate aura été pendu avec les tripes du dernier capitaliste ».
Certains de ces slogans de « l’esprit de mai » sont restés célèbres et sont en parfaite
adéquation avec les revendications des hippies : « prenez vos désirs pour des réalités »,
« Soyez réalistes, demandez l’impossible » et « Il est interdit d’interdire ».
Les aspirations communes des hippies et des révolutionnaires de 68 ont influencé la société
française de façon durable. Par leur rejet du conformisme, les hippies ont contribué à la
désacralisation de l’enseignement. Les couches populaires ont eu plus facilement accès à
l’enseignement universitaire, ce qui était également prôné par les « contestataires » de 68.
Par le retour à un mode de vie proche de la nature, les hippies sont considérés comme des
précurseurs de l’écologie. Deux figures majeures de l’écologie politique sont devenues
6
Statistiques disponibles sur le site Planetoscope, à l’adresse http://www.planetoscope.com/lamour/1062Nombre-de-nouveaux-divorces-en-France.html
7
Beauvoir (de), Simone. (1949). Le Deuxième Sexe: les faits et les mythes, (t. 1), Le Deuxième Sexe:
l’expérience vécue (t. 2). Paris : Gallimard.
9
célèbres grâce aux événements de mai 68 : Brice Lalonde et Daniel Cohn-Bendit. Les
mouvements altermondialistes, peu unifiés, reprennent cependant, de par le refus d’un
monde dominé par les finances, certains des engagements des hippies. La présence
française lors des contre-sommets et forums sociaux est importante, comme le montre
l’ouvrage collectif L’altermondialisme en France.8 D’autre part, on peut noter chez les jeunes
Français un retour modéré d’une mode vestimentaire proche de celle des hippies ; longues
jupes, pantalons dits « pattes d’éph », sacs multicolores, etc. La société de consommation
dans son ensemble fait l’objet en France d’un regard plus critique que par le passé et
l’alimentation biologique connaît de plus en plus de succès.
De nombreux français n’ayant pas vécu les événements de mai 1968 les assimilent pourtant
aux faits de groupes hippies, ce qui est un anachronisme et constitue une méconnaissance
des différences que nous avons mentionnées. Il est intéressant de constater que l’apparition
du mouvement hippie en France se cristallise plus nettement après 1968, même si des
beatniks étaient présents en France dès le milieu des années 1960. Nous nous attacherons
dans la suite de notre travail à faire un tour d’horizon de cette culture beatnik et hippie dans
la France des années 1960 et 1970.
Dans une société française que beaucoup de jeunes voyaient comme sclérosée, c’est en
1965 qu’on constate une augmentation du nombre de beatniks à Paris. Le roman
électronique Aquamarine 67. Des beatniks aux hippies au Quartier latin d’avant mai 68, de
Gaëlle Kermann9, nous livre un précieux témoignage sur la jeunesse parisienne des années
1960. La principale protagoniste du roman est une étudiante à la Sorbonne, Marine, jeune
fille rêveuse et pleine d’illusions ; elle côtoie notamment Brendan, sorte de mystique ascète.
L’expérience beat en France est d’ailleurs avant tout parisienne. La vie littéraire issue de la
beat generation est bien présente dans le Paris de ces années-là. Un de leurs lieux de
pèlerinage était une librairie anglaise du nom de « Shakespeare et compagnie », dans le 5e
arrondissement de Paris, à proximité de la cathédrale de Notre Dame.10 Le site de la librairie
(exclusivement rédigé en anglais) stipule que celle-ci est attachée avec opiniâtreté à ses
idéaux utopiques depuis la création en 1951, et que si certains peuvent considérer George
Whitman (son propriétaire) comme étant un personnage excentrique, d’autres voient en lui
« une lueur » dans un monde « homogénéisé » ; ce refus d’une homogénéisation est en
parfaite adéquation avec les idéaux de la beat generation. Le Quartier Latin de l’aprèsguerre constitue une formidable pépinière d’intellectuels un peu bohèmes ; le « Beat Hotel »
de la rue Gît-le-Coeur est un lieu d’émulation intellectuelle pour des écrivains majeurs de la
Beat Generation. Ginsberg, Burroughs, Corso, Norse séjourneront longtemps dans l’hôtel, et
Kerouac y fera un bref passage. Selon le site « Boomer Café », la propriétaire depuis 1957,
madame Rachou,
8
Agrikoliansky, Éric, Fillieule, Olivier, Mayer, Nonna. (2005). L'altermondialisme en France : La longue histoire
d'une nouvelle cause. Paris : Flammarion.
9
Kermann, G., Aquamarine 67, Des beatniks aux hippies au Quartier latin d’avant mai 68, Smashword [en ligne].
Disponible sur http://www.smashwords.com/books/view/10864 , 2010.
10
Le site de la librairie peut être consulté à l’adresse http://www.shakespeareandcompany.com/
10
voyait d'un bon œil les artistes qui fréquentaient son établissement
et se faisait parfois payer en toiles et en manuscrits. Elle permettait
même à ses pensionnaires de redécorer leur chambre à leur goût.
C'est à cette époque que l'hôtel devient célèbre parmi la Beat
generation et acquiert son surnom de Beat Hôtel.11
Depuis, l’hôtel est devenu l’Hotel du Vieux Paris et selon la même source, toute trace de
l’aventure beat y a été effacée.
Le film Les jeunes loups, de Marcel Carné, montre une séquence filmée dans le café « chez
Popoff », lieu de rendez-vous des premiers beatniks. La chanteuse Elsa Darde réalisera une
chanson dédiée à ce lieu, intitulée Rendez-vous chez Popoff. Certains beatniks parisiens
deviennent célèbres, tels Rodolphe (appelé le Baron di Lima) ou bien Mouna Aguigui (de son
vrai nom André Dupont).12 Ce dernier, décédé en 1999, a même été immortalisé dans une
biographie.13 Au niveau musical, quelques chanteurs beatniks deviennent célèbres : Antoine,
qui obtient notamment un immense succès en 1966 avec sa chanson « Les élucubrations »,
Michel Polnareff ou le chanteur néerlandais Dave, de son vrai nom Wouter Otto Levenbach.
Les beatniks restent cependant tres peu nombreux en France. Si leur mouvement a
progressivement laissé la place à l’apparition des hippies, la littérature française
contemporaine possède quelques héritiers de la beat generation. Ainsi, Jean Azarel, poète
canadien vivant dans le Gard ainsi que Alain Jégou et Claude Pélieu ont écrit un livre intitulé
Papy Beat Generation, dans lequel ils produisent des textes souvent tres proches de l’oralité,
ce qui était une caractéristique des auteurs de la Beat Generation.14
Si les années 1960 ont été le terrain d’une aspiration vers une société plus égalitaire,
aspirations ayant culminé avec les événements de mai 1968, la période suivante confirma
une certaine libération des mœurs. Le « Flower Power » avait éclos en 1967 et le rock
psychédélique s’était imposé aux États-Unis et en Angleterre, avec les Doors, Jimi Hendrix et
Pink Floyd, pour ne citer qu’eux. En France, le magazine mensuel de société « Actuel »,
devient la référence majeure de la culture hippie, dès le début des années 1970. Des films
français tels que « Les babas-cool » (1981) de Francois Leterrier, « J’entends plus la
guitare » (1991) de Philippe Garrel et « L’eau froide » (1994), d’Olivier Assayas, constituent
des sources precieuses afin d’avoir une idée plus précise de cette tendance à la libération
des mœurs. Les communautés se multiplient en France ; on parle aujourd’hui
communément de « hippies des champs » pour décrire ceux d’entre eux qui allaient au bout
de leurs idées et qui vivaient principalement à la campagne, en communauté, s’adonnant à
l’artisanat ou à l’élevage de chèvres. Ce retour à un mode de vie plus en phase avec la
nature transparaît dans le passage suivant, tiré du journal d’une communauté française :
Vivre à la campagne, y créer, y produire, ce n’est plus pour nous une
absurdité ridicule. Nous commençons à abandonner notre mépris
11
« Boomer Café, le site des fifties », à l’adresse http://boomer-cafe.net/version2/index.php/Modes-de-vie-desannees-50/la-Beat-generation-au-Beat-hotel.html
12
Voir le site
« le Paris branché des années 70 », réalisé par Bernard Bacos, à l’adresse
http://paris70.free.fr/index.htm
13
Gallois, Anne, Cabu, Aguigui Mouna, dessins de Cabu et préface de Cavanna. (2004). Bordeaux : Les Dossiers
d’Aquitaine.
14
Azarel, Jean, Jégou, Alain, Suel, Lucien. (2010). Papy Beat Generatiion, Lorient : Éditions Hors Sujet.
11
inconscient pour ce monde essentiel et réel que sont la nature, les
cultures, les animaux, le monde paysan, ceux que beaucoup de
citadins appellent encore « les pèquenots » !!! Parallèlement, le
boulot bien réglé et entièrement imposé, en ville, tournée des cafés,
le film ou le bal du samedi soir, le tiercé qui remplace la messe des
dimanches matin, l’atmosphère concentrationnaire des H.L.M., tout
cela nous semble bien loin…15
Moins nombreux qu’en Allemagne, en Angleterre ou aux Pays-Bas, les hippies se rendent
fréquemment dans ces pays. Sur le site de Bernard Bernard Bacos, Janie B., ancienne
hippie, livre un témoignage précieux sur le contexte ayant motivé le choix d’embrasser le
mode de vie hippie, mode de vie qui lui fera entreprendre un périple qui la mènera en
Afghanistan, en Inde, au Népal, à Ceylan… :
Je ne sais même pas par où commencer ni même si je vais
commencer...14 ans en 68, j'étais assez bien placée pour vivre le
truc, habitant dans une cité H.L.M d'une porte de Paris, je voyais les
vieux ouvriers en grève et les jeunes bandes partir aux manifs les
soirs de Mai […].Après le bac, 72-74, c'est l'époque parisienne où on
se retrouve à 10, 15 dans des petites piaules de 6ème à
expérimenter tout ce qui est possible. […] Époque de Gong, des
premiers Actuel où on lit les annonces de voyages avec avidité.16
Plusieurs groupes de rock hippies font leur apparition en France, tels Gong17, fondé par
l’Australien Daevid Allen, Ame Son18, ou bien encore Crium Delirium. D’autres groupes sont
de tendances plus pop, comme Mandala.19 La tentative d’organiser un festival européen
dans l’esprit de Woodstock tourne cependant à l’échec. Le festival d’Auvers sur Oise (1971)
verra son annulation en plein déroulement, en raison d’une forte pluie et alors que les
bâches étaient inexistantes.
Le mouvement hippie connaît un déclin tres rapide en France; celui-ci avait été moins ancré
que dans d’autres pays, et avant même 1975 certains hippies commençaient à se sentir
seuls. Beaucoup s’étaient « embourgeoisés », pour reprendre une expression communément
employée par leurs détracteurs. De plus, les effets de la drogue commencent à être mieux
connus et ne constituent plus un terrain d’exploration. Les morts de Janis Joplin, Jimi
Hendrix et Jim Morrison ont certainement favorisé cette prise de conscience.. D’autres
formes de contestation sociale allaient émerger, avec l’avènement notamment du
mouvement punk, apparu dans les pays anglo-saxons vers le milieu des années 1970.
Cependant, les hippies n’ont pas totalement disparu : par exemple, la branche française de
la Rainbow Family, mouvement hippie, organise encore régulièrement des rassemblements,
d’une ampleur il est vrai très inférieure aux rassemblements des années 1970.
15
16
17
18
19
Besson, M., Vidal, B., Journal d’une communauté, Stock, Paris, 1976.
Site « le Paris branché des années 70 », Bernard Bacos, op. cit.
Le site officiel du groupe peut être consulté à l’adresse http://www.planetgong.co.uk/
La page myspace du groupe peut être consultée à l’adresse suivante: http://www.myspace.com/amesong
Le site official du groupe peut être consulté à l’adresse www.enterthemandala.com
12
Les années 1950 et 1960 ont été le théâtre de plusieurs mouvements contestataires
majeurs, dont le mouvement beatnik, inspiré par l’esthétique élaborée par les écrivains de la
beat generation, ainsi que le mouvement hippie. Nous avons pu voir que, par leur refus du
matérialisme et d’une conception hiérarchique de la société, par un mode de vie plus proche
de la nature, ces deux courants contestataires, donc de contre-culture, ont marqué les
sociétés occidentales et contribué pour le cas de la France, à l’avènement des événements
de mai 1968, même si de nombreux protagonistes de « l’esprit de mai » avaient une
approche nettement plus politisée, doctrinaire (gauchiste), et non nécessairement opposée à
certaines formes de violence.
Les adeptes de la génération beat ayant été souvent plus individualistes, moins
communautaires, l’idéal hippie a laissé un héritage plus important, même s’il semble difficile
de dire quelle a été leur influence réelle quant aux évolutions des mœurs dans les sociétés
occidentales des années 1960 et 1970. Il semble cependant certain que leur rôle quant à
l’évolution de la perception de la sexualité a été majeur. De plus, de par la création de
communautés écologiques, ainsi qu’en raison d’une vie plus proche de la nature, ils ont
favorisé l’émergence d’une conscience écologique. Certains courants altermondialistes
reprennent des conceptions des hippies. Pour toutes ces raisons, il nous semble naïf de ne
voir leur influence sur les sociétés occidentales que sous le seul cliché d’une mode
vestimentaire ou par l’usage de drogues, par exemple. Quoi qu’il en soit, certains thèmes
chers à ces deux courants sont toujours d’actualité : la répression politique, le sexisme, le
racisme n’en sont que quelques exemples.
Bibliographie
Azarel, Jean, Jégou, Alain, Suel, Lucien. (2010). Papy Beat Generation, Lorient : Éditions Hors Sujet.
France : La
Agrikoliansky, Éric, Fillieule, Olivier, Mayer, Nonna. (2005). L'altermondialisme en
longue histoire d'une nouvelle cause. Paris : Flammarion.
Deuxième
Beauvoir (de), Simone. (1949). Le Deuxième Sexe: les faits et les mythes, (t. 1), Le
Sexe: l’expérience vécue (t. 2). Paris : Gallimard.
Besson, Michel, Vidal, Bernard. (1976). Journal d’une communauté. Paris : Stock.
sens
Bourdieu, Pierre. (1988). L’Ontologie politique de Martin Heidegger, collection « Le
commun ». Paris : Les Éditions de Minuit.
Flammarion.
Burroughs, William, Ginsberg, Allen, Gysin, Brion. (2001). Beat Generation, Paris :
Dister, Alain. (2001). Oh, hippie days!, Paris : Fayard.
Fourastié, Jean. (1979). Les Trente Glorieuses, ou la révolution invisible de 1946 à 1975. Paris :
Fayard.
Bordeaux :
Gallois, Anne, Cabu, Aguigui Mouna, dessins de Cabu et préface de Cavanna. (2004).
Les Dossiers d’Aquitaine.
Plossu, Bernard. (1970). Pourquoi n’êtes-vous pas hippie ? Paris : Éditions La Palatine.
Roszak, Theodore. (2001). Vers une contre-culture. Paris : Stock.
Touraine, Alain. (1968). Le mouvement de Mai ou le communisme utopique. Paris : Le Seuil.
Winock, Michel. (1987). Chronique des années soixante. Paris : Le Seuil.
Sur l’auteur :
Erwin Kretz est Lecteur français doctorant, Université technique de constructions de
Bucarest
E-mail : [email protected]
13
DIE VIELSEITIGKEIT DER DEUTSCHEN SPORTSPRACHE
ANHAND VON ZWEI BEISPIELEN:
FUSSBALLDEUTSCH UND TENNISDEUTSCH
Oana Florina Avornicesei
Anca Şelărescu
Abstract: The German language of sports, similarly to the special language of sports anywhere in
the world nowadays, has become an interesting mix of various registers. This is partly due to the fact
that now, more than ever, sport has become a massive media show and more and more people are
speaking about it, whether publicly or privately. At the same time sport has grown into a huge
business which involves the interests of professionals of various fields. The language all these people
use to talk about their interests or affections connected to sport is as different as the group they
belong to: fans, sportspersons, or reporters. The present article takes a synchronic look at the various
characteristics of the German language of sports, with a special illustrative focus on the language of
football and tennis, two sports in which Germany has had a rich history of world-class talent and
performance.
Keywords: sociolect, figurative language, jargon, loan word, reporting.
Einleitung
Der große Rahmen dieser Arbeit ist die Analyse der deutschen Sprache als Fachsprache im
Bereich des Sports, mit zwei Schwerpunkten: die Fußball- und die Tennissprache. Die zwei
ausgewählten Beispiele haben vom Anfang an klar gezeigt, dass die sogenannte
Fachsprache des Sports nicht gleich mit Sportsprache ist. Sportsprache enthält viel mehr als
den Fachwortschatz, und dient als Kommunikationsmittel nicht nur zwischen Fachleuten,
sondern schließt auch Laien ein. Somit gilt die Fachsprache an sich als nur ein Teil der
Sportsprache. Der vorliegende Artikel hat sich zum Ziel gesetzt,sie nebst den anderen
Sprachen, die die Sportsprache ausmachen, zu bestimmen.
Die Begründung dieses Ansatzes hat sich im Laufe der Arbeit mit verschiedenen Zeitungsund Zeitschriftenartikeln aber auch mit Fachbüchern (vor allem im Tennis-Bereich)
herausgestellt und entspicht dem Bedürfnis zu erklären, warum so viele Wörter, Ausdrücke
und Redewendungen, die in der Sportsprache verwendet werden, nicht sportlicher Herkunft
sind, und dennoch immerhin dazu gehören und sie als solche prägen. So ist der kleine
Rahmen dieses Artikels umrissen, nämlich die Beschreibung der lexikalischen Aspekte der
Sportsprache mit Verzicht, zumindest im Rahmen dieses analytischen Ansatzes, auf
morphologische, syntaktische und textuelle Aspekte.
Die Fachsprachlichkeit der Sportsprache
Als erster Schritt gilt die Fachsprachlichkeit der Sportsprache zu umreißen, indem man sie
mit Hilfe von der Definition der Fachsprache festsetzt. Allerdings wird hier keine Definition
im klassischen Sinne des Wortes erstrebt, sondern vielmehr eine Annäherung durch die
Festlegung ihrer Charakteristika. Sportsprache ist eine Fachsprache besonderer Art, deren
Fachsprachlichkeit durchaus anzuerkennen ist, die aber aus mehreren auch nicht
14
fachsprachlichen Quellen stammt. Hierzu
Definition der Fachsprache ergriffen, so wie
Fachsprachen“in Anlehnung an Walter
Charakteristika der Sportsprache werden
möglichkeiten hervorgehoben.
werden die prinzipiellen Möglichkeiten einer
sie in Maria-Dana Grosseks Buch „Bausteine der
von Hahn zusammengefaßt werden. Die
durch den Dialog mit diesen 5 Definitions-
1. Durch sprachsystematische Abgrenzung
„Fachsprache ist eine Variante, die durch alternative Ausdrucksweisen neben der
Gemeinsprache steht“
2. Durch Auswahl bestimmter Oberflächenformen
„Fachsprache ist eine Subsprache, d.h. eine spezifische Auswahl der sprachlichen
Ausdrucks- möglichkeiten, die man durch Aufzählung der Regeln oder des
lexikalischen Inventars abgrenzen kann“
3. Durch inhaltliche Festlegung
„Fachsprache ist die Sprache zum Ausdruck bestimmter Fachinhalte“
4. Durch spezifische Eigenschaften ihrer Sprecher
„Fachsprache ist die Sprache von Berufstätigen“
5. Durch eine bestimmte Kommunikationsfunktion
„Neben der poetischen oder der sozialen hat die Sprache auch die fachliche
Kommunikations- funktion, für die sie besondere Mittel bereitstellt“. (Grossek
2010:36-37)
Die sprachsystematische Abgrenzung ist insofern ein Kriterium für die Annäherung der
Fachsprachlichkeit der deutschen Sportsprache als sie die Festlegung der Terminologie der
Spielregel (Tabellen-, Positions- und Spielsprache beim Fußball und Zähl- und
Ausdrucksweise beim Tennis) betrifft. Die Fußballfachsprache umfaßt hauptsächlich die
fogenden Bezeichnungen (in Anlehnung an Armin Burkhardt 2006:7-8):
- Spielfeldelemente und –markierungen (z.B. Tor, Seitenlinie);
- Spielfortsetzungen nach Unterbrechungen (z.B. indirekter Freistoß, Eckstoß);
- Strafen (z.B. Verwarnung, Feldverweis);
- Taktische Systeme und Spielpositionen (z.B. W-M-System, Viererkette,
Mittelstürmer).
Die Tennisfachspracheumfaßt im Wesentlichen Bezeichnungen für:
- Zählweise (z.B. Einstand20, Punkt, Vorteil);
- Grundbegriffe
(z.B.
Tennisplatz,
Schläger,
Schiedsrichter);
- Spielregeln (z.B. Aufschlag, Ass, Doppelfehler);
- Ausdrucksweise (z.B. Love = zu Null21).
20
gemischtes
Doppel,
Einstand – „deuce” auf Englisch liegt französisch „à deux du jeu” zugrunde. So sagte man, wenn das Spiel
45:45 (oder 40:40)stand - und beide Spieler eben um zwei Punkte vom Spielgewinn entfernt waren. Im
Englischen wurde dann aus der Präposition „à + Zahlwort deux” ein unbestimmter Artikel „a + Substantiv
deuce”.
21
Love ist nicht aus dem französischen „l’oeuf”=Ei entstanden. Es hat viel mehr mit Liebe zu tun, die man
umsonstbekommt,oder um deren man etwas kostenlos tut. Bereits im 15. Jahrhundert gibt es Belege dafür, dass
die englische Wendung „for love or meed” die heute dem „for love or money” entspricht und eben umsonst oder
um Geld bedeutet. Spätestens seit dem 17. Jahrhundert verwendete man den Ausdruck „to play for love”, um
15
Die zweite prinzipielle Möglichkeitdie Fachsprachlichkeit der Sportsprache zu definieren
bezieht sich auf die Auswahl bestimmter sprachlicher Formen bzw. Ausdrucksmöglichkeiten,
die man inventarisieren kann. Wie schon gesagt, befasst sich der vorliegende Artikel mit
dem Schwerpunkt Lexis, es wird also an Regeln betreffend die Morphologie (außer
einigenErwähnungen aus dem Bereich der Wortbildung) oder Syntax nicht herangegangen.
Die Frage bleibt weiterhin im selben Bereich, aber diesmal soll einen anderenlexikalischen
Aspekt angenommen werden, nämlich den Einfluß anderer Sprachen – hauptsächlich des
Englischen aber auch des Französischen und Italienischen, zum Beispiel – auf das Deutsche
durchLehnübersetzungen und Entlehnungen. Dieser Apekt wurde einigermaßen durch die
Erläuterungen in den Fußnoten schon angedeutet d.h. seine Aufnahme in die Diskussion
wurde nötig.
In der deutschen Sportfachsprache gibt es Lehnwörter, Fremdwörter und Lehnübersetzungen. In der Fußballfachsprache findet man sie in geringerem Umfang, denn in
den siebziger Jahren war es Programm, „englische Kunstausdrücke von den Spielplätzen zu
verbannen“ (Armin Burkhardt 2006:7) und sie durch eine Liste von Verdeutschungen zu
ersetzen, z.B. „Ecke“ für „corner“, „Strafstoß“ für „penalty kick“, „abseits“ für „offside“. Es
wurden mehrere vorgeschlagen, aber nicht alle haben sich durchgesetzt.Noch sind einige aber sehr wenige - Fremdwörter zu treffen wie „Golden Goal“, „Kick&Rush“, „Top Scorer“,
oder „Catenaccio“ aus dem Italienischen, doch ihre Anzahl bleibt gering.
In der Tennissprache sind beträchtlich mehr Fremdspracheneinflüsse vor allem aus dem
Englischen, aber eigentlich französischer Herkunft. Hier bestehen nebeneinander
Lehnübersetzungen und Fremdwörter wie zum Beispiel „Schiedsrichter“ und das englische
„Umpire“ (aus dem französischen „non-pair“), „Schläger“ und „Racket“. (Das englische Wort
„racket“ ist aus dem französischen „raquette“ entstanden; dessen weitere Herkunft ist aber
umstritten.)Ein Schlag, mit dem ein direkter Punkt erzielt werden konnte bezeichnet man mit
dem englischen Wort „Winner” und ein „Spin” ist der durch „Anschneiden” erreichte Drall,
oder Effet des Balls.
Diese hohe Anzahl der Fremdwörter in der Tennisfachsprache lässt sich geschichtlich zurück
verfolgen, denn die Ursprünge dieses Sports sind im Norden Frankreichs im 13. Jahrhundert.
Mit den Geldeinsätzen und Spielwetten hängt wahrscheinlich auch die seltsame Zählweise
der Punkte „15 – 30 – 40” zusammen. Sie geht auf französische Münzen zurück, um die man
im 14. Jahrhundert spielte und wettete. So setzte man 1 gros denier, der wiederum den
Wert von 15 denier hatte. In einem Satz, der oft aus vier Spielen bestand, wurden also 4 x
15 deniers gesetzt: 15 – 30 – 45 – 60. Dass man seit dem 16. Jahrhundert „45” durch „40”
ersetzt, kann als bequeme Verkürzung von „forty-five” zu „forty” erklärt werden.Im diesem
Jahrhundert hatte die Tennisbegeisterung auch bei den Engländern ihren Höhepunkt
erreicht. Tennisplätze in Windsor, Richmond, Greenwich standen zur Verfügung.
Die inhaltliche Festlegung als Charakteristikum der Fachlichkeit der deutschen Sportsprache
wurde schon an den ausgewählten Beispielen detailliert und verdeutlicht.
Wo die Analyse der deutschen Sportsprache interessant wird, ist bei der nächsten
prinzipiellen Möglichkeit, sie zu definieren: durch die spezifischen Eigenschaften ihrer
Spiele ohne Geldeinsätze zu bezeichnen, also zum Vergnügen. For lovebedeutete, dass kein gewinnbringender
Punkt erzielt wurde.
16
Sprecher. Denn hier müssen Eigenschaften in Betracht gezogen werden, die zwar zu ihrer
Fachlichkeit beitragen, sind aber weniger bis gar nicht fachlich, sondern gehören der
Allgemeinsprache. Das ist so, weil die Sportsprache seit langem nicht nur die (Fach-)Sprache
der Berufstätigen ist, und schon gar nicht mehr nur derjenigen, die in der Sportbranche
berufstätig sind. Armin Burkhardt, in der Einleitung zu seinem Fußballlexikon aus dem Jahre
2006 beschreibt die Ursache und Entwicklung dieses Wandels wie folgt:
Heute wird nicht nur auf den Fußballplätzen und in den Kabinen über Fußball diskutiert,
sondern global in allen Medien und in fast allen Bereichen der Gesellschaft – im Privatleben
ebenso wie zu Hause. Der Fußball ist das Basisthema der Freizeitgesellshaft geworden, das
überall zur Verfügung steht, wenn andere Gesprächsthemen fehlen, und hat in dieser Funtion
das Thema Wetter weitgehend ersetzt. (Burkhardt 2006:7)
Das gilt in erster Linie und vor allem in quantitativem Sinne für die Sprache des Fußballs, da
kein anderer Sport so sehr das Zentrum des sportlichen Lebens und Interesses dominiert.
Aber dasselbe Phänomen ist auch in anderen Sportarten und -sprachen zu beobachten. In
allen hat sich die betreffende Sportsprache als Fachsprache auch als Gruppensprache
kristallisiert, wobei unter Gruppen die Sportbeigeisterten zu verstehen sind. Unter denen sind
drei Hauptgruppen zu unterscheiden: Spieler, Fans und Sportreporter. Jede dieser Gruppe hat
eine eigene Art sich auszudrücken und über das Thema ihrer Begeisterung zu sprechen.
Deswegen haben sie jeweils auf unterschiedliche Weise zur jeweiligen Sportsprache
beigetragen: mit Fußballjargon (die schon analysiert wurde), Fansprache und der Sprache der
Sportberichterstattung.Diese drei Gruppensprachen entsprechen zugleich verschiedener
Stilschichten, je nach dem Bildungsniveau, Interesse, oder Register der Sprechen.
Die Fansprache ist vielleicht diejenige von den drei, die am weitesten vom traditionellen
Begriff der Fachsprache entfernt ist. Die Fans verwenden eher den saloppen Fußballjargon
(um dieses Beispiel zu nennen) und haben dazu auch noch andere, eigene Wörter und
Bedeutungen entwickelt, wie zum Beispiel „supporten“ oder „Blockfahne“. Diese Variante
stellt auch das Problem des guten Geschmacks in der Sport- beispielsweise in der
Fußballsprache, denn sie drückt meistens die heftigen Emotionen der Fans aus. (Damit ist
hier auch die letzte, fünfte Definitiosmöglichkeit der Fachsprache flüchtig erwähnt, die eine
bestimmte Kommunikationsmöglichkeit als ihr Charakteristikum betrifft.) Sie kann häufig
derb werden und man kann oft gesprochene oder geschriebene (im Stadion, auf
Transparenten) Schimpwörter treffen. Aber sie werden im Sport eher als „ritualisierte
Beschimpfungen, die in erster Linie Emotionen kanalisieren“ (Armin Burkhardt 2010). Neben
dieser sind auch Gewaltaufrufe zu finden, die die kriegerische Natur der Sportmetaphorik
zum Exzess treiben,und die bald in diesem Artikel angenähert wird. Formulierungen wie
„Tod und Hass dem ...“ drücken allerdings Rivalität aus, und sind nicht problematisch,
solange sie nicht erst oder wörtlich genommen werden.
Auch der Einfluß der Medien und ihrer Berichterstattung hat die Sportsprache in der letzten
Zeit entscheidend geprägt. Infolgedessen hat sich eine reichere Sprache herausgebildet, die
einerseits der Tatsache zu verdanken ist, dass Sportspiele zu medialen Großereignissen (ob
im Fernsehen, Radio, Internet oder der Presse) geworden sind, die ständig in aller Munde
sind; und anderereseits der Kreativität der Journalisten und Reporters, das heißt derjenigen
die berufsmäßig über die Ereignisse auf den Spielfeldern berichten und dabei interessant
17
und attraktiv sein müssen. Wörter wie „Ergebniskosmetik“ oder „Fußballgott“ wurden von
dieser Branche/Gruppe geprägt.
Die Einteilung in den drei Gruppensprachen oder Stilsschichten ist aber eher nur tendentiell
zu verstehen, denn in Wirklichkeit vermischen sie sich, sodass man unter ihnen nicht klar
unterscheiden kann, und kann sie gleich zwei Kategorien zuordnen.
Um den Dialog über der Fachsprachlichkeit der Sportsprache zu vervollständigen, wird hier
auch diefünfte Definitionsmöglichkeit als letzte aufgenommen, die das Charakteristikum der
Kommunikationsfunktion betrifft. Die Tatsache, dass die Sportsprache pragmatische Ziele
hat, die für die Sportreporter vor allem beruflicher Natur und für fie Fans emotionales Natur
sind, hat ihre Ausdrucksfähigkeit inhaltlich das heißt semantisch und stilistisch durch
Umschreibungen, Metaphern, Metonymien und kreative Einfälle geprägt.
Sportsprache ist ein künstliches linguistisches Produkt, die eine künstliche Realität – die des
Spiels – beschreibt. Beide wurden von den Menschen erfunden und sind in der Natur als
solche nicht zu finden, also sie unterscheiden sich von der Alltagssprache und –realität. Ein
charakteristisches Unterschied ist ihre Bildhaftigkeit und Plastizität der ersten.
Vorwiegend sind die Kriegsmetapher, wie schon angedeutet, manchmal auch übertrieben,
vor allem in Mannschaftsportarten wie eben der Fußball: Man spricht von einer „Granate“,
wenn man „einen gezielten Fernschuss” meint, oder vom „Bomber der Nation”, wenn „der
Spieler mit dem stärksten Schuss” bezeichnet wird, im Tennis gibt es „Kanonenaufschlag”
(ein Aufschlag, der mit voller Wucht ohne Schnitt gespielt wird) und die eigenen Vier
Musketiere dieses Sports22.Aber Kriegsmetapher sind so häufig und bieten sich auch als
geeignet dar für jede Sportart, wo es um eine Konfrontation zwischen zwei Gegner geht,
und wo Kraft eine wichtige Rolle spielt. Selbstverständlich gibt es auch weniger kriegerische
Wörter wie „Regisseur“ (Schiedsrichter) und „Fliegenfänger“ (Torwart) beim Fußball oder
„Mondball“ (ein sehr hoher defensiver Ball, mit dem das Tempo aus dem Spiel genommen
wird) beim Tennis.
Die Metonymie ist vielleicht kennzeichnender für die Sportsprache als die Metaphorik. In
ihrem Fall handelt es sich um die Übertragung eines Wortes auf etwas, das mit dem
urprünglich Gemeinten in unmittlebarem Zusammenhang steht, und oft sogar ein Teil davon
ist. In der Fußballsprache zum Beispiel sind meistens die Bestandelemente einer Situation,
die mit demselben Wort bezeichnet werden: „Ecke“ (abgekreideter Eckelement), „Der
Schiedsrichter entscheidet auf Ecke“ (die Situation in der der Ball von der Ecke getreten
wird), „er tritt die Ecke“ (auf dem Eckpunkt liegenen Ball)23.
Was die kreativen Einfällen betrifft, sollen hier die semantischen Abweichungen erwähnt
werden, wie etwa „dunkelgelb“ (fast schon rot) oder „fummeln“ aber auch somit auch einige
sehr wenige grammatische Einzelheiten beziehungsweise morphologische Eigenschaften: In
der Fußball sprache brauchen Verben wie etwa „versenken“ oder „verwandeln“ kein Objekt,
weil der Ball oder der Tor ist immer mitgedacht. In der Tennissprache sind meistens
22
Als die vier Musketiere nach den Romanhelden Aramis, Artos, Portos und D´Artagnan bezeichnet wurden die
berühmten französischen Tennissportler Henri Cochet geb. 14.12.1901 in Lyon), Toto Brugnon (geb. 11. Mai
1895 in Paris), Rene´ Lacoste und Jean Borotra (geb.13.08.1898 in Biarritz). Sie gewannen sechsmal den Davis
Cup.
23
Quelle der Beispiele: Burkhardt 2006:9.
18
Zusammensetzungen zu treffen (Fußfehler, Tennisarm, Stopball) und Redewendungen, die
sowohl aus anderen Sportarten übernommen wurden (sattelfest) als auch einige, die
außerhalb der Sports, in der Allgemeinsprache verwendet werden (ganz großes Tennis =
etwas Besonderes, eine gute Leistung).
Schlussfolgerung
Zusammenfassend hat sich die Fachsprachlichkeit der Sportsprache, als ein Kompositum von
fachlichen und nicht-fachlichen Elemente und Charakteristika erwiesen, die sie als
spezifische Fachsprache definieren, und durchaus vom Allgemeindeutschen unterscheiden –
manchmal insofern, als nur ein Eingeweihter sie verstehen kann. Bemerkenswert ist die Art
und Weise, wie die Mittel der Bildhaftigkeit zu diesem Charakter beigetragen haben, zwar
nicht etwa aus speziell ästhetischen sondern aus pragmatischen Gründen.
Die aktuelleTendezist die Sportsprache durch die Nichtfachleute des Sports zu gestalten,
weiter zu gestalten und zu erweitern. Ihr Beitrag prägt und formt die Sportfachsprache an
sich aus aus und man darf gespannt auf ihrer Weiterentwicklung in der Zukunft sein.
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Rohr, Robert und Günter Simon. (2004). Fußball Lexikon. Die große Fußball-Enzyklopädie. München:
Copress Verlag in der Stiebner Verlag GmbH.
Umminger, Walter. (1990). Die Chronik des Sports. Dortmund: Chronik Verlag.
About the authors:
Oana Florina Avornicesei is a Lecturer, Ph.D. at the Technical University of Civil
Engineering, Department of Foreign Languages and Communication
E-mail: [email protected]
Anca Şelărescu is a Lecturer, Ph.D. at the Faculty of Hydrotechnical Works, Sports
Department
E-mail: [email protected]
19
THE FEATURE GEOMETRY MODEL AND THE PHONOLOGICAL
PROCESS OF ASSIMILATION IN ENGLISH
Irina-Ana Drobot
Résumé: Le but de cet article est de montrer comment le modèle de la Géométrie des traits est
efficace dans la représentation du processus phonologique de l’assimilation en anglais. Pour le
montrer, les différents types d'assimilation sont présentés avec des exemples et une représentation
générale dans ce modèle est indiquée pour chaque type.
Mots-clés: discours connecté, organisation hiérarchique, caractéristiques, nœuds, segments.
An Introduction to Feature Geometry
John J. McCarthy (1988) identifies the context of the necessity for the appearance of the
Feature Geometry model:
A fundamental problem in phonological theory is the fact that processes often operate on
consistent subsets of the distinctive features within a segment, like the features that
characterize place of articulation. Recent research has responded to this problem by
proposing a hierarchical organization of the features into functionally related classes, grouped
under nodes of a tree structure.
Feature Geometry started as a model of analysis following Clements’ 1985 paper. This model
shows that the distinctive features are classified by phonological processes mainly according to
articulatory function.The representations proposed by the theory of Feature Geometry provide
bothan interface between phonology and articulation and a description of phonological
phenomena with a very simple set of operations. The term “geometry” comes from the fact
that a hierarchical structure is used by this model; the representations provided by Feature
Geometryset up a classification of the features based on a hierarchical structure.
Why was this theory adopted rapidly? It helped calm down a dispute over competing ways
of phonological representation. It also helped to correct deficiencies in the standard version
of feature theory, which had remained unchanged since The Sound Pattern of English
(Noam Chomsky and Morris Halle, 1968).
In the Feature Geometry model, autosegmental tiers are represented in a hierarchical
structure based on a feature taxonomy. The theory shows the strong connection between
the internal organization of the segment and the phonological processes these segments
support (Michael Broe, 1992):
(1)
20
Unlike in the feature geometry model, in the theory of segmental representation belonging
toNoam Chomsky and Morris Halle (1968), each segment is decomposed into a list of
binary-valued distinctive features. We find no classification of the features in the old theory.
Traditionally, however, the various distinctions are regarded as falling into groups: the major
class features [sonorant], [consonantal], and [syllabic]; the place features [coronal],
[anterior], and the tongue-body features [high], [low], and [back], and the manner features
[continuant], [nasal], and [lateral].
Assimilation
The development of FG is stronglyconnected to the study of the phonological process called
assimilation. The way FG represents assimilation is very clear: as spreading (delinking and
relinking). According to FG, assimilation is defined as the change of one segment in order to
become more like a neighbouring segment. Representations of assimilation show segments
which are adjoining, but more distant assimilation is also possible. For instance, a vowel may
assimilate to another vowel when they are separated by consonants.
Traditionally, assimilation is the phonetic process by means of which two or more
phonemes, when joined together within the word or at word boundaries, influence one
another in an attempt to achieve some degree of similarity.
In terms of direction, assimilations are of three types: progressive, regressive and reciprocal.
If a sound changes to become like its preceding sound, the assimilation is called
progressive. In FG terms, progressive assimilation involves some phonetic property
passing from one segment to the following segment.In the FG framework, progressive
assimilation can be represented as follows:
(2)
In casual speech, the final /n/ of can, in, on can become /m/ before a labial consonant and
/ŋ/ before a dorsal consonant – an assimilation in place of articulation (Charles W. Kreidler,
2005):
(3)
a. You can buy it here.
b. You can pay over there.
c. It’s in back.
[...kәmbai...]
[...kәmpei...]
[...imbæk]
21
d. We can go later.
[...kәŋgou...]
e. You can come with us.
[...kәŋkʌm...]
If a sound changes to become like the following sound, the assimilation is called regressive
or anticipatory. Within FG, regressive assimilation involves delinking some node/ feature in
the first segment. A general representation of regressive assimilation in FG is:
(4)
The following examples illustrate such assimilation:
(5)
a. /t/  /p/ before /p, b, m/
 /k/ before /k, g/
[’ðæp pen]
that boy
that man
[ðæpbɔı]
[‘ðæpmæn]
that cup
[’ðækkʌp]
that girl
[‘ðækgɜ:l]
b. /d/  /b/ before /p, d, m/
 /g/ before /k, g/
that pen
good pen
[’gʊb pen]
good boy
[‘gʊbbɔı]
good man
[‘gʊbmæn]
good concert [’gʊg k nsәt]
[‘gʊggɜ:l]
good girl
ten players
[’tem pleıәz]
c. /n/  /m/ before /p, b, m/
 /ŋ/ before /k, g/
ten boys
ten men
[‘tem bɔız]
[‘tem men]
ten cups
[’teŋkʌps]
ten girls
[‘teŋgɜ:lz]
In FG, we notice the following assimilation types: single feature assimilation, partial
assimilation and total assimilation.
Single feature assimilation involves the spreading of one single (terminal) feature:
22
(6)
According to the degree of similarity achieved between the assimilating and assimilating
phonemes, one can distinguish between partial (or allophonic) assimilation, which results
in certain allophones of the assimilated phoneme characterized by some features it shares
with the assimilating one, while preserving its phonemic independence, and total (or
phonemic) assimilation, when all its features (including the distinctive ones) are changed
to those of the assimilating phoneme.
Below are examples of partial assimilation:
(7)
a.
b.
c.
d.
blackboard [‘blækbɔ:d]
absurd
[әb’sә:d]
medicine
[‘medsın]
like that
[laık’ðæt]
In FG, with partial assimilation, the information at some intermediate node spreads to an
adjacent position.
(8)
23
An example of total assimilation is the change of /s/ to /ʃ/ in thisyear [ðıʃ ‘jә:]. In seem
better [si:m ‘betә], [m], a bilabial, just like [b], can adopt its stop properties, and become
identical with [b]: [si:b ‘betә].
Total assimilation takes place at the level of the root node:
(9)
Place of articulation assimilation is represented in FG as a delinking of the Place node
of one segment and replacing it with a new association to the Place node of a contiguous
segment.
Place of articulation assimilations have been observed in connected speech. These
assimilations are normal in colloquial speech. They are optional.
(10)
a. /t/

/p/
before /p, b, m/
e.g. that pen, that man
b. /t/

/k/
before /k, g/
e.g. that cup, that girl
(11)
24
In the phonological process of English Coronal Assimilation, the coronal consonants /t, d, n/
assimilate to a following coronal; this involves the assimilation of the values [anterior] and
[distributed].
(12)
a.
/t/

apical dental /t/, i.e. [+anterior, -distributed]
before /θ, ð/, as in eighth, not that etc.

laminalpalato-alveolar /t/, i.e. [-anterior, +distributed]
before /ʃ, ʒ/, as in white shoes etc.
/d/

apical dental /d/, i.e. [+anterior, -distributed]
before / θ, ð/, as in hundredth etc.

laminalpalato-alveolar /d/, i.e. [-anterior, +distributed]
before /ʃ, ʒ/ as in red shoes etc.
/n/

apical dental /n/, i.e. [+anterior, -distributed]
before /θ, ð/, as in tenth etc.

laminalpalato-alveolar /n/, i.e. [-anterior, +distributed]
before /ʃ, ʒ/, as in clean shoes etc.
b.
Assimilations occur in all styles of speech. Assimilated forms tend to increase in frequency in
the casual style of speech, regardless of pace.
25
Conclusions: Phonemes in Connected Speech
Feature Geometry can be used as a model very effectively to illustrate phonological
processes, and especially assimilation. Phonological processes are significant since we
encounter them all the time during speech. They can be defined as “articulatory
adjustments occuring during the production of speech” (Michael Dobrovolsky and Francis
Katamba, 48). During speech, sounds are not produced in isolation. Sounds are not
pronounced separately in speech, but as a continuous flow. Sometimes, it is difficult to
distinguish the sounds delivered in such a flow if we are not used to the phonology of the
respective language. We can all speak faster and less carefully – and then phonological
processes can be noticed. If English language learners understand phonological processes,
they will be more efficient in understanding casual speech in this language. There is a great
difference between formal speech and casual speech. Feature Geometry can help to a better
visualization and understanding of phonological processes.
References
Avram, Andrei A. (2005-2006).Course Handouts for Elective Introduction to Feature Geometry.
Broe, Michael (1992). “An Introduction to Feature Geometry,” in G. J. Docherty, D. R. Ladd eds., in
Papers in laboratory phonology II. Gesture, Segment, Prosody 149-165. Cambridge: CUP.
Chomsky, Noam and Halle, Morris (1968).The Sound Pattern of English. New York: Harper & Row.
Clements, G. N. (1985). ‘The Geometry of Phonological Features,’ Phonology Yearbook. 2:223-250.
Dobrovolsky, Michael and Katamba, Francis. Heavenly labials in a world of gutturals. [online].
At:catalogue.pearsoned.co.uk/.../Katamba9781405... (accessed February 3, 2014).
Kreidler, Charles W. (2005). Describing Spoken English: An Introduction. Padstow: TJ International
Ltd.
McCarthy, John J. (1988). “Feature Geometry and Dependency: A Review,”Phonetica 45: 84-108.
About the author:
Irina-Ana Drobot is a Teaching Trainee, Ph.D. trainee at the Technical University of Civil
Engineering Bucharest - Department of Foreign Languages and Communication
E-mail:[email protected]
26
ASPECTE ALE TEORIEI COMUNICĂRII DE MASĂ
Aura Gherguţ
Abstract: Mass communication is the academic study of how individuals and entities relay
information through mass media to large segments of the population at the same time. It is usually
understood to relate to newspaper and magazine publishing, radio, television and film, as these are
used both for disseminating news and for advertising. The article tackles Jurgen Habermass’s concept
of „communicative action”. The concept of mass communication can be considered a wider concept
than communication by mass media (press, television, radio), including also movies, advertising, the
industry of show-biz, etc. Boundaries between public and private, the individual and society, the
system and the lifeworld are deteriorating. Habermas's theoretical system is devoted to revealing the
possibility of reason, emancipation, and rational-critical communication latent in modern institutions
and in the human capacity to deliberate and pursue rational interests.
Key-words: mass-communication, mass-media, communicative action, public sphere, private sphere
Conceptul de „comunicare de masă” poate fi considerat unul mai larg decât comunicarea
prin mass-media (publicaţii, televiziune, radio), incluzând, alături de aceasta din urmă, şi
producţii mediatice precum filmele, publicitatea în toate formele ei, întreaga „industrie a
spectacolului” (corespunzător termenului englez de „show-biz”) ş.a.m.d. Presa continuă să
ocupe o poziţie centrală şi dacă adoptăm această perspectivă terminologică. Teoreticieni de
marcă ai domeniului au propus concepte unificatoare, precum acela de „acţiune
comunicativă” dezvoltat de Jurgen Habermas. Rafinând o distincţie între „spaţiul public” şi
„spaţiul privat”, gânditorul german analizează inclusiv modul în care media participă la
configurarea unui univers discursiv în care sensurile sunt rezultatul unor negocieri şi adaptări
continue.
Comunicarea în masă se caracterizează prin următoarele trăsături:
(1) comunicatorii profesionişti dezvoltă şi distribuie mesajele,
(2) apoi le transmit la distanţă folosind dispozitive tehnologice numite agenţi de
comunicare în masă,
(3) audienţa lor se extinde pe o arie largă.
Aceşti trei factori au un efect deosebit de important asupra receptorului mesajului. Efectul,
de exemplu, poate fi la fel de simplu ca extinderea cunoştinţelor unei persoane despre un
anume subiect prin descrierea efectelor asupra cuiva într-un accident de maşină. Sau efectul
poate consta în a-i face pe oameni să se simtă bine după ce au văzut un film, o întrecere
sportivă sau o emisiune de varietăţi. Oricum, efectele agenţiilor de comunicare pot fi de
departe semnificante, la fel ca verificarea comportamentului şi atitudinilor culturale ale unei
persoane.
Acest din urmă efect, mai complex, determină ca multe persoane să fie deranjate de massmedia şi de influenţa ei în cultura noastră. Dacă luăm aceşti factori ai comunicării în masă şi
îi plasăm într-o definiţie operaţională, putem spune: comunicarea în masă este un proces în
care comunicatori profesionişti folosesc dispozitive tehnologice pentru a distribui mesaje la o
27
anumită distanţă, pentru a lărgi aria audienţei. Această audienţă numeroasă a dus la
formarea unei culturi populare.
Cultura populară poate fi definită ca fiind cultura accesibilă tuturor într-o societate, mai
exact, cultura majorităţii. Poate fi atât de atotprezentă încât să nu o mai putem discerne cu
uşurinţă. Pentru a o cunoaşte, trebuie să o observăm în mod sistematic. Pretutindeni în
istorie, fiecare societate a avut propria cultură populară. „Cea mai mare parte din cultura
populară de astăzi este asimilată de majoritate şi este răspândită în cantităţi mari prin
intermediul mass-media (John C. Merrill, Ralph L. Lowenstein, 1971: 33).
În comunicarea în masă, sursa este de obicei un comunicator profesional care configurează
mesajul pentru a fi difuzat. Sursa poate fi un ziar sau un reporter TV sau un actor care
trebuie să adune informaţia sau ideile şi apoi să le împartă cu audienţa.
Mesajul este orice încercare a sursei de a împărţi o informaţie cu altcineva. Este o idee, care
trebuie să fie decodată în simboluri, folosite pentru a exprima ideea respectivă. Aceasta se
poate face prin cuvinte strict denotative sau prin metafore.
Simbolurile sunt cuvinte sau obiecte pe care sursa le foloseşte pentru a produce semnificaţia
în mintea destinatarului mesajului. Cuvintele şi desenele sunt cele mai comune simboluri
folosite în comunicare. Cuvintele trimit la un obiect sau concept, în timp ce desenele
constituie o reprezentare a unui obiect sau idee. Procesul de selectare a simbolurilor pentru
o idee sau obiect este un pas foarte important în comunicare deoarece simbolurile selectate
mediocru vor rezulta într-un mesaj confuz sau înţeles greşit. Este nevoie de o atenţie
specială pentru a alege simboluri care vor scoate la iveală în mintea receptorului mesajului
impresii similare cu cele intenţionate de sursă. În selectarea simbolurilor pentru mesajele lor,
comunicatorii trebuie să păstreze în minte faptul că anumite simboluri pot însemna diferite
lucruri la diferite persoane.
Fiecare experienţă sau eveniment din viaţa noastră îşi lasă o amprentă asupra modului în
care interpretăm aceste simboluri. De exemplu, o persoană care a fost salvată de un ofiţer
de poliţie va răspunde diferit faţă de un criminal la mesajul: „Vine poliţia”. Aceste diferite
reacţii sunt bazate pe înţelesurile date de cuvântul poliţie, care au fost dezvoltate ca rezultat
al experienţei individuale. De asemenea, expresia „mingea a intrat în poartă, e gol” poate
transmite o satisfacţie enormă sau o deznădejde, depinde de partea cărei echipe se află
receptorul mesajului.
Pentru Habermas comunicarea publică este: „Un fel de metainstituţie de care depind toate
celelalte instituţii sociale, căci acţiunea socială se constituie abia în comunicarea curentă. Dar
această instituţie a limbii ca tradiţie este evident dependentă de procesele sociale ce nu intră
în relaţiile normative. Limba este, de asemenea, un mediu al dominaţiei şi puterii sociale.”(
Jurgen Habermas, 1983: 21).
O preocupare constantă a lui Habermas este elucidarea condiţiilor „comunicării
necontorsionate” şi ale trecerii la realizarea unei „înţelegeri discursive”. Pentru el,
28
înţelegerea are loc atunci când între membrii unei comunităţi lingvistice se realizează un
acord în privinţa justeţei unei exprimări relativ la un fundament normativ recunoscut în
comun. Pentru Habermas, unul dintre cei mai prestigioşi analişti mass-media şi creatorul
conceptelor de spaţiu public şi spaţiu privat, orice text media este un discurs. În discursuri
sunt admise tematic numai exprimările lingvistice; acţiunile şi expresiile participanţilor
însoţesc desigur discursul, dar ele nu sunt părţi componente ale acestuia. „Putem distinge,
notează el, două forme ale comunicării (sau ale „vorbirii”): acţiunea comunicativă
(interacţiunea), pe de o parte, discursul, pe de altă parte. În prima, validitatea corelaţiilor de
sens este naiv presupusă, pentru a schimba informaţii (experienţe legate de acţiune); în a
doua, pretenţii de validitate problematizate sunt tematizate, dar nu se schimbă informaţii. În
discursuri căutăm să restabilim, prin întemeiere, un acord care a fost problematizat şi care a
existat în acţiunea comunicativă.” (Jurgen Habermas, 1983: 201)
Acţiunea comunicativă se înfăptuieşte în jocuri de vorbire, deprinse şi consacrate normativ,
legate între ele după regulile întregirii şi substituţiei. Consensul ce însoţeşte acţiunea care
„poartă” jocul de vorbire se referă atât la conţinutul propoziţional al exprimării, adică la
opinii, cât şi la aşteptările de comportament reciproce, „valabile intersubiectiv, pe care le
satisfacem odată cu exprimările noastre, adică la norme.”
Corelaţiile de sens valide în mod naiv în acţiunea comunicativă se pot diferenţia pe patru
planuri. Un joc de vorbire decurge nestânjenit dacă subiecţii care vorbesc şi acţionează se
înţeleg în exprimările lor în aşa fel încât ei:
a.
pot să împărtăşească şi, corespunzător, să conceapă intenţional sensul
pragmatic al relaţiei interpersonale (care poate fi, de asemenea, verbalizată în actul de
vorbire);
b.
pot să împărtăşească şi, corespunzător, să conceapă intenţional sensul
conţinutului propoziţiilor şi exprimarea lor;
c.
nu pun sub semnul întrebării pretenţia de validitate a opiniilor pe care ei le
comunică;
d.
pot să accepte pretenţia de validitate a normei de acţiune pe care fiecare
dintre vrea să o respecte în împrejurările respective (Jurgen Habermas, 1983, p. 202).
Discursul serveşte la întemeierea pretenţiilor de validitate problematizate ale opiniilor şi
normelor. „Dacă ordonăm actele de vorbire în felul propus – acţiune comunicativă,
constatativă, reprezentativă şi normativă – se învederează faptul că ele sunt – şi tocmai ele
sunt – mijloacele suficiente de construcţie pentru proiectul situaţiei de vorbire ideală.”
(Jurgen Habermas, 1983, p. 207). Comunicarea prin limbă are o dublă structură:
comunicarea prin conţinuturi propoziţionale nu este posibilă decât concomitent cu
metacomunicarea prin relaţii interpersonale. Limba funcţionează ca un transformator: prin
aceea că se introduc fenomene psihice ca senzaţii, trebuinţe şi sentimente în structurile de
intersubiectivitate create de limbă, episoade interioare sau trăiri se transformă în conţinuturi
intenţionale şi anume cunoştinţe de enunţuri, trebuinţe şi sentimente în aşteptări normative
(dispoziţii şi respectiv valori).
29
Spaţiul public şi spaţiul privat
Cum am menţionat mai sus, Jurgen Habermas este unul dintre primii gânditori care
teoretizează şi impune conceptul de spaţiu public. Ceea ce nu vrea să însemne că „spaţiul
public” este invenţia sa. Acesta a apărut odată cu spaţiul privat, iar cel din urmă... de la
începerea lumilor. Putem coborî până la origini, când din întreaga suprafaţă a pământului s-a
delimitat grădina Edenului. Conceptul este într-o continuă evoluţie, aşa cum îi stă bine
oricărei idei. Şi cum este şi realitatea. Habermas reconsideră concepţia despre spaţiul public
în cadrul studiilor sale, începute cu decenii în urmă, privitoare la teoria sistemelor şi, în
particular, asupra pragmaticii comunicării. Curând, spaţiul public va deveni pentru el parte
integrantă a unei perspective asupra acţiunii comunicative, înţeleasă ca negociere discursivă
a normelor şi valorilor, fondată pe intersubiectivitate şi competenţă lingvistică şi culturală.
Acţiunea comunicativă şi tipul de raţionalitate pe care se bazează sunt diferite de acţiunea
strategică şi de raţionalitatea instrumentală şi ireductibile la aceasta. Acţiunea strategică
este orientată către un scop şi manipulatoare; acţiunea comunicativă aspiră la înţelegere
mutuală, la încredere şi cunoaştere reciprocă.
Despre tradiţia comunicării, Petre Anghel afirmă: „Structura minţii noastre este afectată în
esenţa ei de tradiţia comunicării. Este greu de ştiut acum ce efecte au cuvintele pe care le
aud copiii în primul an de viaţă; este dificil să spunem care este efectul muzicii asupra
urechii şi implicit asupra minţii, iar apoi, asupra caracterului şi comportamentului.” (Petre
Anghel, 1999: 218).
În acest caz, nu este surprinzător că se dezvoltă, în termeni politici, o concepţie asupra
democraţiei bazată pe comunicare interpersonală. În fond democraţia se raportează la libera
comunicare a oamenilor între ei. Chiar dacă diferenţa dintre acţiunea comunicativă şi
acţiunea strategică poate părea academică, nuanţa pe care o introduce Habermas trebuie
reţinută, cel puţin ca punct de pornire. El susţine că ar trebui să presupunem, cel puţin la
nivel teoretic, că oamenii nutresc intenţii normative de parvenire a acordurilor reciproc
împărtăşite ferite de manipulare şi că au capacitatea comunicativă de a acţiona reciproc în
acord cu aceste intenţii (aceste poziţii sunt împărtăşite de numeroşi teoreticieni în structurile
sociale). Este evident că oamenii nu comunică întotdeauna astfel. În fapt, într-una din
principalele sale teze, Habermas susţine comunicarea fundamentată pe norme, pe logica
fundamentată „a lumii vieţii”, întrucât realitatea noastră cotidiană este din ce în ce mai
erodată de logica strategică şi de raţionalitatea instrumentală „a sistemului”, adică prin
imperativele subiacente ale puterii şi pieţei.
Nu trebuie să fim surprinşi de această afirmaţie, care, oricum, are la bază o idee clasică,
destul de veche: „Ceea ce ne influenţează simţurile, permiţându-ne să sesizăm anumite
calităţi, nu sunt corpurile determinate, precum mierea, care este dulce, era de părere
Democrit. Ceea ce produce opinia nu este un obiect al opiniei, ci Fiinţa; astfel, senzaţia este
produsă de ceea ce este real: atomii care compun agregatul. Dar, îndată ce simţurile noastre
sunt lovite de către atomi, intrăm în domeniul fanteziei, adică al imaginaţiei şi al opiniei. Noi
30
suntem aceia care, pornind de la afecţiunile sensibile, ne imaginăm ca fiindu-ne exterioară
existenţa corpurilor determinate. Devine clară deci afirmaţia lui Democrit că viaţa este un
teatru şi că adevărul zace în fundul fântânii, deschizând astfel calea scepticismului radical al
lui Metrodoros din Chios, pentru care, dacă «orice lucru este ceea ce se poate concepe
despre el», urmează de aici că «nimeni dintre noi nu cunoaşte nimic»(să înţelegem prin
aceasta: nimic sensibil)” (Jacqueline Russ, 2000:26).
Apare o primă întrebare: putem considera că spaţiul public se poate reduce la spaţiul
mediatic? Mai întâi, spaţiul mediatic ia în sarcina sa şi alte funcţii şi nevoi decât acelea ale
cetăţeanului. El nu se reduce la informaţia civică, nici la creaţia artistică. Trebuie constatată
migrarea temelor sociale în „media de calitate” şi multiplicarea genurilor televizate, această
reînnoire abandonând postura pedagogică şi televiziunea creatorilor în favoarea unui demers
relaţional şi punerii în scenă a intimităţii. În acest caz, „media de difuzare nu ar reprezenta
transpunerea, la o altă scară şi pe un alt suport, a şcolii sau a muzeului. De asemenea,
media urmăreşte, în cadrul culturii de masă, obiective de divertisment, descoperirea şi
realizarea de sine, vizionarea de reuniuni sau ceremonii politice. Mai mult, pentru a-şi putea
realiza funcţiile de integrare socială, reproducere culturală şi participare politică, media de
difuzare trebuie să fie capabilă să se adreseze tuturor publicurilor, să trateze toate temele şi
să adopte toate genurile şi toate stilurile. Media s-a instituţionalizat în audiovizual ca serviciu
public, concretizând astfel prin media electronice de difuzare – la origine aflate în situaţia de
monopol al statului –idealul normativ al comunicării.
De aici, decurg alte întrebări: Presupunând că spaţiul mediatic ar putea fi înţeles ca o formă
contemporană a spaţiului public organizat, devenit posibil prin specializarea unui sistem de
acţiune specific – sistemul mediatic – acest spaţiu public mediatic este la înălţimea misiunilor
care i se atribuie? Onorează el aşteptările normative ridicate în ceea ce priveşte comunitatea
publică? Spaţiul mediatic real răspunde exigenţelor spaţiului public normativ?
Boris Libois, în Pour un concept philosophique de la droit de la communication, consideră că
acţiunile juridice împotriva media, mai ales reclamaţiile bazate pe protejarea vieţii private şi
a bunurilor personalităţilor produc insatisfacţie publicului. La rândul lor, sondajele anuale
asupra stării relaţiilor dintre opinia publică şi jurnalişti, precum şi creşterea continuă spiritului
critic comun, ilustrează stările sufleteşti ale actorilor specializaţi. Motiv pentru care
profesioniştii comunicării mediatice au iniţiat, în urmă cu câţiva ani, o interogare publică
asupra propriilor practici şi asupra responsabilităţii sociale, atât referitoare la serviciile
publice istorice, cât şi asupra procedeele deontologice particulare. Întrebarea insistentă care
s-a pus a fost legată de modul cum se racordează spaţiul public mediatic la propriul său
concept. Evident, soluţia n-ar putea veni printr-o lărgire a ansamblului sistemului mediatic
contemporan de dispozitive istorice folosit pentru a organiza televiziunea publică de interes
general. Altfel spus, nu intervenţia statului sau instituirea cenzurii ar fi soluţiile optime. Dar
nici calea unei privatizări integrale a operatorilor prin trecerea din sectorul public în sectorul
privat n-ar permite concretizarea scopurilor de responsabilitate socială în materie de
comunicare mediatică. Pe plan teoretic, privatizarea presupune întotdeauna luarea în
considerare a unor obiective de interes general oricare ar fi procedeele instituţionale
adoptate: autoreglarea corporatistă şi „autoreglementarea”, politică administrativă, instanţe
31
autonome de reglare, etc. După opinia lui Libois, privatizarea nu creşte calitatea ofertei
mediatice: ea se mulţumeşte să multiplice resursele tehnice de difuzare, să integreze
funcţional emiţătorii, să masifice şi să segmenteze publicul, iar argumentul lui este că
transformările peisajului audiovizual din Europa ultimilor decenii şi proiectele de politică
audiovizuală europene certifică ineficienţa unei privatizări totale.
Cert devine următorul lucru: relaţiile dintre oameni (bazate pe valori-atitudini, norme-roluri)
se menţin şi rămân stabile tocmai în virtutea unor obişnuinţe comportamentale şi de
comunicare. Un exemplu al acestui paradox îl oferă sociologul francez J.-C. Kaufmann care,
pornind de la ipoteza unei distanţe faţă de rol, arată că în sfera socială normele de
relaţionare sunt continuu negociate. „Acest spaţiu al convieţuirii, a cărei esenţă o constituie
normele sociale, poate fi surprins în manifestări aflate pe continuumul spaţiu privat – spaţiu
public. Abordarea negocierii normelor dobândeşte un plus de rigoare prin circumscrierea
termenilor, contextului şi a spaţiului social la care ne referim.”
Un astfel de lanţ leagă domeniul privat de domeniul public: programele sunt produse în
domeniul public folosind în special materiale sursă din domeniul public (ex. evenimente
politice), dar ele sunt consumate în domeniul privat în special acasă şi în cadrul familiei. O
proprietate crucială a mass-mediei este aceea că ea mediază în acest fel între domeniile
public şi privat.
De fapt mass-media a avut un impact major asupra hotarelor dintre instituţiile şi viaţa
privată şi publică, recreionându-le în mod fundamental. Evenimentele publice cum ar fi
încoronările sau dezbaterile parlamentare care erau accesibile până în zilele noastre doar
acelora care luau parte la ele au devenit accesibile consumul privat în toată lumea prin
difuzarea lor pe canalele mass-media. Alte fapte din sfera intimă, cum ar fi vieţile private ale
personajelor publice (ex. Familia regală britanică) sau doliul privat al unor părinţi îndureraţi
au devenit evenimente publice câştigând statutul de „ştiri”. Mass-media a contribuit la
restructurarea aşteptărilor oamenilor în legătură cu graniţele dintre ceea ce Goffman (1969)
numea partea din „faţă” şi din „spate” a comportamentului – un comportament pentru
consumul public, faţă de un comportament într-un context privat. Un exemplu este felul în
care camerele se opresc pe feţele înlăcrimate şi triste ale celor îndureraţi în emisiunile de
ştiri de la televiziune.
În literatura de specialitate, constată Salánki Zoltán, spaţiul privat este asociat cu formele de
proprietate şi manifestările ei. Se vorbeşte despre un spaţiu particular al societăţii civile
(proprietate particulară, piaţă, familie etc.) şi de un spaţiu particular, pe care William
Melody, încă din 1994, îl numea „al subiectivităţii individuale”. Spaţiu privat desemnează
libertatea de conştiinţă şi credinţă asigurată în cadrul societăţii civile. În opoziţie cu acesta
este definit spaţiul public al societăţii politice, care în ideologia liberalismului occidental al
secolului al XVII-lea desemnează „domeniul de stat”. Pe parcursul evoluţiei societăţii
capitaliste, accepţiunea termenului de public s-a diversificat în funcţie de grupurile sociale
care alcătuiesc un public local sau mondial (determinat spaţial), un public participant (la
acţiune) şi un public receptor (al unei informaţii), cum constată şi Paschal Preston.
32
Dar, odată cu extinderea relaţiilor economice de piaţă, sfera publică devine o sferă a
socialului care substituie „uzul public al raţiunii” cu „consumul depersonalizat” al societăţii de
masă24. Societatea de masă se caracterizează prin anonimitate, grupări de tip asociativ,
economie diversă, specializarea rolurilor şi statusurilor, opţiuni individuale în afara normelor
şi valorilor tradiţionale, viaţă socială focalizată pe ocupaţie.
În spaţiul social, interacţiunea dintre indivizi se manifestă prin intermediul rolurilor multiple
pe care indivizii le joacă. Normele sunt o obligaţie specifică rolului, constituind regulile care
guvernează conduitele individuale şi colective. Grupurile sociale tind în mod spontan să
genereze norme a căror funcţie este crearea unui cadru colectiv de acţiune, bază a
consensului. Rolurile şi normele adoptate de către indivizi sunt determinate de contextul şi
spaţiul interacţiunii umane. Relaţia de comunicare dintre actor şi situaţie, observă Jean
Lohisse, nu mai este rezultatul conţinuturilor, chiar culturale, sau al regulilor impuse din
exterior de instituţiile în vigoare, adică instituţiile limbii. Ea se edifică prin procesele de
interpretare pe care emiţătorul le pune în practică în viaţa cotidiană, pentru a da un sens
actelor lui, actelor celorlalţi, întâmplărilor şi obiectelor a căror semnificaţie socială „nu ia
naştere decât în cadrul interacţiunilor noastre”
Bibliografie:
Dominick, R. Joseph.( 2009). Ipostazele comunicării de masă, Bucureşti.
Habermas, Jurgen. (1983).Cunoaştere şi comunicare, Bucureşti, Editura Politică.
Hoggart Richard. (2004). Mass Media in a Mass Society: Myth and Reality, London, Continuum
International
Publishing Group.
Merrill, John C., Ralph L. Lowenstein. (1971). Media Message and Men: New Perspective in
Comunication , New
York: McKay.
McLuhan, Marshall, Fiore, Quentin. (1967). The Medium is the Massage, Middlesex, England,
Harmondsworth,
Penguin Books Ltd,.
McQuail, Denis, Windahl Sven. (2001). Modele ale comunicării (pentru studiul comunicării de masă),
Bucureşti,
comunicare.ro.
Rad, Ilie (coord.).( 2007). Stil şi limbaj în mass-media din România, Iaşi, Editura Polirom.
Rovenţa-Frumuşani, Daniela. (1999). Semiotică, societate, cultură, Iaşi, Editura Institutul European
About the author:
Aura Gherguţ is a Lecturer, Ph.D at the Department of Foreign Languages and
Communication, The Technical University of Civil Engineering
E-mail: [email protected]
33
DIFICULTADES EN LA TRADUCCIÓN DE TERMINOS ARGÓTICOS
DEL ESPAÑOL AL RUMANO. Propuesta de traducción del
lenguaje argótico de HISTORIAS DEL KRONEN
José Barroso
Abstract: In the following article we shall analyse the Spanish juvenile jargon, with a focus on its
main characteristics and the difficulties arising in the process of its translation into Romanian
language. We shall also see that the limited available support material represents an important
obstacle for a thorough translation of the jargon terminology. Additionally we shall proceed to a
translation exercise in which juvenile jargon terminology from a famous Spanish novel/movie Historias del Kronen, of Jose Angel Mañas, is translated to both standard and jargon Romanian
language. Based on the translation exercise we shall draw our conclusion in relation to the difficulties
implied by the translation of juvenile jargon terms.
Palabras clave: Argot, lenguaje juvenil, variantes argóticas, dificultades de traducción.
Según la definición que nos ofrece el Diccionario de la RAE, argot sería una jerga, jerigonza,
o el lenguaje especial entre personas de un mismo oficio o actividad, definición que a todas
luces se nos queda corta para explicar este fenómeno.
Si en un principio se consideraba el argot como la lengua utilizada por vagabundos,
delincuentes y otros tipos de marginados sociales, hoy en día podríamos decir que dicho
lenguaje partiría de las distintas variantes diastráticas siendo el lenguaje utilizado por
diferentes grupos sociales que abarcarían desde la jerga juvenil hasta el lenguaje argótico
carcelario, pasando por diferentes oficios, ambientes marginales, etc.
El argot juvenil
Uno de los aspectos que más marcaría la coloquialidad en el español, sobre todo en el
lenguaje infantil y juvenil sería el frecuente uso de la abreviación o la apócope. De esta
manera es frecuente encontrar términos como peli, uni, cole, facul, guarde, boli, profe, tele,
etc.
Además de esto, debemos señalar que en general la jerga juvenil está determinada por
factores de edad, por lo que habría por ejemplo diferencias notables entre el argot de los
niños y el de los adolescentes, sobre todo por la ampliación de los campos de interés de los
segundos.
En el caso del argot juvenil el nivel cultural presentado por dichos jóvenes, sí que influiría en
su lengua estándar, en cambio no lo haría necesariamente en su lengua jergal, que es
muchas veces bastante creativa.
Otro aspecto evidente relacionado con el argot juvenil sería el uso de frecuentes préstamos
de palabras procedentes de otros idiomas, sobre todo del inglés (yonki, body, etc.). Dichos
términos sufren muchas veces una adaptación fonética a la lengua española en su escritura
34
(por ejemplo, whisky se convierte en güisqui) o en su pronunciación (
por ejemplo, body
pronunciado literalmente y no con la pronunciación inglesa /'bɒdɪ/).
Caben también destacar los préstamos tomados del caló y que frecuentemente encuentran
equivalencia en rumano (por ejemplo, papar con su perfecto equivalente a papa churumbel
con puradel, chorizo con ciorditor)25.
Lógicamente el argot juvenil además se deja influir por las variantes argóticas de otros
grupos o clases sociales y toma prestados términos pertenecientes a estos que terminan
haciendo propios, como por ejemplo los términos argóticos referentes a la droga (por
ejemplo, chocolate, etc.).
Dificultades en la traducción del lenguaje argótico juvenil
Uno de los principales problemas que encontramos en la traducción de los términos
argóticos es que en general presentan una gran diversidad social, por lo que no siempre es
fácil el dominio de dicha terminología incluso para un hablante nativo. Además los términos
argóticos están sometidos a un continuo cambio influido por el desarrollo de la sociedades y
de la evolución de los intereses y costumbres de los jóvenes. Si por ejemplo en los años 70,
80 cualquier joven tenia claro que loro denominaba la radio, para un joven de hoy en día su
sentido argótico se habría desplazado ya que designaría a una persona muy fea. Como
podemos observar, el cambio ha sido sustancial.
Otra dificultad para la traducción del argot juvenil, sería la falta de diccionarios que traten
este tema. El limitado número de diccionarios existentes de argot presentan un carácter
general, mezclando distintas realidades argóticas (lenguaje argótico de diversos oficios,
lenguaje usado por los delincuentes, etc.) lo que hace que el contenido de palabras
pertenecientes al lenguaje juvenil sea muy limitado.
Otra de las principales dificultades con la que nos encontramos al trabajar con términos
argóticos es que, incluso en el poco probable caso de que los términos buscado aparezcan
en los diccionarios, la propuesta del diccionario sobre el término no nos resulta siempre
satisfactoria. Como señala Sanmartín, estas voces son conocidas por la mayor parte de los
hablantes, lo cual justifica su integración en diccionarios monolingües generales o bilingües,
en los que aparecen, como era esperable, anotadas con diversas marcas diafásicas como
popular, familiar o coloquial, marcas excesivamente heterogéneas y ambiguas, y cuyo
empleo no responde a unos criterios intrínsecos estables. (Julia Sanmartín, 2003: 604).
Para otros autores, como Rodríguez Gallardo, las jergas juveniles responden al deseo de
manifestarse distintos a las generaciones superiores, con lo cual suelen recurrir a creaciones
léxicas singulares o marginales. Un elemento del argot tiene origen dentro del grupo, al
satirizar o burlarse de sus propios valores, comportamientos y actitudes. Por tanto, en la
elaboración del argot se combinan fuerzas generadoras individuales y fuerzas sociales que
permiten el traslado o el rechazo de elementos verbales de un grupo social marginal al
grupo más general de la cultura dominante. Estos grupos sociales poseen determinados
25
La principal diferencia a la hora de utilizar dichos términos en uno y otro idioma sería sobre todo el hecho de
que la frecuencia de uso de estos ejemplos concretos es bastante mayor en español, en donde podemos apreciar
un desplazamiento de los mismos hacia el lenguaje estándar.
35
valores culturales, posiblemente, no compartidos por esa cultura dominante. Sin embargo,
tienden a inspirarse en el lenguaje más cercano, en el lenguaje contiguo de la lengua
estándar (resulta más económico que crear nuevas palabras) dándole a esos términos
nuevos significados (Ángel Rodríguez Gallardo: 1999: 723).
Queda así evidenciado que resulta difícil unificar criterios a la hora de establecer una
definición exacta de hasta dónde llegan los límites de lo argótico. Lo que sí que parece claro
para casi todos los teóricos del tema, es que el uso del argot establece cohesión en el grupo
que lo utiliza, a la vez que permitiría, en el caso del argot juvenil, la creación de un código
diferente al del adulto que marque el límite de edad; elaborar un lenguaje con el que
identificarse y la intención de manifestarse de una forma lúdica con la diversión que ello
conlleva (Carmen Herrera, María Manjavacas Ramírez, Yolanda Tejado. 2008:15).
Dentro del campo de la traducción, al traducir un texto que contenga lenguaje argótico se
debe intentar seleccionar términos pertenecientes al léxico argótico del idioma al que se
traduce, lo más cercanos posible a los términos traducidos.
En el caso particular de la traducción del español al rumano o viceversa, a veces tendremos
suerte y encontraremos los términos argóticos dentro de alguno de los diccionarios que
consultemos, pero en otras ocasiones no encontraremos un equivalente ideal, sobre todo
cuando se trata de alguna incorporación argótica reciente o poco habitual. También va a
resultar difícil traducir términos argóticos de uso restringido o términos que pertenecen a
una variedad argótica del español de América, generalmente menos conocida que la
española. La propia amplitud geográfica de la lengua española, idioma oficial en más de
veinte países, hace que el vocabulario argótico presente una gran amplitud.
Material disponible
Teniendo en cuenta todas las dificultades presentadas por la traducción del lenguaje
argótico, resulta evidente que a la hora de realizar una traducción de distintos términos
argóticos debemos tener en cuenta el material disponible que resultará muy útil en nuestro
trabajo. En este sentido una de las obras más destacadas es el Diccionario de argot, de J.
Sanmartín, que intenta recoger tanto el argot de grupo como el más común. También
destacaría el Gran diccionario de argot, de D. Carbonell, que recoge unos 20.000 términos y
del Diccionario ejemplificado de argot de C. Ruiz.
Sí que resulta cierto que en los últimos años han aparecido diferentes diccionarios o
glosarios en relación a la posible traducción argótica en otros idiomas, como por ejemplo en
inglés, pero desde luego lo que no encontramos todavía es ningún diccionario que se ocupe
de una posible traducción de estos términos argóticos entre el español y el rumano. Este
hecho producirá en el caso del traductor un doble trabajo, ya que tendrá que buscar tanto la
variante estándar como la argótica del mismo, si quiere realizar un buen trabajo en la
traducción.
36
En este sentido cabe destacar la existencia de diferentes diccionarios argóticos en rumano
que han ido apareciendo en los últimos años en el mercado, aunque desde luego todavía
cabe bastante margen de ampliación y mejora dentro de este campo. Entre los diccionarios
más destacados creo que hay que señalar el Dictionar de argot al limbii romane de George
Volceanov, de aparición relativamente reciente y que cuenta con 25.000 términos.
Después encontraríamos otras obras menos generales, pero que también pueden resultar de
ayuda como por ejemplo, el Dictionar de argou al lumii interlope de Traian Tandil, o el
Dictionar de puscarie de Viorel Horea Tantas, y que se ocuparían exclusivamente de la jerga
de los delincuentes, carcelaria y marginal.
Al margen de los distintos materiales o glosarios que podamos encontrar impresos, cabe
también recalcar que en los últimos años han aparecido una serie de páginas en Internet
que intentan rellenar las lagunas que podemos encontrar a la hora de trabajar con las
diferentes
jergas.
En
este
sentido
podemos
destacar
la
página
http://www.jergasdehablahispana.org, donde vamos a descubrir un intento de establecer un
diccionario de uso argótico que permitiría incluso una búsqueda en función del país de habla
hispana que utilice dicho término. Otra sitio web que podemos destacar es
http://jrmorala.unileon.es/dicci/013.htm, realizado por José Morala y que reúne una serie
artículos y diccionarios sobre las distintas variantes del español. Dentro de las variantes
diastáticas se ocuparía de las diferentes jergas y argot, presentándonos una serie de
interesantes enlaces que nos llevarían a glosarios que tratan el fenómeno del spanglish, el
vocabulario caló, diccionarios de argot venezolano o jerga juvenil chilena o un glosario de
lenguaje carcelario, por destacar algunos de los variados enlaces.26
El trabajo con páginas de Internet que traten el fenómeno argótico o jergal en rumano
resulta algo más dificultoso. Aún así hemos podido encontrar algunas páginas de interés
entre las que destacaríamos http://dictionarurban.ro. En dicha página podemos encontrar
más de 2000 definiciones de diferentes palabras usadas sobre todo en el lenguaje juvenil.
Quizá lo más interesante es que la página está abierta a la participación de todo aquel que
quiera colaborar ofreciendo alguna definición, por lo que es muy posible que en el futuro se
incremente significativamente el número de definiciones que se nos ofrece allí.
Caso practico
En todo caso, conviene señalar la enorme importancia que ha ido adquiriendo el lenguaje
argótico en los últimos años, sobre todo por su amplia utilización en la novelística actual, al
intentar reflejar muchos escritores el lenguaje juvenil lo más fielmente posible. En nuestro
caso particular nos interesará sobre todo el hecho de que un buen número de estas novelas
se llevan posteriormente a pantalla y resulta especialmente complicada la traducción de
dichos términos a la hora de la subtitulación de las posibles películas basadas en las novelas
anteriormente mencionadas.
26
Se trata de una página web realmente interesante. Su único problema reside en que cierto número de enlaces
están actualmente caídos, por lo que no podemos acceder a ellos.
37
Como muestra de trabajo en este campo, finalmente propondremos también una posible
traducción de una serie de términos argóticos al rumano, concretamente vocabulario de
jerga juvenil aparecido en Historias del Kronen, novela de José Ángel Mañas que fue llevada
también a pantalla y que presentaría bastantes dificultades a la hora de realizar el subtítulo
de la misma.
TÉRMINO
ARGÓTICO
ESPAÑOL
Anfeta
Bajón
Botellín
Birra
Caballo
Cabreo
Cabrón
Camello
Cañero
Coca
Colega
Colocarse
Chaval
Chocolate
Clara
Desparramar
Enano
Gabacho
Garito
Gilipollas
Guiri
Güiscola
Güisqui
Hijoputa
Litrona
Estar pedo
Mamar
Marcha
Marica
Mola
Movida
Papear
TRADUCCIÓN AL
EN ESPAÑOL
ESTÁNDAR
Anfetamina
Malestar
Botella pequeña de
cerveza
Cerveza
Heroina
Enfado
Indeseable
Vendedor
callejero
de drogas
Divertido, de moda
Cocaína
Amigo, compañero
Drogarse
Chico joven
Hachís
Cerveza con limón
Divertirse
Hermano menor
Francés
Bar, local
Estúpido
Extranjero
Whisky con cola
Whisky
Indeseable
Botella de un litro de
cerveza
Estar borracho
Beber alcohol
Diversión
Homosexual
Gustar
Juerga, diversión
Comer
TRADUCCIÓN AL
RUMANO
ARGÓTICO
Anfeta
Machit
Eprubetă, bardacă
TRADUCCIÓN AL
RUMANO
ESTÁNDAR
Anfetamină
Stare proastă
Sticla mică de bere
Blonda
Dava
Spume/Draci
Nașpet, Nenorocit
Furnică
Bere
Heroină
Enervare
Nesuferit
Traficant de droguri
Marfă
Coca, albitură
Tovarăș
A se ciuperca
Gagiu
Ciocolată
La moda, bun
Cocaină
Prieten
A se droga
Baiat tanar
Haşiş
Bere cu lămâie
Sa ne distram
Fratele mai mic
Francez
Bar
Cretin
Strain
Whisky cu cola
Whisky
Nemernic
Sticlă de un litru de
bere
Beat
A consuma alcool
Distratie
Homosexual
A-i placea
Petrecere
A mânca
Sa o facem lata
Prâslea
Franțuzoi
Bibliotecă
Cretinoid
Băltăreț
Jigodie
Badoc, ghidon
Matol, mangă
A drincui
Chef
Homalău
E beton
Baută
A păpa
38
Pasta
Piba
Pillar
Ponerse
Porro
Pringao
Priva
Tío
Tripi
Tronco
Viejo
Yanki
Zorra
Dinero
Mujer
Ligar, seducir
Excitarse
Cigarro
marihuana
Incauto
Alcohol
Individuo, amigo
Dosis de LSD
Chico joven
Padre
Estadounidense
Prostituta
Caşcaval
Gagică
A vrăji
A fi in calduri
de Cui
Babaloi
Agheasmă
Frate, vere
Trip, sugativă
Tip
Mos
Yankee
Fetita
Bani
Femei
A seduce
A fi excitat
Țigară de marijuană
Fraier
Alcool
Prieten, coleg
Doză de LSD
Baiat tânăr
Tată
American
Prostituată
Conclusión
Como se puede observar en la tabla de arriba, hemos intentado seleccionar los términos que
mejor se correspondan al nivel de lengua y frecuencia de uso del mismo, aunque a veces ha
resultado difícil establecer un perfecto paralelismo semántico.
Como podemos ver, hemos encontrado una serie de términos argóticos que no tendrían una
posible traducción en rumano, ya que están fuertemente vinculados a un contexto social
que no encontraría correspondiente en Rumanía. Por ejemplo, litrona, es un término muy
utilizado entre los jóvenes españoles que hace referencia a una botella de un litro de
cerveza, pero en Rumanía no encontramos un referente argótico de dicho término, ya que
este tipo de botella no es muy común. En cambio sí que encontramos expresiones
coloquiales para las botellas de dos litros como por ejemplo badoc o ghidon. Como se puede
ver, aunque estos términos no son equivalentes perfectos nos pueden servir en la
traducción. En el caso del whisky no hemos encontrado un equivalente argótico en rumano.
Es posible que éste exista, pero desde luego no es especialmente conocido o usado,
posiblemente debido a que su consumo no es tan popular entre los jóvenes debido a su
precio. En este caso proponemos utilizar los términos del rumano estándar.
Algo parecido sucedería, por ejemplo, en palabras como caña o gabacho27, donde en
nuestra opinión la mejor solución sería utilizar también la traducción correspondiente al
rumano estándar.
27
En el caso de gabacho, siempre podríamos utilizar el término rumano frantuzoi, pero aunque tiene también un
claro carácter despectivo, no consideramos que pueda tener el mismo grado de agresividad que puede tener
gabacho en lengua española, ya que el término designaba en su origen a un campesino pobre, sin posesiones,
mientras que en rumano este término frantuzoi designaría simplemente el origen, ya que existe una construcción
similar para diferentes nacionalidades. Gabacho tendría su correspondiente en cuanto a uso despectivo en
rumano al término bosgor utilizado para referirse a húngaro.
39
El principal problema que hemos encontrado a la hora de elaborar la correspondiente
traducción al rumano argótico ha sido que muchas de las palabras no aparecían en
diccionarios generales, por lo que hemos tenido que recurrir a diccionarios argóticos, incluso
a veces hemos estado obligados a ampliar dicha búsqueda en Internet28, en diferentes
páginas que no presentaban precisamente un gran rigor académico pero que han
completado las diferentes lagunas que se nos han podido presentar a lo largo del trabajo de
traducción.
En todo caso tenemos que señalar que dichas dificultades han dejado en evidencia la
insuficiencia de materiales propicios a la hora de realizar la traducción de términos argóticos
del español al rumano.
Bibliografía
Carbonell Basset, Delfín. (2000). Gran diccionario del argot. El so(h)ez, Barcelona: Larousse.
Herrera, Carmen; Manjavacas Ramírez; María, Tejado, Yolanda. (2008). El lenguaje de los jóvenes.
En revista Donde dice. Nº 12. Madrid: Fundéu BBVA: 15-16
Sanmartín, Julia. (2003). Lingüística Aplicada y argot: los útiles lexicográficos del traductor, en
Lexicografía y Lexicología en Europa y América. Homenaje a Günter Haensch. Madrid: Gredos,
Biblioteca Valenciana:. 603-614.
Rodríguez Gallardo, Ángel. (1999). “Léxico argótico: su aplicación en el aula”. En Español como
lengua extranjera: enfoque comunicativo y gramática. Actas del IX Congreso de ASELE
(Jiménez, T.; Losada, M. C. y Márquez, J. F. eds.). Santiago de Compostela: Universidade de
Santiago de Compostela: 719-725.
Volceanov, George. (2007). Dictionar de argot al limbii romane. Bucuresti: Niculescu.
About the autor:
José Barroso is a Lecturer of Spanish at the Department of Foreign Languages and
Communication, The Technical University of Civil Engineering Bucharest.
E-mail: [email protected]
28
El carácter vivo y constantemente cambiante de este tipo de vocabulario hace que algunas de las fuentes de
información más interesantes sean precisamente diferentes páginas que podemos encontrar en la red, donde
podemos ver la vitalidad de dichas expresiones. Esto desde luego es lógico si tenemos en cuenta la fuerza que
ha adquirido el uso de las nuevas tecnologías entre los hablantes más jóvenes.
40
THE PRINCE OF WALES – THE SOVEREIGN FOR THE TWENTYFIRST CENTURY?
Marina-Cristiana Rotaru
Abstract : Lorsqu'il est appelé à assumer les fonctions et responsabilités de la souveraineté, le Prince
de Galles héritera un royaume en contraste avec celui que sa mère, la reine, a hérité en 1952. Sera-til capable de faire face aux défis et de s'avérer un gardien habile et gestionnaire de traditions dans un
cadre modernisé ? En découpant la personnalité d’un individu, il existe une tension naturelle entre
l'identité sociale et de la personnalité de l'individu, et cette tension se reflète souvent dans la langue
et les valeurs de l'individu. Ce genre de pression permet de définir le style ou la manière d'être d'un
individu, ce qui pour un futur monarque fait partie d'une longue tradition, qui n’est pas
nécessairement rigide.
Key-words: style, social identity, personality, kingship.
Introduction
Although Queen Elizabeth II has not given any hints about a possible abdication, the Prince
of Wales, the first in line to the British throne, has been taking on an increasing number of
engagements on behalf of the queen. Many royal analysts are trying to sketch the future
king’s style of kingship and in so doing they compare the present monarch’s style with that
of her successor.
In my investigation of the Prince of Wales’s style as future sovereign, I am using Norman
Fairclough’s concept of ‘style’ defined as “way of being” (Norman Fairclough, 2003: 26). As
ways of being, styles are to do with identification, that is, with the social and personal
aspects of one’s identity or, in other words with one’s social identity and personality,
respectively (ibidem: 160). As far as the future king’s social identity is concerned, one of the
aspects intensely debated is the position of the British monarch as head of the Anglican
Church.
The Role of Prince Charles as the Future Head of the Church of England
According to the Bill of Rights and the Act of Settlement, the sovereign must be in
communion with the Church of England and must swear to preserve the established Church
of England and the established Church of Scotland. The sovereign must also promise to
uphold the Protestant succession.
A royal head of state is ex-officio Supreme Governor of the Church of England. He/She is
entitled to appoint bishops, who are required to take a personal oath of loyalty and
obedience to the person who becomes monarch. Some very conservative clergymen may
refuse to take this oath and boycott Prince Charles’s title as “Head of the Church of England”
when he becomes king. One measure in view is the renunciation to the title of Supreme
Governor of the Church of England by the next sovereign. In case the Prince of Wales
41
remains the Supreme Governor of the Church of England, his title of “Defender of the Faith
may be altered. By “Faith”, one can understand the Christian faith from an Anglican
perspective. But Great Britain has become a multi-cultural society, its people embracing
different religions and spiritual values: Christianity, Buddhism, Islam. Perhaps the style
“Defender of the Faiths” might prove more appropriate. Then again, will a Muslim or a
Buddhist agree to recognize the monarch as his spiritual representative? But Charles is
known for his genuine interest in other religions, and the sacred (regardless of the religious
perspective one chooses to contemplate it) has always appealed to him.
Prince Charles has forged strong connections with Islam. His endeavor is to be praised since
the 9/11 New York bombings seem to have divided the world. The consequences have been
catastrophic for the entire world and the potential dangers of the war on terrorism still
linger. In this context, the prince’s efforts should be appreciated and encouraged. Prince
Charles became the patron of the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies in 1993. In 2006, he
addressed Islamic scholars at Al-Azhar University in Cairo. He was also the first Christian to
speak to the very conservative Saud University in Riyadh. His effort in trying to understand
other religions and their core values is genuine and it shows. He seems to look for
transcendence as one option for bridging the gap between different religions and always
highlights the importance of spirituality in a man’s life. He may become one of the
champions of a more spiritual, universally shared outlook on life with all the other
differences of race, ethnicity and religion coming second. Then, he may come to be
regarded as a “cosmopolitan defender of faith”(Jonathan Ledgard, 2008:71).
The Constitutional Boundaries of a Sovereign
According to Walter Bagehot, the sovereign has “the right to be consulted, the right to
encourage and the right to warn” (Walter Bagehot, 1966: 111). Is Prince Charles ready to
respect these limits? As far as their personalities are concerned, The Prince of Wales stands
in high contrast with his mother, Queen Elizabeth II. The Queen has always been very
restrained in expressing her views on public affairs. Prince Charles has developed a more
vocal, sometimes even radical approach to public issues. He is reported to have privately
expressed strong views on political affairs and participated in political dialogue with
government officials. He has been often accused of exploiting his position and overrating
his constitutional role.
The prince has been accused of venturing too often into political affairs. On the occasion of
Hong Kong handover to China in 1997, the prince included descriptions of the Chinese
diplomats in the private diaries of his visits abroad. According to the prince, the Chinese
officials surrounding their president looked like “appalling old waxworks”(Robert Blackburn,
2006:19). The prince also called the handover “The great Chinese takeaway”(idem). To
make matters worse, the prince had these diary pages photocopied and circulated to close
members of his staff, family and friends. Unfortunately, they have leaked out and the
prince’s private thoughts on this political event made headlines in the press.
42
Prince Charles’s atypical behaviour for a Prince of Wales and heir to the British throne was
displayed during the state visit to the UK by China’s President Jiang Zemin in 1999, when
the prince failed to accompany the president during his visit. The prince did it again in
Novembre 2005 when he was absent during the visit of the new Chinese President Hu Jintao
at Buckingham Palace. At the same time, Prince Charles is known to be an admirer of the
exiled Tibetan spiritual leader The Dalai Lama and to have a critical opinion about China’s
occupation of Tibet and its policy of suppression towards religious freedoms. While refusing
to meet the Chinese officials on their visit to Britain, Prince Charles welcomed the Dalai
Lama to Clarence House in 2008. Though Prince Charles’s support for Tibet may be well
understood and warmly embraced by the public as the right thing to do, he failed to play the
role of the diplomat and to offer goodwill and hospitality to foreign visiting heads, which is
the responsibility of an heir to the throne.
The prince was also accused of being too opinionated when he boycotted the architectural
establishment. The prince is known to be a man of classical values and taste, showing a
great interest in his country’s history and architecture. His hard fight for the preservation of
the British traditional architectural styles has brought him not only applauses but also a
cascade of criticism from the architects’ guild and the business community. As Great Britain
and London became richer in the 1990s, a new architectural and construction boom
conquered the capital. A new business symbiosis was established between the
entrepreneurs and the architects. Some modern buildings enjoyed the public acclaim. But
the new architectural ethos was more based on financial gain and much less on the
promotion of traditional architecture, the preservation of the local touch and the creation of
better living places. It is precisely this ethos that the prince was criticizing.
The development scheme for the seven-acre site around St. Paul’s Cathedral, known as
Paternoster square, represented another opportunity for Prince Charles to once again
challenge the standardized ideas of the architects’ establishment in London. The urban
planners launched a public design competition for the Paternoster square with strict
requirements, among which the design of as many offices as possible and “a bold concept of
retailing” (Jonathan Dimbleby, 1994:543). An advocate of the neo-traditional community
architecture, the prince stressed the need for human scale, the restoration and the
integration of historical buildings in their surrounding landscape via sustainable design.
Ignoring the chilly welcome from the architects and designers, Prince Charles voiced up his
strong reserve regarding the projects: “Surely here, if anywhere, was the time and place to
sacrifice some profit, if need be, for generosity of vision, for elegance, for dignity” (ibidem:
543).
The Prince as Public Servant
The Prince has helped develop the charitable activity in the UK and turned into a “vast
industry of goodness”(Shusha Guppy, 2008). Prince Charles established his first charitable
organization, The Prince’s Trust in late 1970s, when he donated his navy severance pay,
£7,400 worth (about £40,000 today) to a scheme to help disadvantaged youth by providing
them training, personal development, business start-up support and advice. As indicated on
43
the official site of the organization, it has helped propel more than 575,000 youngsters into
jobs, training and business start-ups since 1976.
In 2006, the prince united all his charities into one foundation, The Prince’s Charities
Foundation, the largest charitable enterprise in the UK, which helps raise ₤ 119 million
annually, according to the official site of the organization. The activities of the prince’s
organizations cover a wide range of areas including: opportunity and enterprise, education,
health, the built environment, the natural environment, responsible business and the arts.
The prince’s commitment to public service is self-evident. What his charitable activity also
illustrates is that the prince masters the art of networking, linking the political establishment,
the multinationals, the business sector and the civil society in ways that may not be
accessible to the common individual.
Prince Charles’s activities have also drawn the attention of many royal commentators who
have set themselves the task of analyzing the prince’s work. Tom Corby, a former press
secretary to the Prince’s Trust and author of Charles-A 60th Birthday Tribute to His Royal
Highness, The Prince of Wales, tries to quantify the prince’s activity and deliver it to the
potential readers in very unequivocal terms. Corby makes reference to the Court Circular,
according to which Prince Charles carried out 13,582 royal engagements between January
1979 and Decembre 2007. Corby also mentions the author and economist James Morton,
who is said to have conducted an analysis of Prince Charles’s work and come to the
conclusion that until 1997, the prince brought benefits to his country worth £12 billion.
Although such an analysis may be open to discussion, there are many supporters of the
prince who would say that “his contribution has a value far and above cash” (Tom Corby,
2008:89).
A particularity of Prince Charles’s working style is his letter-writing, which he uses to
manage his vast array of activities and keep them under his control. He is known to be a
prolific letter-writer, being reported to have personally written 2,134 letters in 2007 to which
one can add an extra 10,245 written by his staff in his behalf. Many are ‘thank you’ letters
addressed to different collaborators. Others are ‘asking for information’ hand-written
missives, inquiring about different aspects of his foundation’s work, letters that his staff
have nicknamed “Charliegrams” (idem).
Another very important aspect of Prince Charles’s work as public servant is that he helps and
represents the queen in ruling the country. Like his mother the Queen, he has learned to
master the art of public appearance. His personal qualities and the expertise he has built up
during his public career may enable the Prince of Wales to better voice hot issues like
globalization, unemployment, the welfare state, immigration or global warming.
Prince Charles’s Style of Kingship
If style identification rests on an interplay between social identity and personality, then, one
could say, following a Faircloughian line, that the identity of a central figure in the public life
44
of a country is the result of “a tension between the public office and the private individual”
(Norman Fairclough, 2000: 97).
What sort of king would he be? His reigning style would probably try to combine his own
personal touch and his mother’s neutral one. Like Elizabeth II, Prince Charles cherishes
tradition and has an acute sense of continuity. But he is also a progressive, which might
help him blend tradition and modernity according to a Third Way formula: traditions in a
modernized setting.
He would certainly be a dutiful king, as indicated by his wide range of charities. Since his
birth, he has been brought up to develop a deep sense of public duty which, with his wellknown stamina, would help him carry the burdens of kingship. He would also be more vocal
than his mother but he will cushion his message for the public. He might well continue to
remain a radical humanitarian, enthusiastically championing themes whose loyal advocate
he has always proved to be: the quality of life, sustainable development, education, the
environment, community architecture on human scale, the renewal of inner cities.
One important dimension of his kingship would be the religious one as he may be the next
Supreme Governor of the Church of England. Mircea Eliade states that “For the religious
man, nature never is exclusively ‘natural’, but endowed with a religious value”(Mircea Eliade,
2005:88). From this perspective, one can detect a religious vein in the Prince of Wales. He
cherishes the traditional rites of the Church of England. He reads from the Book of Common
Prayer every night and on Sundays he is known to attend the religious service in different
churches in parishes where the book is still used in worship. But his relationship with the
Almighty may have initially been problematic. In his hours of need, the prince turned to
different gurus for help, like Laurens van der Post, the South-African philosopher and
conservationist and one of Carl Jung’s disciples. The prince also showed an interest in other
religions in his quest for answers, until he was able to build his own independent
relationship with the divine, as illustrated by the way in which he connects with the world
around him. In his articles, speeches and books, the word “sacred” always recurs: “Look to
the sacred….Nature is sacred…Farming is the sacred link to nature…We have a sacred duty
to protect…I have a sacred duty to serve”. For Charles, the sacred is an inherent element of
nature, something which needs to be contemplated with reverence, not nosed into. In
opposition to the word sacred Prince Charles uses the word “megalomania” to define power
exercised without judgment, leading inevitably to violence and the destruction of the natural
order. His bond with the sacred has helped Charles ritualize his daily existence and grant it a
more profound meaning. As the motto of the Prince of Wales, “Ich Dien” shows,
transcendence may be the key to his kingship.
In one of her last newspaper articles, the renowned writer and editor of Iranian origin
Shusha Guppy, draws a parallel between the kingship the Prince of Wales would be inspired
to build and the ancient concept of Iranian kingship expressed by the concept of Farr-eIzadi: “a special grace bestowed upon the king by the Almighty which endows him with
strength and insight and enables him to overcome the forces of evil. Without Farr-e-Izadi
45
there is no true kingship, only mere power, which can degenerate into tyranny” (Shusha
Guppy, 2008).
Conclusion: The 60th Anniversary Portrait of the Prince of Wales
Prince Charles’s last official portrait (his 60th birthday portrait) is the work of society
photographer and friend Hugo Burnard. It shows the prince wearing the ceremonial uniform
of the Welsh Guards, of which he is Regimental Colonel. The practice of royal portraits has a
long tradition with the royal family. Centuries ago, a royal portrait would be copied and sent
all over the country for the subjects to see their sovereign. Each representation carried a
message. Queen Elizabeth I was known to be very careful with the way in which she was
depicted in her state portraits, always attaching a certain symbolism to them. Indeed, the
image has a double status: it is both a work of art and a document, the purpose of which is
to meet a given demand of a historical moment.
With the advent of photography, the public was allowed larger access to royal life. Queen
Victoria enjoyed being photographed surrounded by her family. The photographic art spread
quickly due to its practicality. Images were captured almost instantly and they conveyed a
more true-to-life impression than an elaborate painting. Photography has helped the royal
family project a certain image onto the public. Once the pictures were taken, they could
easily be published in different newspapers and magazines, thus multiplied to reach as many
individuals as possible. Today they can be printed on postcards and represent a modern and
central dimension of royal memorabilia.
This portrait of Prince Charles is unprecedented because it shows a happy and relaxed
Prince of Wales. As royal commentator Christopher Wilson says: “The eternal search for a
meaning to his existence, which dominated his middle years, has been replaced by the
satisfaction that, in public life, his has been a job well done…”(Christopher Wilson, 2008:
87).
The Official Photograph of the Prince of Wales on His Sixtieth Anniversary, 2008.
The feeling of rest and relaxation is evoked by the prince’s posture. He is sitting crosslegged, his back against one of the handles of the chair. His left arm is informally stretching
over the back of the chair with his hand gently hanging from the top of the chair. The
prince’s arms seem to circumscribe a semicircle underlining an open attitude and conveying
a feeling of accessibility. Yet, the prince looks self-composed and his image may not invite
46
too familiar an approach. His sincere and calm smile and his thighs very close to each other
indicate an ambivalent attitude: on the one hand, Prince Charles is trying to appear as an
equal interlocutor while, at the same time sending a message not to get too close.
Prince Charles is dressed in one of his royal uniforms: the uniform of Regimental Colonel of
the Welsh Guards, as the two leeks embroidered on his collar suggest. He is wearing all the
royal insignia: his medals, the blue ribbon across his chest and the sword. It is a photograph
that indicates his status and royal function: he is the heir apparent to the throne, possibly
the next monarch. The chair on which he is sitting looks old but strong and stable, almost
like a throne. Though he seems relaxed and at ease, Prince Charles looks majestic. This
portrait is the portrait of a “King-in-Waiting”. This looks like a moment of gracefulness when
all his strenuous efforts to carve a role for himself seem to have paid off. Prince Charles
seems to enjoy this ‘état de grace’ and looks towards the future with confidence and faith.
Bibliography
Bagehot, Walter. (1966). The English Constitution. New York: Cornell University Press.
Blackburn, Robert. (2006). King and Country: Monarchy and the Future King Charles III. London:
Politico’s.
Bogdanor, Vernon. (1997). The Monarchy and the Constitution. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Brandreth, Gyles. (2006). Filip şi Elisabeta. Bucureşti: RAO.
Cannon, John and Griffiths, Ralph. (1998). Oxford Illustrated History of the British Monarchy. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Corby, Tom. (2008). “Prince Charles: A Life of Duty in Numbers” in Hello! No 1048, 25 Nov 2008.
Dascăl, Reghina. (2000). British Topics. Timişoara: Eurostampa.
Dimbleby, Jonathan. (1994). The Prince of Wales. A Biography. London: Warner Books.
Fairclough, Norman. (2003). Analysing Discourse: Textual analysis for social research. New York and
London: Routledge.
Fairclough, Norman. (2000). New Labour, New Language. London, New York: Routledge.
Eliade, Mircea. (2005). Sacrul şi profanul. Bucureşti: Humanitas.
Guppy, Shusha. (2008). ‘A Paean to Kingship’ in The Guardian [Online]. Available:
http://www.guardian.co.k/commentisfree/2008/feb/18/monarchy.iran [Retrieved: 18 February
2008, February].
Ledgard, Jonathan. (2008). ‘Prince Charles – The Man Who Would Be Useful’ in Intelligent Life,
Volume 2, Issue 1, Autumn 2008.
Queen Elizabeth II. (2008). ‘The Queen and The Duke of Edinburgh Visit the Headquarters of The
Prince’s
Trust’
[Online].
Available
at:
http://www.princeofwales.gov.uk/newsandgallery/news/the_queen_and_the_duke_of_edinburg
h_visit_the_headquarters_o_19897191 [Retrieved 18 February 2008].
Wilson, Christopher. (2008). ‘Charles: A Private Glimpse Behind the Public Figure’ in Hello! No 1048,
25 Nov.
About the author:
Marina-Cristiana Rotaru is a Lecturer, Ph.D at the Department of Foreign Languages and
Communication, The Technical University of Civil Engineering Bucharest.
E-mail: [email protected]
47
RUSISMELE AICI ȘI DINCOLO DE PRUT
Marinela Doina Nistea
Abstract: Borrowings from Russian which are not completely assimilated in the target language (in
Romanian „rusisme”) were a constant linguistic procedure in mediaeval Romanian; some are still
preserved in our language. A more significant presence of Russian borrowings can be noted in the
Moldovan dialect, due to the long-term Russian influence in the area. The present study explains the
reasons for this socio-cultural phenomenon and proposes a taxonomy of the present day terms
resulted from this influence, by pointing out their relevance both in the academic and argot speech.
Key words: Russian borrowing, argot, surrogate, dialect, linguistic influence.
Introducere
Numim rusisme cuvintele şi expresiile împrumutate din limba rusă, care nu sunt asimilate în
limba română. Limba folosită în spaţiul carpato-danubiano-pontic nu conține în vocabularul
ei multe rusime, ci, mai degrabă, slavonisme, întrucât slavona a fost folosită timp de câteva
secole, ca limbă a administraţiei, a diplomaţiei şi, mai ales, a cultului religios. Din acest
motiv, cuvintele de origine slavă au pătruns în limbă atât pe cale orală, populară, cât şi pe
filieră cultă, cărturărească. Unele dintre ele au devenit arhaisme, iar altele se păstrează în
limbă până astăzi, făcând parte din cele mai variate arii semantice. Rusismele sunt însă
foarte prezente în limba vorbită în spaţiul teritorial al Republicii Moldova, unde cuvintele sau
expresiile de sorginte slavă constituie un rezultat firesc al presiunii celei de-a doua limbi
oficiale a statului moldovenesc – limba rusă. Din motive politice și oficiale, limba română de
aici este denumită limba moldovenească, iar a vorbi despre rusisme înseamnă, de fapt, a
vorbi despre limba moldovenească.
Asemenea anglicismelor, rusismele reprezintă un fenomen socio-cultural pătruns în limba
română sub forma unor împrumuturi masive de termeni, dar spre deosebire de acestea au
căpătat în timp un caracter peiorativ, constituindu-se într-un soi de argou basarabean. La
noi, influenţa rusă s-a manifestat pe la mijlocul secolului al XX-lea aproape exclusiv pe cale
scrisă, prin intermediul traducerilor (artel, aspirantură, activist, agregat, centrism, combinat,
cursant, dezinformaţie, exponat, huligan, instructaj, mecanizator, procuratură, radioficaţie,
suprematism, transfocator etc. sau cuvinte compuse: agrobiologie, agrozootehnică,
agrometeorologie, inginer-mecanic, general-maior, termoreceptor, ultraimperialism), în
vreme ce în Basarabia, în funcţie de amploarea fenomenului şi de întrebuinţarea lor în limba
română, rusismele pot fi încadratee în trei etape diferite:
-
perioada de pînă în anul 1989;
perioada de după 1990 până în anul 2000, când limba română devine limbă de stat;
anul 2000 până în prezent.
În fosta RSS Moldovenească, până la dizolvarea ei în 1989, limba română avea doar două
utilizări: era vorbită în familiile de moldoveni şi predată în şcolile mixte, cu clase cu predare
în limbile rusă și română/moldovenească, scrisă cu alfabet chirilic. Dincolo de aceste spaţii,
limba rusă acaparase toate sectoarele statului, autoritățile sovietice deschizând, în special în
48
orașe, numeroase școli cu predare în limba rusă (mai multe numeric decât primele), ca o
condiție necesară a perfecționării profesionale și a promovării în funcții de conducere în
economie sau politică. Româna devenea astfel un „hibrid”, un „produs contrafăcut” cunoscut
sub denumirea de limbă moldovenească. Coexistenţa pe o perioadă de cincizeci de ani a
acestei limbi cu limba rusă, care a fost declarată cea de-a două limbă de stat după cel de-al
doilea Război Mondial, a încurajat folosirea rusismelor pe scară largă, unele dintre acestea
fiind chiar recomandate în mod oficial în scopul așa-zisei „internaționalizări”, a însușirii unui
fond lexical de bază comun în toate limbile din URSS. În decurs de patru decenii de
existenţă a puterii sovietice, limba rusă a avut un rol considerabil în dezvoltarea limbilor
literare, în special în îmbogăţirea structurii lexicale a limbilor care anterior revoluţiei din 1917
nu avuseseră scriere,. Fondul lexical comun creat în română în perioada sovietică cuprinde
termeni privitori la succesele ştiinţei şi tehnicii contemporane: telefon, tractor, combină,
rachetă cosmică, dar și termeni referitori la viaţa economică şi social-politică: sovhoz,
kolhoz, soviet, pioner, octombrel etc.
Pe lângă vocabular, româna din Basarabia a preluat şi topica, accentul, intonaţia, rostirea și
sunetele specifice limbii ruse. Astfel, până în anul 1967, moldovenii nu aveau sunetele
„ge”/„gi”, deoarece neexistând în limba rusă fuseseră proclamate ca fiind strict românești.
Cum în alfabetul rusesc se regăsește doar litera „j”, aceasta a trebuit să fie folosită în scris şi
pe post de „j”, dar şi de „ge”/ „gi”. Aşa se explică abundenţa lui „j ” în scrisul moldav:
„Jermania”, „jirafă”, „Arjentina”, „jeniu”, „jin”, „vajin”, „injiner”, „dejet” etc. Același fenomen
s-a întâmplat şi în cazul literelor „x” și „y”, considerate „capitaliste” şi înlocuite grafic cu
sunetele „ks”, respectiv „i”: „Oksana”, „Oksford”, „Iemen” etc. Să mai amintim și că rostirea
autentică românească constituia în perioada sovietică un delict, iar aceia care îşi luau
libertatea să şi-o asume suportau uneori consecinţe grave.
În climatul general al perestroicii, în februarie 1990, au loc primele alegeri libere, trezirea
conştiinţei naţionale a moldovenilor, iar limba română devine limbă de stat, în vreme ce
limba rusă intră într-un con de umbră şi, în consecinţă, rusismele încep să fie evitate. Tot
acum se face trecerea la grafia latină, iar limba română din spaţiul teritorial românesc devine
un model de limbă apreciată de basarabeni ca fiind „cultă, civilizată, frumoasă”.
În perioada de după anul 2000, caracterizată la Chișinău prin eşecuri politice şi economice,
dar şi prin impactul informaţional agresiv pe care Moscova îl exercită prin ziare, televiziuni şi
posturi de radio, limba rusă începe să devină din nou atractivă pentru basarabeni şi, ca
atare, apare o nouă invazie de rusisme, precum în perioada sovietică. Diferența constă în
faptul că astăzi rusismele nu mai pătrund pe cale „oficială”, ci pe calea adoptării elementelor
periferice, de argou. Întrebați care este diferenţa între limba română şi cea
„moldovenească”, majoritatea basarabenilor argumentează astfel: „moldoveneasca este un
amestec între română şi rusă, o limbă mixtă, „e o limbă plină de rusime şi regionalisme”,
„moldoveneasca e cam ţărănească, pe când româna e o limbă îngrijită”, „moldoveneasca e o
limbă stâlcită şi foarte urâtă în pronunţare, pe când româna e o limbă frumoasă şi corectă”
etc. Există deja un registru relativ stabil de cuvinte adaptate la sistemul gramatical al limbii
române, preluate din limba rusă nu cu sensul lor literar, ci cu semnificaţia argotică:
49
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
a
● verbe:
abaldi – a fi surprins, şocat
se vrubi – a înţelege, a-şi da seama
se vîpendri – a face nazuri
gani, a tufti – a vorbi aiurea, neconvingător
gruzi – a certa pe cineva; a plictisi
muti – a pune ceva la cale
se pricăli – a lua peste picior pe cineva
se calbasi – a se distra foarte bine
chidăni – a înşela, a scoate din joc pe cineva
se vtiuri – a se îndrăgosti
glazi – a privi
● substantive:
babki, bablo – bani
capusta, zeleni – dolari
bazar – vorbă, discuţii
bomj – boschetar
gudioj – chef mare
crîşă – protecţie, pilă
loh – prost
tacikă – maşină
strelkă – întâlnire
tormoz – om care înţelege greu
tusovkă – petrecere
ciuvihă, devcioncă, tiolkă – fată
ciuvak, pațan – băiat
karifan, coreș – prieten
pricălist – miștocar
pricol – glumă
șmon – percheziție
șuher – atenție, pericol (a sta la șuher – a sta la pândă)
ment, musor – poliţist (gabor)
telik – televizor
kaziol – prost
fişcă – caracteristică
havcik, jracică – mâncare
tocikă – crâşmă
fignea – ceva nesemnificativ
pofighist/(-ă) – persoană blazată
padla – laș
bezpredel – dezordine
● adjective:
blatnoi – modern
50
borzîi – mândru, înfumurat
kliovîi, pricolinîi – mișto
krutoi – în vogă
ciotkii, ciotkos – bun, valoros
șustrîi – isteţ, descurcăreţ
levîi – de proastă calitate
tuparîlîi – foarte prost
poterianîi – disperat
● adverbe, expresii:
pofig – indiferent
leva – nașpa
capeț – nasol, un rezultat prost al unei acțiuni
caroce – mai pe scurt, în fine
gluha – rău de tot
blin – interjecţie ce exprimă stupoarea
na haleavu, na şaru – pe gratis
po poniatiam – corect, conform înţegerii, principiilor
a avea sdviguri, a i se duce (cuiva) crîșa – a fi nebun
a face o padleancă – a face un lucru rău
a aprinde farele la pavarot – a fi atent
a umbla nalevo – a înșela, a fi infidel
v nature – serios, adevărat
a spune macaroane – a minţi.
Aceste cuvinte şi expresii există și în limbajul argotic rusesc. Basarabenii le-au preluat din
filmele rusești, din limbajul familiar al ruşilor, traducându-le uneori sensul, şi, ce este uluitor,
ele s-au înrădăcinat în mintea unora atât de mult, încât mulţi au impresia că sunt expresii
româneşti specifice limbii „moldoveneşti”. Majoritatea însă folosesc intenţionat rusismele
pentru amuzament.
Exemple:
M-am gruzit konkretna. – „Am căzut într-o adâncă depresie” (redă mai bine starea
interlocutorului).
Şo za fignea grăieşte dibilu ista nekak nu dahadeşte la mozgu meu. – „Ce aberează
înapoiatul ăsta; nu înțeleg nimic. ”
Mă sohnesc după tini – „Mă usuc de dragul tău” (limbaj colocvial, argotic, la care
se adaugă greşeli gramaticale elementare, precum și un sens metaforic al verbului
„a iubi”).
Mă duc să beau apă de la cran. – „Mă duc să beau apă de la cişmea” (rusimul
„cran” înseamnă şi robinet).
51
E frumoasă parcă e o cuclă. – „E frumoasă ca o păpuşă. ”
Mi s-a rastroit stomacul. – „Mi s-a dereglat stomacul. ”
Băiatul acela nu are sovesti, cum poate să stea pe scaun şi să nu ofere loc pentru
bătrânul care stă în picioare? Nu are nici un pic de cultură în el (rusismul sovesti =
bun simţ; „Nu are nici un pic de cultură în el” este un model de exprimare greşită,
în care apar topica şi exprimarea tipic rusească, corect: „Nu are nici un fel de
educaţie”.)
Ofiţiant dă-mi te rog o crujcă de vin şi un stacan cu apă! – „Chelner adu-mi te rog o
cană cu vin şi un pahar cu apă! ”
Doctorul mi-a spus că când mă otrăvesc la stomac să folosesc ca metodă de lecuire
clizma. – „În cazul intoxicaţiei la stomac, medicul mi-a recomandat ca metodă de
tratament clizma.”
Bugalterul mi-a cerut să pun peceata pe ordinul de plată. – „Contabilul mi-a cerut
să pun ștampila pe ordinul de plată.”
Paţanul meu îmi cere întotdeauna morojnî înainte de a-l duce la detskii sad. –
„Băieţelul meu îmi cere întotdeauna îngheţată înainte de a merge la grădiniţă. ”
(propoziţia aparține limbajului colocvial, expresia „paţanul meu” fiind utilizată
frecvent de bărbați; recunoaștem aici rusismele morojnî – îngheţată, detskii sad –
grădiniţă, care are și sinonimul „sadic” , adică „grădină mică”).
Bunica n-are nici maşîncă de spălat, nici maşîncă de carne. Are doar plitcă de gaz şi
kipitilnic. Nu are nici măcar utiug! (maşîncă de spălat = maşină de spălat; maşîncă
de carne = maşină de tocat carne; plitcă de gaz = aragaz; termenul e tradus din
limba rusă: газовая плита; kipitilnic = fierbător - obiect des folosit în gospodărie
până în anii ’90; utiug = fier de călcat).
Transmise încă din perioada sovietică, rusismele ce denumesc obiecte folosite zilnic s-au
înrădăcinat atât de adânc în mintea basarabenilor, încât mulţi dintre aceștia nu mai cunosc
termenii din limba română:
castrule – cratiţă
duhovcă – cuptor electric
kuhne – bucătărie
microvalnovcă – cuptor cu microunde
cofemolcă – râșniță pentru cafea
socovîjîmalcă – storcător
culioc – pungă
şcaf – şifonier
polcă – raft
tapociki–papuci de cameră
bosonoşti – sandale
șliompați – șlapi
sviter – pulover
coftă – bluză
sapojki – cizme
plaşi–geacă impermeabilă
capșon – glugă
şubă – haină îmblănită
52
tarelcă – farfurie
vilcă – furculiţă
stacan – pahar
creslă – fotoliu
holodilnic – frigider
moică – chiuvetă
condiționer – aparat de aer condiționat
poroșoc – detergent de rufe
pîlesos – aspirator
taz – lighean
chepcă – șapcă
fudbolcă – tricou
galgoci – dresuri
maică – maieu
nume de rudenie:
tiotia – mătuşă
diadia – unchi
Numele şi modul de adresare au fost preluate și ele de la ruşi. Echivalentele tiotia pentru
„mătuşă” și diadia pentru „unchi” sunt folosite aproape exclusiv, iar în mediul rural, de
exemplu, în loc de doamna Oxana Gherman se foloseşte modul de adresare: Oxana
Haralampovna, cel de-al doilea nume fiind patronimul tatălui (prenume + numele tatălui +
sufixele: -ovna,-evna,-ovici sau -ivici: Ecaterina Matveevna, Dumitru Grigorievici etc.),
regăsibil și în traducerile romanelor ruseşti.
Concluzii
Spre deosebire de slavonisme, rusismele nu au marcat limba română în varianta ei standard,
în Basarabia fiind folosite, mai degrabă, în limbajul colocvial. Așa cum în România există
moda anglicismelor, basarabenilor li se pare haios şi distinctiv să se exprime cu rusisme,
acest lucru fiind cauzat și de pregătirea slabă a profesorilor de limba română, care folosesc
ei înșiși rusisme în conversaţie uitând că sunt un exemplu pentru elevii şi studenţii lor.
About the author:
Marinela Doina Nistea is an Associate Professor, Ph.D at the Department of Foreign
Languages and Communication, The Technical University of Civil Engineering Bucharest.
E-mail: [email protected]
53
CINE, GUERRA Y POLÍTICA EN EL SIGLO XX
MOVIES, WARFARE AND POLITICS IN THE XX CENTURY
Óscar Ruiz Fernández
Abstract: During the main events of XX century, such as the First and Second World Wars, or the
Vietnam War, the world of cinema has changed accordingly. There are many movies offering a image
of those events as they were interpreted, observed or seen by the people and the society of their
days. These different images depend on when the movie was made, by whom and by which country.
It is not the same, for a Vietnam War movie, the 60s, the 70s, or the 80s and the 90s, as not the
perception of the First World War or the Second. Ideologies such as Communism, Nazism or Fascism
were another key factor for the development of the film industry, especially in Europe during the
inter-war period. Links between movies and politics during 1914-1991 are the field of research and
study of this present article.
Key words: Siglo XX. Cine. Ideologías. Guerra. Política.
1. Introducción
Cuando los hermanos Lumière patentaron el cinematógrafo el 13 de febrero de 1895, poco podrían
imaginar que su invento llegaría a convertirse en uno de los medios de comunicación de masas más
importantes del siglo XX (de hecho, llegaron a comentar que el cine es una invención sin futuro)29. A
la altura de 2014, el cine, junto con la telefonía móvil y la televisión, sólo es superado por internet,
aunque este último sea tan revolucionario que los otros tres hayan tenido que unírsele para sobrevivir
en el mundo globalizado del siglo XXI.
El estudio de las implicaciones del mundo del cine con la política, la cultura, la propaganda y la
comunicación pública de masas sólo ha empezado a estudiarse a partir de la década de los años 70,
con la obra de Greenstein y Polsby, Handbook of Political Science (1975) y la de Nimmo y Sanders,
Handbook of Political Communication (1981)30. En ellos se reconocía la importancia que para la
ciencia política tenía como objeto de estudio los productos culturales (entretenimiento y ficción
popular), en los que, lógicamente, entraba el cine. A partir de ellos, han comenzado en el mundo
académico y universitario el interés por los Cultural Studies y los Film Studies.
El cine siempre ha girado alrededor de varios conceptos, adoctrinamiento, educación, entretenimiento
y negocio. La primera película de los propios hermanos Lumière consistió en el rodaje de la salida de
los obreros de la fábrica Lumière en Lyon Monplaisir ( La sortie des ouvriers des usines Lumière à
Lyon Monplaisir), presentada el 22 de marzo de 1895 en la Société d'Encouragement à l'Industrie
Nacional en París. Aunque es probable que los Lumière la rodaran a modo de experimento, lo cierto
es que la primera película de la historia tuvo como principal protagonista a la clase obrera y la vida en
una factoría. Posteriormente realizaron películas como La llegada del tren o La llegada de los
congresistas (Le débarquement des congresistes). Adelantándose al cine político y social, en esas
películas se mostraba una pequeña parte de la sociedad europea de finales del siglo XIX (clase
29
Sobre la historia de los hermanos Lumiére, ver Sadoul, George. (1982). Historia del cine mundial. Madrid, Siglo
XXI; también Caparrós Lera, J.M. (2003). Historia del Cine Europeo. De Lumière a Lars von Trier. Madrid, Rialp.
30
Para mas referencias sobre la evolución de los estudios de ciencia política con respecto al cine y la
comunicación de masas, ver Trenzado Moreno, Manuel.(2000). “El cine desde la perspectiva de la ciencia
política”. Reis (Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas), nº 92: 45-70; Iglesias Turrión, Pablo (ed).
(2013). Cuando las películas votan. Lecciones de ciencias sociales a través del cine. Madrid, Editorial Catarata.
Iglesias Turrión, Pablo. (2013). Maquiavelo frente a la gran pantalla. Cine y política. Madrid, Akal; Monedero,
Juan Carlos. (2012). “[Estudio introductorio] El programa de máximos del neoliberalismo: el Informe a la
Trilateral de 1975”. Sociología histórica, núm.1: 289-310.
54
política, la clase obrera, la industria, el comercio y los transportes)31. Apenas un año después, en la
primavera de 1896, Francisque Doublier, dirigido por M. Perrigot, filmaron un gran acontecimiento
internacional como fue la coronación del zar Nicolás II. Poco a poco empezaba a mostrarse el gran
potencial del cine32.
2. El cine entre 1914 y 1945.
La primera guerra mundial (1914-1918), fue el primer conflicto bélico de la historia en ser filmado, lo
que, además de su dimensión mundial, contribuyó a universalizar a los ojos del mundo los horrores
del primer gran conflicto industrial. Pero también fue el primero en ser objeto del mundo del cine. No
hay prácticamente ninguna película que de una imagen positiva de este conflicto, o que tenga una
visión maniquea del mismo o de los contendientes en liza. Quizá la película Shoulder Arms, dirigida
por Charles Chaplin (1918), es la que más se pueda aproximar a esta visión, ya que aún siendo una
comedia, utiliza el humor para ridiculizar a los alemanes y glorificar a los soldados americanos. Otras
películas, desde las realizadas en el periodo de entreguerras, como The Big Parade (USA, King Vidor,
1925), All Quiet on the Western Front (USA, Lewis Milestone, 1930), Westfront 1918 (Alemania, G.W.
Pabst, 1930), The broken lullaby (USA, Ernst Lubitsh, 1932) o La grande illusion (Francia, Jean
Renoir, 1937); hasta otras como Paths of Glory (USA, Stanley Kubrick, 1957), King and Country (UK,
1964, Joseph Losey), Dalton Trumbo's Johnny Got His Gun (USA, Dalton Trumbo, 1971), o Gallipoli
(Australia, Peter Weir, 1981) presentan con crudeza las matanzas, penurias, horrores e injusticias del
conflicto, tanto en la vida en las trincheras como en la retaguardia, en la lucha contra el enemigo y en
las relaciones jerárquicas entre soldados y oficiales33.
En el periodo de entreguerras (1918-1939), el más convulso de la historia europea, vino a dar un
impulso al mundo del cine, siendo este producto y reflejo del mundo y la sociedad en el que vive y
nace. Los países que vivieron revoluciones dirigidas por partidos de masas como el comunismo (Rusia
en 1917), el nazismo (Alemania en 1933) y el fascismo (Italia en 1922) vieron un desarrollo de su
industria del cine, al ser entendido pronto este como un arma de propaganda, adoctrinamiento y
comunicación de masas hacia el interior y hacia el exterior (convencer y defender)34.
La revolución rusa y el establecimiento del régimen comunista en Rusia tuvo su máximo exponente
en el cine del director Serguei Eisenstein, que defendía la revolución soviética frente a la tiranía
zarista (Bronenósets Potiemkin, El Acorazado Potemkin, 1925; Oktyabr, Octubre, 1928), los logros de
la revolución, como la reforma agraria (Staroe i novoe, Lo viejo y lo nuevo, 1929) o ensalzaba la
figura del querido líder Stalin, personificación del más famoso zar de Rusia (Ivan Groznyy, Iván el
Terrible, 1944)35.
31
En España, las primeras películas fueron filmadas en 1896 y 1897, escenas urbanas en iglesias y fábricas; ver
más en Caparros-Lera, J.M. (2007) Historia del Cine Español. Madrid: T&B Editores; García Fernández, Emilio C.
(2002). El cine español entre 1896 y 1939. Barcelona. Ariel.
32
La información sobre las películas que aparecen en este artículo se han obtenido de dos webs especializadas:
http://www.filmaffinity.com/es/main.html y http://www.imdb.com/?ref_=nv_home.
33
Películas como Sargeant York (USA, Howard Hawks, 1941), Lawrence of Arabia (UK, David Lean, 1962) o The
African Queen (USA, John Huston, 1951) tienen a la Primera Guerra Mundial como escenario, pero desde
perspectivas diferentes. Las dos primeras están centradas en la glorificación de dos figuras militares del bando
aliado (uno americano y otro británico), donde la guerra es el escenario; la tercera es una historia de amor y
aventuras en África, con la guerra como telón de fondo; sobre la película La Grande Illusion (1937), ver Alegre,
Sergio. (1991). “Re-lectura de la Grande Illusion (1937) de Jean Renoir”, Revista d´investigació FILM-HISTORIA,
Vol. 1, nº 1: 25-34.
34
La película americana The birth of a Nation (1915), obra de D.W. Griffith, podría ser el equivalente en Estados
Unidos de los filmes realizados posteriormente en Rusia, Italia y Alemania, destinados a ser herramienta de
propaganda y adoctrinamiento; en Rusia en defensa del comunismo, en Alemania del nazismo y la raza aria, en
Italia del fascismo y el pasado imperial romano, en Estados Unidos del origen blanco del país frente a la minoría
negra tras la derrota de la Confederación; Prieto, Alberto. (1997). “El esclavismo en el cine”. Revista
d´investigació FILM-HISTORIA, Vol. 7, nº 3: 245-262; Taylor, Richard. (2006). Film Propaganda: Soviet Russia
and Nazi Germany. London, I.B.Tauris.
35
Ibidem; sobre la película Staroe i novoe, ver Florit, José. (1991). “Lo Viejo y lo Nuevo (La línea general, 1929):
Aproximación didáctica”. Revista d´investigació FILM-HISTORIA, Vol. 1, nº 2: 103-108; sobre el Acorazado
55
Por lo que respecta a la Alemania nazi, Adolf Hitler fue muy consciente de la importancia de la
comunicación de masas, por lo que puso a Joseph Goebbels, un fanático del cine, al cargo del
ministerio de Educación y Propaganda. El papel de Eisenstein alemán lo tuvo la directora de cine Leni
Riefenstahl, autora de varias famosas películas y documentales, como la llamada Trilogía de
Núremberg (Der Sieg des Glaubens, Victoria de fe, 1933; Triumph des Willens, El triunfo de la
voluntad, 1934; y Tag der Freiheit: Unsere Wehrmacht, Día de libertad: nuestras Fuerzas Armadas,
1935), y Olympia (1936-1938). Todas ellas eran una perfecta herramienta de propaganda al servicio
de la Alemania nazi. A ellas se puede añadir la película Der Ewide Jude (El judío eterno, 1940, Fritz
Hipper), obra antisemita de principios de la segunda guerra mundial.
En la Italia fascista, Mussolini ordenó la creación de la Dirección General de Cinematografía (1934), y
se inauguran los enormes estudios de cine Cinecittá en Roma (1937). A finales de los años 30, Italia
vivió una edad de oro del cine, con más de 80 títulos al año, realizando documentales directamente
propagandísticos del partido fascista (Camicia nera, 1933, de Giovacchinno; Vecchia Guardia, 1935,
de Alessandro Blasseti), comedias costumbristas y ligeras (llamadas teléfonos blancos) o grandes
obras históricas (Escipión el Africano, 1937, de Carmine Gallone; Condottieri, 1937, de Luis
Trenker)36.
Con respecto al otro gran dictador europeo, Francisco Franco, el régimen franquista de la década de
los 40 intentó mimetizarse con las potencias amigas (Alemania, Italia), creando la censura previa,
obligando al doblaje de todas las películas extranjeras y promoviendo a través de la productora
CIFESA37. Aparecen una serie de géneros destinados a la propaganda y el entretenimiento de la
población, el género de bandoleros (Carne de horca, 1953, Ladislao Vajda; La duquesa de Benamejí,
1949, Luis Lucia, 1949), religiosas (Balarrasa, 1950, José Antonio Nieves Conde; La mies es mucha,
1949, José Luis Sáenz de Heredia; Marcelino pan y vino, 1955, Ladislao Vajda), folclóricas (Embrujo,
1947, Carlos Serrano de Osma), históricas (Frente de Madrid, 1939, Edgar Neville; Locura de amor,
1948, Juan de Orduña, Los últimos de Filipinas, Antonio Román, 1945)38. El propio Franco se atrevió a
escribir el guión de una película que dirigió José Luis Sáenz de Heredia en 1942, titulada Raza (con el
pseudónimo de Jaime de Andrade) en el que plasmaba todos sus sueños de grandeza, como haber
sido marino o haber venido de una familia noble39.
3. El cine y los conflictos de la Guerra Fría (1945-1989)
La segunda guerra mundial (1939-1945) no provocó una gran controversia en la industria del cine,
configurando un género cinematográfico que ha producido miles de títulos hasta la actualidad.
Parecía no haber dudas de la bondad y rectitud de la causa de los aliados frente a la barbarie, la
crueldad y la maldad nazi o japonesa. Las películas realizadas expresan este mensaje, donde hay
pocas dudas sobre la justicia de la causa de uno de los bandos, hasta el punto de haber creado
subgéneros (espionaje, holocausto, campo de prisioneros, comandos).
Sin embargo, también han aparecido películas que entran en este género centrándose en la
perspectiva alemana, japonesa o italiana, donde no toda la población apoyaba los designios de sus
Potemkin, Ferro, Marc. (1991). “Perspectivas en torno a las relaciones Historia-Cine”, Revista d´investigació
FILM-HISTORIA, Vol.1, nº 1: 3-12.
36
Sobre el cine de la Italia fascista, Bondanella, Peter E. (2011). A History of Italian Cinema. New York:
Continuum; Brunetta, Gian Piero (2009). The History of Italian Cinema: A Guide to Italian Film from Its Origins to
the Twenty-First Century. Princeton University Press; Jeremy, Ferrando. (2011). “Le cinéma sous l’Italie fasciste”,
Histoires de la dernière guerre, nº 12 de julio/agosto: 88-89.
37
Estivill, Josep. (1997). “Comercio cinematográfico y propaganda política entre la España franquista y el Tercer
Reich”. Revista d´investigació FILM-HISTORIA, Vol. VII, nº 2: 113-130.
38
Dentro del cine patrocinado por el franquismo, también existió cierto grado de antisemitismo, como se pudo
observar en la primera versión de la película Raza; ver más, España de, Rafael. (1991). “Antisemitismo en el cine
español". Revista d´investigació FILM-HISTORIA, Vol. 1, nº 2: 89-102.
39
Sobre esta película, Huelin, Eduardo. (1997). “La imagen de la mujer en la película Raza”. Revista
d´investigació FILM-HISTORIA, Vol. VII, nº 1, 1997:51-62.
56
líderes y también sufría las consecuencias de la guerra a la vez que la propia y correspondiente
tiranía. En el caso de la Alemania nazi, estas otras visiones se centran en el mundo de la juventud, la
resistencia o la dura vida diaria (por ejemplo, Cabaret, 1972, de Bob Fosse; A time to Love and a
Time to Die, 1958, Douglas Sirk; Sophia Scholl: Die letz ten Tage, 2005, Marc Rothemund; Valkyrie,
de 2008, de Bryan Singer; The book of Eli, 2010, de Albert Hughes; Europa Europa, 1990, Agnieszka
Holland; Swing Kids, 1993, Thomas Carter; Napola: Elite für den Führer, 2004, Dennis Gansel). En el
caso de Japón, se pueden mencionar Solntse (2005, Aleksandr Sokurov), Emperor (Peter Webber,
2012) o Letters from Iwo Jima (2006, Clint Eastwood).
Por lo que respecta a los dos grandes conflictos bélicos posteriores, la guerra de Corea (1950-1953)
ha producido una cincuentena larga de películas, pero ningún conflicto ha generado la controversia
en el mundo del cine como la guerra del Vietnam (1964-1975), especialmente en el mundo de
Hollywood, reflejo de la división de la sociedad americana de la época con respecto a esa guerra.
Tan pronto como en 1968, el reconocido actor republicano John Wayne protagonizó una película en
que se narraba la heroica actuación del ejército americano en Vietnam contra el comunismo. The
Green Berets fue dirigida por el propio Wayne y Ray Kellog en 1968, y vino acompañada de la visita
del actor a las tropas norteamericanas acantonadas allí para darlas apoyo.
En el lado opuesto, la actriz Jane Fonda, cabeza junto a los actores Fred Gardner y Donald Sutherland
del show pacifista FTA tour (Free the Army) desde 1970, que visitó la capital de Vietnam del Norte,
Hanoi, en julio de 1972, hablando en contra del conflicto y los bombardeos indiscriminados
norteamericanos. Su imagen fue utilizada por Vietnam del Norte como propaganda contra Estados
Unidos, y Fonda fue objeto de las iras de importantes sectores de la sociedad americana y el ejército,
siendo conocida como Hanoi Jane desde entonces40. La posición antibelicista del grupo liderado por
Jane Fonda quedó retratada en la película FTA (1972), retirada de los cines apenas una semana
después de su estreno por su intensa crítica a la guerra.
Entre enero y marzo de 1973 el gobierno norteamericano y el de Vietnam del Norte firmaron los
acuerdos de París, poniendo fin a la intervención militar americana, y reconociendo indirectamente el
fracaso de la apuesta militar de Washington en Indochina. La década posterior vino a presenciar una
cierta contención internacional norteamericana (pacifismo de la era de Gerald Ford y el demócrata
Jimmy Carter). Por lo que respecta al cine, esos diez años fueron testigo de la realización de cuatro
películas acerca del conflicto. La primera, de Martin Scorsese, Taxi Driver (1976). La segunda, de
Michael Cimino, The Deer Hunter (1978). La tercera, de Francis Ford Coppola, Apocalypse Now
(1979). La última, Rambo: First Blood, de Ted Kotcheff (1982). Todas ellas querían exponer la
barbarie de la guerra, su sinsentido, y las consecuencias que el conflicto tenía sobre los soldados y la
población civil.
Taxi Driver, The Deer Hunter y Rambo mostraban las consecuencias del conflicto sobre los soldados,
que regresaban a Estados Unidos como veteranos de una guerra indeseable y perdida, no como
héroes, sino como inadaptados sociales, perturbados, vagabundos, parados. Nadie los quería, nadie
los respetaba, nadie quería escuchar sus historias de guerra ni saber de sus hazañas. Cruel paradoja
frente a los veteranos de los anteriores conflictos (Corea, las guerras mundiales). El choque ante esa
realidad terminaba por desquiciar a muchos, que terminaban hundidos en las drogas, el alcohol, un
hospital mental, la violencia. La película de Coppola se adelantaba a las otras tres en una cosa:
mostraba que no hacía falta el regreso de los soldados a casa para que su infierno personal
comenzara. El infierno era Vietnam, enloquecían allí, solo que rodeados de otros en su mismo estado
(empezando por sus oficiales), nadie era consciente de su deshumanización.
La década siguiente sería un tanto diferente. Comenzaría el periodo del republicano Ronald Reagan al
frente de la presidencia norteamericana (1981-1989), dando un marcado empuje a la política
norteamericana, tanto interior (impulso del liberalismo económico y fuerzas armadas) como a la
exterior (con el decidido deseo de contener internacionalmente a la Unión Soviética de la mano de la
primera ministra Margaret Thatcher en Gran Bretaña y Juan Pablo II en el Vaticano, ambos decididos
40
Jane Fonda ha reiterado posteriormente repetidas su arrepentimiento por aquel viaje; Fonda, Jane (2005). My
Life So Far. London, Random House: 324 y ss.
57
anticomunistas)41. La época de Reagan, él mismo actor, trajo una afirmación norteamericana frente a
sus rivales y enemigos exteriores: la Unión Soviética, Libia, Nicaragua, Líbano.
En el mundo del cine y la televisión, los 80 fueron años de intenso patriotismo norteamericano. Series
de televisión tales como V-TV Series (1983-1985), Amerika (1987), The A Team (1983-1987)
mostraban a Estados Unidos como víctima de invasiones exteriores o interiores. En la primera los
invasores eran alienígenas con uniforme naranja y botas de montar, trasunto del color rojo y los
uniformes soviéticos; en la segunda, no se molestaban en disimular: los invasores eran los rusos42.
Ambos eran combatidos por la resistencia norteamericana. En la última, de gran éxito, un grupo de
veteranos del Vietnam, perseguidos por el propio gobierno norteamericano por un delito que no
habían cometido, se convertían en una especie de Robin Hood en ayuda de los desvalidos y débiles
frente a la mafia, traficantes, políticos corruptos y todo tipo de delincuentes. La escoria de la sociedad
norteamericana barrida por unos veteranos del Vietnam que entonces sí que eran bien acogidos y
recibidos por el pueblo norteamericano (atención al detalle, los 80 eran otros tiempos)43.
En cuanto a películas de la guerra del Vietnam, se pueden dividir en dos tipos: las patrioteras, y las
que seguían la estela de las rodadas en los años 70. Entre las primeras, actores como Sylvester
Stallone, Chuck Norris o Dolph Lundgren se convirtieron en los justicieros de América. El primero
protagonizando Rambo: First Blood Part II (1985, George Pan Cosmatos) y Rambo III (1988, Peter
MacDonald). Esta segunda parte de Rambo en poco se parece a la primera. Rambo regresa a
Vietnam a rescatar a prisioneros de guerra norteamericanos, y al mismo tiempo derrota a una
compañía de soldados rusos. Así se borraba doblemente la derrota de 1973 de forma retroactiva. En
la tercera parte Rambo directamente viaja a Afghanistan, invadido por la Unión Soviética desde 1979
(el primer Vietnam ruso, el segundo sería Chechenia), para ayudar a los rebeldes muyahidines de
entonces (talibanes a partir de la década de los 90) y derrotar a los rusos una vez más.
En el caso de Chuck Norris, protagonizó las tres producciones de Missing in Action (1984, Josep Zito;
1985, Lance Hool; 1988, Aaron Norris), en las que el coronel James Braddock regresaba a Vietnam a
rescatar a prisioneros norteamericanos encerrados en inmundos campos de prisioneros. De nuevo,
una victoria norteamericana retroactiva. Cabe mencionar que Norris protagonizó otras películas en la
que hacía frente a otros enemigos de América: en Lone Wolf McQuade (1983, Steve Carver) luchaba
contra traficantes de drogas; en Invasion U.S.A. (1985, Joseph Zito) hacía frente a una invasión de
un grupo de mercenarios; en Delta Force 1 y 2 (1986, Menahem Golan; 1990, Aaron Norris)
encabezaba un comando norteamericano que luchaba contra terroristas árabes y un cacique
sudamericano.
Por último, Dolph Lundgren, otro actor
Stallone, Bronson o Norris, protagonizó
interpretaba a un soldado de comandos
mandos ante su crueldad con la población
musculado y especialista en papeles similares a los de
la película Red Scorpion (Joseph Zito, 1989), en donde
soviético en Zimbabwe que se rebela contra sus propios
africana. De nuevo está claro quién es el bando malvado.
Por lo que respecta a las películas del Vietnam que querían seguir la estela de Scorsese, Cimino o
Coppola, en los años 1986 y 1989 Oliver Stone dirigió dos muy destacadas: Platoon y Born on the
Fourth of July. También en 1989 Brian de Palma presentó Casualties of War. En estas tres
producciones el espectador puede apreciar los combates en plena selva, las vivencias de los soldados,
el heroísmo o su ausencia, la decepción del regreso a casa, la locura en la que va introduciendo la
guerra a todos los combatientes.
Por último, en la década de los 90, aparecen algunos filmes que se aproximan a la guerra del Vietnam
no desde la guerra o la vida del soldado, sino desde la política o la sociedad. El director Oliver Stone
41
Para un análisis global del period de Reagan, Troy Gil. (2007). Morning in America. How Ronald Reagan
invented the 1980s. Princeton University Press; Erhman, John. (2006). The Eighties. America in the Age of
Reagan. Yale University Press.
42
La película Red Dawn (1984, John Milius) fue el antecedente de la serie Amerika.
43
En este caso, el Equipo A realizaba una tarea similar a la del actor Charles Bronson en sus películas Death
Wish (El Justiciero) de los años 1974, 1982, 1984, 1987, 1994; eso sin mencionar el resto de producciones en las
que actúa de vengador de la sociedad: Mr. Mayestyk (1974), The Evil That Men Do (1984).
58
volvió a repetir con J.F.K. (1991) y Nixon (1995). En ellas se insinúa la culpabilidad del llamado
complejo industrial-militar norteamericano (Military-industrial complex, en palabras del presidente
Eisenhower, 1961) no sólo en el asesinato del presidente John F. Kennedy, sino en la entrada del país
en Vietnam y en la caída de Nixon ante su deseo de parar la guerra44. Por lo que respecta a Robert
Zemeckis, dirigió Forrest Gump (1994), comedia dramática que recoge pinceladas de las películas de
Stone con respecto a las protestas de la sociedad norteamericana ante la guerra. Por último, y ya en
2002, Mel Gibson protagonizó We were soldiers (2002, Randall Wallace), película acerca del conflicto
de Vietnam que por estilo y mensaje se parece más a la producción The Green Berets de 1968.
Conclusiones
Como se ha podido observar a través de estas páginas, el mundo del cine está profundamente ligado
al mundo y la sociedad en el que nace, se desarrolla y ofrece sus creaciones cinematográficas. La
aproximación que se ha intentado presentar sobre este fenómeno en este artículo es política,
abarcando conflictos militares a lo largo de lo que el historiador británico Eric Hobsbawm llamó el
corto siglo XX, (1914-1991), en el que abarcaba desde el comienzo de la primera guerra mundial
hasta la caída de los regímenes comunistas europeos y su máximo exponente, la Unión Soviética45.
Este corto siglo XX coincide prácticamente de forma milimétrica con el nacimiento y el desarrollo de
los medios de comunicación de masas como el teléfono, la radio, la televisión y el cine (salvo
internet). Por ello, se ha ido ofreciendo para cada conflicto presentado, una serie de películas
producidas en la época (la mayoría norteamericanas, pero no todas) y que venían a responder al
impulso del momento. Algunas son muy conocidas y otras menos, pero todas han sido seleccionadas
por su relevancia.
Fue en el periodo de entreguerras cuando ideologías que habían descubierto la importancia de la
comunicación y propaganda de masas, como el comunismo de Lenin y Stalin, el nazismo de Hitler y el
fascismo de Mussolini, empezaron a desarrollar la industria del cine como un instrumento de
adoctrinamiento y propaganda. En el mundo, sólo Hollywood se pudo comparar al desarrollo
alcanzado en estos países por la industria del cine.
De los conflictos bélicos presentados, las dos grandes guerras mundiales no generaron grandes
controversias en el tono general de las producciones cinematográficas principales. Sobre la primera
guerra mundial (1914-1918) parecía haber un consenso general acerca de su inutilidad y el horror
que conllevó la lucha en las trincheras. Las películas de los distintos países en conflicto (francesas,
alemanas, norteamericanas) parecen mostrar ese acuerdo. Igual asentimiento parecía mostrarse en
cuanto a la segunda (1939-1945), si bien precisamente en su necesidad para frenar a las fuerzas del
mal que querían conquistar el mundo (encarnadas en Hitler). Las producciones cinematográficas
generalmente muestran una visión heroica del bando aliado, cualesquiera sus acciones, mientras que
ofrecen una imagen muy negativa, tiránica y salvaje, de los soldados alemanes o japoneses. Incluso
películas que pretenden dar una imagen más humana de, por ejemplo, los soldados japoneses, tienen
dificultades para no presentarles como meras máquinas guiadas por la obediencia ciega a su
emperador y su honor como soldados y samuráis,
El conflicto que generó más debates al menos hasta 1989 fue la guerra del Vietnam. Las películas de
Hollywood ofrecen imágenes contrapuestas del conflicto, desde la producción de John Wayne en
1968, hasta las de Oliver Stone en los 80. En general, en la década de los 70 predomina la imagen de
un conflicto injusto e inútil, una matanza de soldados norteamericanos, que dividía a la sociedad y
destrozaba a los hombres que servían en el frente. A partir de la revolución conservadora de Ronald
Reagan en los 80, comienzan a aparecer películas que contraponen esta imagen. Surgen héroes
americanos que salvan al país (individualismo americano), encarnados en actores de gatillo fácil,
siempre dispuestos a luchar por América contra sus enemigos internos (delincuencia, mafia,
44
Para ver más, Eisenhower, D.D. (2006). The Military-Industrial Complex: The Farewell Address of President
Eisenhower, with an introduction by Jesse Smith, Basementia Publications
45
Hobsbawm, Eric, Hobsbawm, Eric. (1994). The age of extremes: The short twentieth century, 1914-1991.
London: Abacus Publishers.
59
traficantes, políticos corruptos) o externos (alienígenas, soviéticos, mercenarios, vietnamitas). Tocaba
la victoria retrospectiva y la contención del comunismo. Visto el resultado final en 1989, parece que la
película terminó en final feliz.
Bibliografía
Alegre, Sergio. (1991). “Re-lectura de la Grande Illusion (1937) de Jean Renoir”, Revista
d´investigació FILM-HISTORIA, Vol. 1, nº 1: 25-34.
Bondanella, Peter E. (2011). A History of Italian Cinema. New York: Continuum.
Brunetta, Gian Piero (2009). The History of Italian Cinema: A Guide to Italian Film from
Its Origins to the Twenty-First Century. Princeton University Press.
Caparros-Lera, J.M. (2007) Historia del Cine Español. Madrid: T&B Editores.
Caparrós Lera, J.M. (2003). Historia del Cine Europeo. De Lumière a Lars von Trier. Madrid,
Rialp.
Eisenhower, D.D. (2006). The Military-Industrial Complex: The Farewell Address of President
Eisenhower, with an introduction by Jesse Smith, Basementia Publications.
Erhman, John. (2006). The Eighties. America in the Age of Reagan. Yale University Press.
España de, Rafael. (1991). “Antisemitismo en el cine español". Revista d´investigació
FILM-HISTORIA, Vol. 1, nº 2: 89-102.
Estivill, Josep. (1997). “Comercio cinematográfico y propaganda política entre la España
franquista y el Tercer Reich”. Revista d´investigació FILM-HISTORIA, Vol. VII, nº 2: 113-130.
Ferrando, Jeremy. (2011). “Le cinéma sous l’Italie fasciste”, Histoires de la dernière guerre,
nº 12 de julio/agosto de 2011: 88-89.
Ferro, Marc. (1991). “Perspectivas en torno a las relaciones Historia-Cine”,
Revista d´investigació FILM-HISTORIA, Vol.1, nº 1: 3-12.
Florit, José. (1991). “Lo Viejo y lo Nuevo (La línea general, 1929): Aproximación didáctica”.
Revista d´investigació FILM-HISTORIA, Vol. 1, nº 2: 103-108.
Fonda, Jane (2005). My Life So Far. London: Random House.
García Fernández, Emilio C. (2002). El cine español entre 1896 y 1939. Barcelona. Ariel.
Hobsbawm, Eric. (1994). The age of extremes: The short twentieth century, 1914-1991.
London: Abacus Publishers.
Huelin, Eduardo. (1997). “La imagen de la mujer en la película Raza”. Revista d´investigació
FILM-HISTORIA, Vol. VII, nº 1, 1997:51-62.
Iglesias Turrión, Pablo (ed). (2013). Cuando las películas votan. Lecciones de ciencias sociales
a través del cine. Madrid, Editorial Catarata.
Iglesias Turrión, Pablo. (2013). Maquiavelo frente a la gran pantalla. Cine y política. Madrid,
Akal.
Monedero, Juan Carlos. (2012). “[Estudio introductorio] El programa de máximos del
neoliberalismo: el Informe a la Trilateral de 1975”. Sociología histórica, núm.1: 289-310.
Prieto, Alberto. (1997). “El esclavismo en el cine”. Revista d´investigació FILM-HISTORIA,
Vol. 7, nº 3: 245-262.
Sadoul, George. (1982). Historia del cine mundial. Madrid, Siglo XXI.
Taylor, Richard. (2006). Film Propaganda: Soviet Russia and Nazi Germany. London, I.B.Tauris.
Trenzado Moreno, Manuel.(2000). “El cine desde la perspectiva de la ciencia política”.
Reis (Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas), nº 92: 45-70.
Troy Gil. (2007). Morning in America. How Ronald Reagan invented the 1980s. Princeton
University Press.
Sitios Web
http://www.filmaffinity.com/es/main.html
http://www.imdb.com/?ref_=nv_home
Sobre el autor:
Óscar Ruiz Fernández es Lector de Lengua española en el Departamento de Lenguas
Extranjeras y Comunicación de la Universidad Técnica de Construcciones de Bucarest
E-mail: [email protected]
60
BOOK REVIEWS – RECENZII DE CARTE –
CRITIQUE DE LIVRES
61
The accessorized, transvisible man
Book review: Bogdan Ghiu: I the Artist. Life after Survival (Bar Code for the
Monstrous Future of Art) [Eu (l) Artistul. Viaţa după supravieţuire (cod de bare
pentru viitorul monstruos al artei)] Cartea Românească Publishing House, 2008,
ISBN: 978-973-23-1967-3, 312 pag.
When the first word read in a book – and captured in a subtitle – is COURAGE! (printed like
that), a thrill goes down your spine. Well, neither the title, nor the subtitle is actually
optimistic: I the Artist. Life after Survival (Bar Code for the Monstrous Future of
Art) [Eu(l) Artistul. Viaţa după supravieţuire (cod de bare pentru viitorul
monstruos al artei)] (Cartea Românească Publishing House, 2008). One way or another,
Bogdan Ghiu heralds the death of arts because democratization is pushed down to
commerce.
Depression be depression! But if one is to get into line with the latest cry in the western
theories in philosophy and art, this volume of essays is more useful than a specialised
university course. The launching point is Chant-Âge (For A Theory of Blackmail)
(Pentru o teorie a şantajului). The erudition is charming. We are told that chantage
(şantaj in Romanian, blackmail in English) was first attested in 1837 and that it was formed
from the French chanter, wherefrom the slangy hue: “to make somebody sing”. In a blink of
an eye we are taken from dictionary to sociological interpretations: the blackmail with
globalisation, plus the addition of biographical buttresses. Günther Anders discusses the
politics of blackmail (politica de şantaj) which forces the contemporary people to live
complacently a blackmail situation. Trapped among rates of interest and aberrant desires,
we are hypnotized by the manipulators’ wand. Indeed, as the author remarks, our society is
too much about singing; especially that we are tempted to declare the supremacy of sound
in relation to image. At this “blackmail with life” (“şantaj cu viaţa”) we are urged with Peter
Sloterdjik’s incentive from Wrath and Time (Zorn und Zeit): “a little bit of dignity, a little
bit of appetite, very Hegelian, as Hegelian as possible, appetite to recognition, a little bit of
wrath, what on earth!”
From a general framework – the need of revolution – the theoretician passes to personal
musings on the announced theme. THE ECLIPSE – CRIME (We Pay the Visible) or
against Installation is a chapter of pure philosophy, as poetic as some pre-Socratic
fragments. This is, let’s say, the declared theoretical part of the book; but I favour the
conceptual and theoretical game where Bogdan Ghiu is a magister. Nevertheless, as a
landmark of this philosophising in maxims, I retain a sample which must have already placed
Leibniz into a quandary: “History and space are the proof of murder. They emerge out of
murder”.
The man blackmailed with life is also a transvisible man and he practises “an understanding
with his back”. The approach is a reversed one, opposed to a recycled modernity, but
consonant with the medieval perspective, when the running angle targeted transcendence:
“only against the background of mortality life becomes vitality”. People become transvisible
because we “learn to become invisible, transparent, ironically, towards nothing”. With
individuals easily absorbing no matter what’ great art has no future. “Life re-becomes petty
art”, sadly remarks the author, and I rejoice somehow, irresponsible as I am, in the hope
62
that finally our cities’ streets will get rid of the grey hues, even if they chose some fauvisms
neighbouring kitsch. Because in Romania the public space is marked by grey hues and
behaviours: either ultra-conformist, or ultra-rude. The Romanian mentality encloses the
artistic dimension in museums and theatres. The street has no chance: it has to be cleaned
of non-utilitarian valences.
In a more subtle way, the essayist insists on the risks of over-revelation in art, or what he
coins as re-fellation. The motivation offered is the existence of an “invisible pornography of
art” reprimanded towards the Oriental icon. What are we going to do, then, with the
problem of Figuration in post/neo-nano-panoptism? Respectively: “Which visibility? How
many visibilities?”
How can one connect the debate above with the sudden insistence on the formula “nude
life”? This was created by Giorgio Agamben for describing the no-law enclaves, spaces of
“juridical exceptionalism” (meaning isolation) wherein the articles of the social contract are
null and void and the individual is abandoned to all sorts of abuses? At first sight the
connection is impossible. With Balkanic frowning and occipital scratching, we notice that the
“superpower in continuous flux” has been made possible by the post/neo-panoptism that
“no longer engenders representational, material, and mimetically recognisable images of the
human”. The image of man - made disposable by the media - has nothing in common with
the available man (om disponibil) proposed by Ion Zubaşcu. I would rather think about that
disposable man poetised by Denisa-Mirena Pişcu.
This “(artistic” dis-figuration and (technological) disfiguration” stimulates the apparition of
the ultrahuman man. Be aware! This is not what we may expect. The “body without organs”
(Artaud) is replaced by the body crammed with organs and “accessories”.
Happily enough, the debate coils and resumes the dichotomy petty art – grand art. Is this
avanguardist elitism, a limitless experiment, or a diffuse art, assumed as entertainment, as it
happens in postmodernity? The somatization, the corporalization of technology, is akin to
the pathology of the “mass individuality”.
Bogdan Ghiu’s oxymoronic thinking has inexhaustible resources when it is applied to the
imperceptibility favoured by media technologies and to the hyper-perceptibility generated by
the “contemporary connectivity and portability”.
The aim of this demonstration built on inferences, suppositions and assessments is the rehumanization of the human through art. But an art able to distance itself from fetishizing the
anthropomorphic and disloyal to figure.
And here we are, at the moment of introducing the cliché: alas! How many things I would
have said about this book, time permitting! This is absolutely true! The conceptual vitality of
the author is exceptional. His interest in the latest tendencies in the visual reflected in the
thinking process is paramount. Bogdan Ghiu welds the newest information with a brilliant
interpretation. This quality is elusive in a country avid of novelties, but reluctant to discuss
ideas. We are keen on boasting with our reading, but shy when it comes to dissect the
substance of books. Il faudrait de la différance, un peu de résistance à la vitesse, as Derrida
would put it.
Felix Nicolau is Associate Professor, Ph.D at the Department of Foreign Languages and
Communication, The Technical University of Civil Engineering, Bucharest
E-mail: [email protected]
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E V E N T S – EVENIMENTE – ÉVÉNEMENTS
64
PAST EVENTS
Programme intensif européen en Droit et Traduction
Du 28 janvier au 8 février, 4 étudiants de la Spécialisation Traduction et interprétation de
l’Université technique de construction de Bucarest ont participé à Porto, avec 30
représentants issus de six autres universités européennes (Université de Bretagne-Sud France, Hochschule Magdeburg-Stendal - Allemagne, Universidade de Vigo - Espagne,
Ventspils Augstskola - Lettonie, Jihočeská univerzita v Českých Budějovicích – République
Tchèque et Instituto Superior de Contabilidade et Administração do Porto - Portugal) à la
sixième édition du programme intensif européen intitulé : « Systèmes juridiques et droit
des immigrés dans l'UE : Traduire et interpréter dans la diversité ».
Présentation des systèmes juridiques, visite au tribunal de la ville de Matosinhos, tables
rondes, rencontres avec des enseignants et des professionnels du droit et de la
traduction/interprétation, rencontres avec des expatriés, visite de Porto et échanges
interculturels ont ponctué ces deux semaines.
Les étudiants avaient à préparer préalablement des exposés et ils ont, en équipes
multiculturelles et multilingues, préparé différents travaux : traductions, jeux de rôle,
glossaires, etc.
65
C’était aussi l’occasion de découvrir les modes de vie des Français, Allemands, Espagnols,
Lettons, Portugais et Tchèques.
Elena Maftei-Golopenţia et Mălina Gurgu ont participé cette année de la part de la
Spécialisation à l’encadrement de ces activités.
Initié en 2009 à l’Université de Bretagne-Sud, le programme change de pays d’accueil
chaque année. Après Lorient (France), Magdeburg (Allemagne), Vigo (Espagne), Bucarest et
České Budějovice (République tchèque), c’était le tour des partenaires portugais d’en
assurer l’organisation en 2014. Pour les années à suivre, l’université tchèque Jihočeská
univerzita v Českých Budějovicích déposera auprès de l’Union européenne la demande de
renouvellement du programme en tant qu’institution coordinatrice.
ROUND TABLE: PH.D RESEARCH IN SUPPORT OF LIFELONG
LEARNING
Following a tradition which started on 26 September 2006 with the first celebration of the
European Languages Day, the annual Round Table organised by the Department of
Foreign Languages and Communication took place on February 12, 2014.
Presided by Associate Professor Ph.D MARINELA NISTEA, Deputy Director of the
Department of Foreign Languages and Communication and Associate Professor Ph.D
CARMEN ARDELEAN, Director of the Research Centre for Specialised Translation and
Intercultural Communication, discussions focused on the research results and Ph.D
thesis presentations by several of our colleagues. Each of these presentations was
followed by a Q & A session which gave speakers an opportunity to bring to light details
about the methodology of research they had chosen, the difficulties they had met and
solutions to them. Debates showed a high degree of interest from younger members of our
Department towards exploring new theoretical areas in order to gain useful experience for
their teaching practice.
The first presentation was made (using PowerPoint slides in support of her interesting and
well documented presentation) by Lecturer MARINA-CRISTIANA ROTARU, Ph.D with her
scientific research on British and Romanian constitutional monarchies and their
representations in the royal discourse of Queen Elizabeth II and King Mihai I.
What has emerged historically as far as constitutional monarchy and its representations are
concerned can be considered a matter of exchanges at societal level, which can be theorized
in various manners, including Critical Discourse Analysis, in short CDA, which provides the
analytical framework of my research. My investigation is mainly based on Norman Fairclough
and the Critical Discourse Analysis concepts of discourse and style. Fairclough uses the term
“discourse” to refer to “spoken or written language use”(Norman Fairclough, 1999: 62) and
underlines the central place that language occupies in social life, which makes language
“dialogically interconnected with other elements of social life”(Norman Fairclough, 2003: 2).
66
The author’s investigation of the manner in which the two monarchs represent themselves
and their role as distinct representatives of their peoples rests on a critical analysis of their
speeches. In the case of King Mihai, I have also looked into various communiqués issued by
the Romanian Government in the early 1990s which manifest influences of communist
ideology.
Central to this investigation are, among others, the CDA concepts of intertextuality,
dialogicality of the text and re-contextualization. Since intertextuality reveals how the text
under scrutiny is built on previous texts, it may point to the presence, in the text, of
ideologically invested elements. Closely linked to intertextuality, dialogicality reveals to what
degree a dialogue between the various voices in the text under analysis has been
established. The communiqué of the Romanian Government related to King Mihai’s private
visit to Romania planned for the Easter of 1990 is characterized by a small degree of
dialogicality, manifested in assumptions reminiscent of the communist ideology, upon which
the Romanian executive built their position towards King Mihai and whereby they tried to
muffle the king’s voice. Re-contextualisation rests on the re-location of a particular event
into a new context, by extracting the event from its original context. Hence, recontextualisation can be used as a manipulative means, as demonstrated by a particular
section of the Romanian press in the early 1990, which was constantly attacking the king.
Discourse identification, according to Fairclough, can be achieved through an analysis of
themes, defined as central domains of social life, as well as an investigation of the angle
from which these domains are represented (ibidem: 129). Since discourse as way of
representing can apply to the manner in which monarchs represent themselves and what
they do, the concept of themes proves helpful in circumscribing royal discourse. The themes
that I have selected are the role of constitutional sovereign, succession to the throne, unity
and reconciliation and in investigating them I have adapted Fairclough’s methods to my own
ends. In dealing with these themes, I have made use of Walter Bagehot’s interpretation of
the rights of a constitutional monarch. In addition, Bagehot’s distinction between the
“dignified” and the “efficient” parts of the British constitution has been instrumental in the
investigation of the representational role of the monarch who, as“dignified” element in the
architecture of State is supposed to “excite and preserve the reverence of the
population”(Walter Bagehot, 1963: 61).
In the Romanian royal discourse as manifest in King Mihai I’s speeches, the reconciliation
between the country’s communist past and the present is essential for the moral awakening
of the country. A particular aspect of this theme is the king’s emphasis that reconciliation
should not be expected to come from the victims of the communist regime since it would
not be “loyal” to their sacrifice. I have used Josiah Royce’s concept of ‘loyalty to loyalty
(Josiah Royce, 1995) to demonstrate that the king’s use of the word “loyal” is not at
random. King Mihai’s position on reconciliation is also characterized by a particular emphasis
on the need for forgiveness, without which reconciliation would be just an empty word,
manifest only at the level of political statements. In order to illustrate the complexity of the
matter, I have used Charles L. Griswold’s interpretation of forgiveness (Charles L. Griswold,
2007), which traces the steps that both the wrong-doer and the victim have to take in order
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to reconcile their positions. I have also used Paul Ricoeur’s concept of “dissociation”(Paul
Ricoeur, 2004: 490) which shows how the wrong-doer can prepare to become a better
person in the future, distancing himself from his own regrettable deeds.
As ways of being, styles are to do with identification, and their dialogical character does add
an important dimension to the manner in which the two monarchs represent themselves.
In my analysis of the identity of Queen Elizabeth II and King Mihai, I make use of
Fairclough’s concepts of “social identity” and “personal identity or “personality” (Norman
Fairclough, 1999, 2003) in order to reveal how the two of them combine. In conceptualizing
“social identity” and “personal identity”, Fairclough seems to emphasize the need to draw a
line between the individual and society, illustrative perhaps of a modernist view on life. To
my investigation I have added Jan Blommaert’s concepts of “ascribed identity” and
“achieved identity” (Jan Blommaert, 2005: 205-206). Although Blommaert uses a different
taxonomy from Fairclough’s, there are few marked distinctions between the two sets of
concepts. However, taking into considerations that the target of my analysis are two
monarchs, whose identities are substantially influenced by their public roles (which does not
presuppose that their personalities should not be allowed to reveal themselves),
Blommaert’s taxonomy seems more apposite. He places particular emphasis on the role that
the group or the community plays both in attributing an identity to an individual (ascribing
identity) and in being recognized as inhabiting an identity by the group (achieving identity).
Simply inheriting the crown does not make a monarch a constitutional sovereign par
excellence. He needs to be recognized as such.
Discussions were continued by French Lecturer ERWIN KRETZ, whose thesis, written in
French (Aspects déontologiques de la traduction du français en roumain. Contexte sociohistorique et études de cas) treats deontological aspects of translation from French into
Romanian. Starting from defining the social and cultural premises for such translations on a
historical background, the author then turned to a detailed presentation of the case study
representing the practical part of his thesis.
The Ph.D thesis of BIANCA GEMAN is centered on specialised terminology research in the
field of architecture; its relevance in the practice of translation is given by the author’s
detailed explanations regarding the various levels of usage of this terminology. Written in
Romanian, her thesis (Terminology of Architecture. Levels of usage) proposes an analysis of
architectural terminology, from a linguistic perspective, aiming to determine its role in
contemporary Romanian.
Specialised terminology is a field of significant interest in contemporary linguistics. Being a
complex domain, covering a wide range of topics in continuous development, terminology
can also be perceived as an interdisciplinary area of study. “The socio-cultural, economic
and pedagogical importance of specialised terminologies is growing, which explains the
interdisciplinary approach and wider interest for these areas, beyond any particular field of
science” (Bidu-Vrănceanu 2001: 71). In the thesis motivation its author explains the
relationship between concepts and specific means of expression. The interdisciplinary
68
characteristics are also taken into consideration, with a view to their practical value for
specialists in this field.
Works of major authors in the field of terminology, among whom M. T. Cabré, Angela BiduVrănceanu, H. Bejoint, F. Gaudin, F. Bertaccini, F. Rastier, P. Lerat, L. Depecker were
inspirational in order to build the scientific-theoretical axis of the thesis. The absence of
relevant scientific studies focusing on the architectural terminology from the viewpoint of
terminological units or their development increased the degree of difficulty of the author’s
approach but, at the same time, opened the way for an original work in its own right. The
definition and description of specialised lexical units are of a real use for determining the
identity-differentiation relationship with terminological corpuses belonging to other fields.
The research results will also prove useful for extending the domain of existing specialised
dictionaries or of other lexicographic and lexicological works; they can also play a role in
higher education specialty fields, through the innovative method for teaching specialised
lexical corpuses.
Teacher Assistant ANCA TITI proposed a terminological discussion on a different topic. Her
paper,”Dynamic Form and Meaning of Animal Idioms in Romanian Newspapers” aims to
draw attention to the animal idioms whose standard form and meaning have been changed
in the contemporary Romanian journalistic text. The mechanisms of formal and semantic
change were analysed in a corpus made up of a selection of articles from”Academia
Cațavencu” satire and humour magazine and in newspaper articles such as: ”Adevărul”,
”Cancan”, ”Constănțeanul”, ”Cotidianul”, ”Cuget Liber”, ”Evenimentul zilei”, ”Gândul”,
”Jurnalul Național”, ”Libertatea”, ”Renașterea”, ”Renașterea Bănățeană”, ”România Liberă”,
”Ziarul de Iași”, ”Ziarul Independent”, ”Ziarul Prahova”, ”Ziarul Văii Jiului”, ”TmPress”,
”Wordpress”.
Although animal idioms have been named „expressions referring to animals”, „phraseological
bestiary”, „phraseological zoonimes”, „zoomorphic metaphors” or „expressions based on
animals”, the general English term is ”animal idioms” (like in ”animal proverbs and sayings”).
In journalism, more changes can be combined at the same time, for example both
substitution (immutatio) and inflexional modification, addition and inflexional modification,
transmutatio and detractio, or both contamination and detractio.
Intertextuality plays an important role in the semantic reconstruction of animal idioms:
„phraseological deviations are saved from non-sense or from too much ambiguity by
intertextuality” (Ștefănescu 2003:634). In order to make a good interpretation, the receiver
must know the initial scenario in memoriam the changed animal idiom in presentia refers to.
Teacher Assistant IRINA-ANA DROBOT joined the debate with a literary topic of great
interest. Her Ph.D thesis (Virginia Woolf and Graham Swift: The Lyrical Novel) seeks to
ascertain the extent to which Virginia Woolf and Graham Swift wrote similar novels, since
they belong to different eras and cultural contexts, how their novels were shaped by
contemporary cultural movements, Modernism and, respectively, Postmodernism, similarities
and differences between these cultural movements, the manifestation in the arts of these
69
cultural movements and their influence on the some novels’ technique, as well as what the
structure of the lyrical novel is.
The corpus consists of all novels written by V. Woolf (The Voyage Out, Night and Day,
Jacob’s Room, Mrs. Dalloway, To the Lighthouse, Orlando, The Waves, The Years, Between
the Acts, Flush: A Biography) and all novels written by G. Swift (The Sweet Shop Owner,
Shuttlecock, Waterland, Out of this World, Ever After, Last Orders, The Light of Day,
Tomorrow, Wish You Were Here) up to 2011, the date of the publication of his most recent
novel.
The theoretical framework of the thesis is, mainly, narratology. The thesis considers the
theories formulated by Mieke Bal and Susana Onega and a chart that W. Bronzwaer (1981:
193) uses to illustrate the model put forth by Mieke Bal.
The chart applies to illustrate the existence of multiple levels of understanding of the plot of
the lyrical novel, levels which become visible once the narratological concepts of fabula and
story are applied. Sometimes the fabula retains our attention, but initially we interact with
the story. At the story level, the authors can change the order of incidents, contrary to the
usual chronological order.
The existence of these levels is related to the context of Modernism and Postmodernism.
Modernism and Postmodernism create, for the readers, illusions around the concept of plot.
70
They can reconstruct the plot of these novels as narratives or poems, depending on the
writing style that is suggested to them. Moreover, they can imagine a plot that does not
actually exist in the pages created by the writers.
To complete the narratological perspective, psychoanalytic and psychological theories
dealing with the reaction of readers are used, with which both writers were concerned in
their theories of autobiographical writings. The thesis also uses the theories in V. Woolf’s
diaries for understanding her perspective on the novel she wanted to create, identifiable as
the lyrical novel.
The next speaker, Teacher Assistant MIHAELA STANCIU (VRAJA) turned our attention
towards the works of an important Romanian woman-writer, Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu.
Her Ph.D thesis (Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu Mirrored in her Youth Prose) concentrates on
the evolution of the subjective works of the author. The theme is not a new one and it
stands next to the monographies, studies and articles already published, but the purpose of
the paper is to highlight the similitudes between Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu’s early prose
and her correspondence, as both her letters and her subjective prose represent an act of
analysis and a confession, a means of communication of the senses of a woman’s soul.
Therefore, we have a writer that, before suprising anyone through fiction, builds an
extensive epistolary map. When writting, Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu is looking for
“supplies” inside her, and we should rather see her correspondence as a prophetic
messenger of her subjective fiction. Therefore, her letters deserve to be looked upon as
literary documents, firmly anchored in her early prose.
As research methods, the author applied the text analysis and the comparative study, by
making use of the critical edition by Eugenia Tudor Anton. The theme allows a practical
analysis, an applied study of the short prose, as well as a research on the similitudes of the
works and the letters sent by Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu, with respect to the style.
The paper consists of four chapters, as follows: The Confessions of Hortensia Papadat-
Bengescu; Highlights in the Short Prose; Themes and Motivs, and Literary Echoes, Critical
Reception.
In her early prose there is no “literature for women, about women, with women, but about
the substantial, emotional development of «a feminine ideology»” (Simona Popescu, 2010:
87). While “in the books written by men the feminine characters are looked at from behind,
as if in a mirror” (Ioana Nicolaie, 2006: 16), in those written by Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu
the road towards symbol and reflection is given by a direct look – the look in the mirror.
To G. Călinescu, Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu’s early prose is a journal with ethereal and
inconsistent pages, with no notion of art, but still written by an inteligent woman, one of
refined tastes. To E. Lovinescu, Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu is a profound analyst of the
soul, and to G. Ibrăileanu – a woman with a strong personality, with an endless repertory of
delicate sensations, or even bundles of sensations.
71
Assistant Lecturer CRISTINA HERLING then proposed an overview of the way in which
issues of morality are expressed in proverbs, in a comparative study between Romanian and
Spanish (Representation of vice in proverbs – a contrastive study of Romanian and Spanish).
Being a topic which involves cultural specificity it is bound to show significant differences;
however, the fact that both Romanian and Spanish are Romance languages and share a
common cultural root was proved by various examples given by the author. Participants in
the Round table were very receptive especially when the author of the thesis explained the
way in which such proverbs inspire contemporary expressions used in everyday speech.
The second part of the Round Table was dedicated to a presentation of the gender research
group coordinated by Associate Professor Ph.D MIHAELA IONESCU and Lecturer Ph.D
MARIA ALEXE. The activities covered by this research group, in which teachers work with
other professors from different universities, as well as with selected students include articles
presentation in national and international conferences, exhibitions, debates on topics related
to gender studies, polls and statistics. The activities of this research group are held under
the auspices of the Research Centre for Specialised Translation and Intercultural
Communication.
The diversity of topics presented during the Round Table, as well as the discussions that
followed proved the growing interest of staff members in research. In all cases, doctoral
theses are bound to have a positive effect in the professional formation of our colleagues,
but they can also act as a source of inspiration for younger teachers.
Here is the complete list of the presentations:
Erwin KRETZ, Aspects déontologiques de la traduction du français en roumain. Contexte
socio-historique et études de cas
Marina ROTARU, Monarhia constituţională din Marea Britanie şi România şi reprezentările ei
în discursul regal al Reginei Elisabeta a II-a şi al Regelui Mihai I
Bianca GEMAN, Terminologia arhitecturii – nivele de utilizare
Anca TITI, Tipuri de modificări ale unităţilor frazeologice animaliere în presa românească
Cristina HERLING, Reprezentarea viciilor în proverbe - studiu contrastiv român-spaniol
Ana DROBOT, Virginia Woolf si Graham Swift: Romanul liric
Mihaela STANCIU-VRAJA, Hortensia Papadat-Bengescu în oglinda prozei de tinereţe
Maria ALEXE, Mihaela IONESCU, Perspectiva de gen şi evoluţia învăţământului liceal şi
universitar.
The Editors
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New Trends in Language Didactics
”Babes-Bolyai” University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania
9-10 may 2014
New Trends in Language Didactics was an international conference aimed at
bringing together specialists in various areas of language acquisition and the
pedagogy for language learning. It seeks to offer a congenial forum for language
professionals, researchers, research groups and institutions involved with language
learning, to exchange their views on the latest advancements in the field.
The conference was organised around the following main areas of enquiry:
- Language for specific purposes (LSPs);
- Computer assisted language learning;
- Audiovisuals and language learning enhancement;
- Translation and language learning.
Thematic areas:
Presentations focused on the developments of the fast changing language acquisition
environment with specific emphasis on the following thematic areas:
- Language learning and cultural mediation;
- E-learning and M-learning;
- Video game localisation and language learning;
- Subtitling and the role of audiovisual translation in language learning;
- Language for specific purposes;
- Social networks & language learning;
- Copyright issues in language learning;
- New trends in foreign language learning;
- Training the trainers: working with foreign language instructors;
- Quality and innovation in the teaching of Romanian as a foreign language.
Working languages:
The official languages of the conference were: English, Romanian, French, Spanish,
and Italian. Simultaneous interpretation was also provided.
Contact:
For further details regarding the proceedings, please visit the official conference website
www.http://conference.ubbcluj.ro/ClipFlairRO/index.html Universitatea Babes-Bolyai. For
further particulars, contact us at [email protected]
Dr Cristina Varga
Babes-Bolyai University Cluj-Napoca
Faculty of Letters, Department of Applied Modern Languages
31 Horea Street 400 202 Cluj-Napoca
Tel.: +40-264-43 25 40
Fax: +40-264-43 25 40
73
UPCOMING INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES
AND SYMPOSIUMS
CALL FOR APPLICATIONS: FULBRIGHT STUDENT AWARD COMPETITION
2015-2016
I have the pleasure to inform you about the launching of the 2015/16 Fulbright Student
Award Competition for Master’s study or research in the United States (see the competition
announcement attached).
As usual, we count on your support in promoting the Fulbright program to prospective
Romanian applicants. We would appreciate if you could disseminate this information through
your online channels and organize a presentation at your home university. When you decide
upon the date, please tell us, so we may help you with a PPT material, hand-outs or even
with our presence, if possible. Please also encourage all interested students to contact us for
further details.
We also intend to organize video sessions for the students from the academic centers
outside Bucharest. Last year we had such a session with Transilvania University of Brasov,
which proved to be really useful, since it combined specific Fulbright information with
general details about admissions to U.S. universities. Please let us know if you are interested
in organizing similar events for the students of your university. You may involve in such
events U.S. Fulbright grantees, Romanian alumni and colleagues who are interested in the
Romanian-American academic exchanges. You can count on our full support. Any
suggestions are welcome!
A presentation of the current Fulbright Student Award competition, combined with the
independent study approach for people interested in graduate studies in the U.S., is planned
to take place at the American Corner at the National Library in Bucharest, in the last week of
February. We’ll be back with further details next week and hope you’ll recommend the event
to students from Bucharest or to those who may happen to be in Bucharest at that time.
Corina Danaila, the Romanian Program Director, will keep you posted.
CONTACT PERSON:
Rodica Mihaila, Ph.D.
Executive Director
Romanian-U.S. Fulbright Commission
2 Ing. Nicolae Costinescu St .
011878 Bucharest, Romania
Phone: +40 021.230.77.19 +40 021.230.77.19
Fax: +40 021.230.77.38
E-mail: [email protected]
Website: www.fulbright.ro
74
Fulbright Student Award
SOURCE:
award
http://www.fulbright.ro/fulbright-grants/for-romanian-citizens/fulbright-student-
When the competition is launched, it will be advertised in the NEWS section of this website.
Please check TIMELINE for general dates of competition.
The candidates will be selected through open, merit-based competition to participate in
graduate level programs in any field except clinical medicine. Each year scholarships are
offered to Romanian citizens for the first year of master's program or for one academic year
of doctoral student research (non-degree).
ELIGIBILITY:
Applicants must meet the following criteria:
• have Romanian citizenship; green card holders and persons with dual (Romanian and U.S.)
citizenship are ineligible;
• hold at least a BA degree, with good academic standing; undergraduate students can also
compete, if they are in their final BA year at university;
• have English proficiency;
• if applying in law, candidates must hold a degree in that field.
Applicants are also expected to:
• be representative and responsible citizens, with a demonstrable potential to contribute to
the mutual understanding of culture and values in Romania and the U.S;
• share the acquired professional experience or disseminate results of the research upon
return, contributing to their specific area of knowledge;
• show motivation and flexibility necessary to adapt effectively to life in the United States;
The preference for candidates without extensive previous experience in the U.S. applies at
each stage of competition. Candidates studying or researching in the U.S. at the time of
application are ineligible for a Fulbright grant.
75
THE APPLICATION PACKAGE consists of:
• the online application https://apply.embark.com/student/fulbright/international/20/;
• three letters of recommendation from university professors and/or other acknowledged
Romanian or foreign professionals, submitted directly in the online application or mailed as
official paper copies by the deadline of the competition;
• academic transcripts and diplomas for all undergraduate and graduate levels, accompanied
by translations, scanned and uploaded to the online application by the deadline; official
paper transcripts should be sent at a later date, only by those who are selected for
interview.
TOEFL/GRE/GMAT test scores are mandatory only for the applicants who pass the Fulbright
interview phase in September.
AWARD BENEFITS:
The Student Fulbright Award provides: international travel, tuition and university fees within
established budget limits as well as accident/sickness insurance and monthly maintenance
allowance. The grant also offers books and supplies allowance depending on available funds.
THE DURATION OF STUDENT FULBRIGHT GRANTS is one academic year beginning in
August or September. Candidates appointed to certain types of Fulbright grants may be
required to arrive during the summer for an introductory course or intensive English
program prior to the academic year.
THE ASSESSMENT PROCEDURES:
Selection Steps:
• applications are pre-screened;
• the assessment of study/research projects is performed by Fulbright alumni and leading
Romanian and U.S. scholars in the respective fields of knowledge;
• the applicants recommended by reviewers will be invited to an interview carried out by a
bi-national panel, in the first half of September;
• the nominated finalists are subject to final approval by the Foreign Scholarship Board
(FSB)http://eca.state.gov/fulbright.
The Assessment Phase: each submitted application will be reviewed by one American and
one Romanian specialist in the specific field of study addressed by the proposal. This is an
evaluation of the professional level of the applicant's proposal, based on a series of criteria
such as: clarity of ideas, academic credentials, feasibility and consistency of the proposal,
evidence that residence in the U.S. is necessary for the applicant, commitment to Fulbright
values etc.
Specialists can be American or Romanian but must fulfill the following criteria:
• Have at least a Ph.D. in the same field or academic area as the person screened;
• Be in leading positions in their departments or fields;
• Be members of highly regarded academic institutions (e.g. Romanian Academy);
• Have a sound ability to read and speak English;
• Be available and willing to participate in the process;
• Keep confidential our collaboration.
76
Frequently screening specialists
• have U.S. academic experience;
• are Fulbright alumni;
• are recommended by Fulbright professors whose judgment we trust .
The Interview Phase: the applicants who passed the assessment phase will be invited to
the interview and evaluated by a nomination committee composed of specialists in various
fields of knowledge. The committee evaluates candidates according to motivation and
adaptability, impact and benefit for home country, in addition to the criteria used for the
screening process. The candidates' presence at the interview is an absolute requirement of
the program.
NOMINATING FINALISTS
After the ranking following the interview, the list of the Romanian nominees and their
proposals will be forwarded to Washington DC to be approved by the International Fulbright
Scholar Board of Directors.
ADMISSION AND AFFILIATION TO U.S. UNIVERSITIES
The Institute of International Education in New York (IIE) will team up with the RomanianU.S. Fulbright Commission in order to carry out the Romanian finalists' admission and
affiliation process to accredited U.S. universities.
The duration of the entire selection process is approximately 12 months; as a result, the
Fulbright Student Award competition is advertised a year before the grant starts. Affiliation
of the Fulbright Student Award finalists will be concluded in May-July. Exchanges will begin
in August - September, the year following the application.
Researchers applying for a Fulbright Student Award are strongly encouraged to read the
information presented on the site.
NOTE:
All the candidates selected for a Fulbright grant are required to submit a Medical History and
Examination Report if and when demanded.
The letters of reference will not be considered if they are submitted//postmarked after the
deadline of the competition. Only complete online applications will be accepted.
77
Universitatea “Ovidius”
Constanţa
Call for Papers
The Romanian Association for American Studies
and
The Romanian-U.S. Fulbright Commission
Invite you to attend
The 2014 RAAS-Fulbright Conference
(Im)Migration Patterns:
Displacement and Relocation in
Contemporary America
October 10-12, 2014
The topic of the conference invites contributors to explore recent reflections
centered on issues of migration, more specifically patterns of immigration into the
United States of America, and discuss current ways of surviving, coping with and
embracing the experiences of displacement and relocation in an increasingly
globalized world. Some of the questions the conference aims to address are:
- is (im)migration assisted by the social, political and economic context of
recent decades?
- have individuals and communities developed mechanisms of dealing with the
trauma of leaving their homeland?
- do diasporas make effective use of the media and networking facilities of
today’s digitalized world for their own purposes?
These questions send to an ethnic and migration studies approach, including
perspectives emerging from literary studies, media studies, cultural studies,
geography, sociology, psychology, anthropology, history, political science,
international relations, law, economics and other associated fields.
78
Proposals for papers and panel discussions can relate, but are not limited, to the
following topics:

conceptualizing (im)migration: theoretical developments;

paradigms of (im)migration: synchronic and diachronic perspectives;

immigration policies: legal debates and extra-legal overtones;

(forced) migration and its internal/external impacts;

re-mapping places of origin, contested territories, adopted homes;

trauma and memory with dis/re-location;

cultures of dis/re-placement and their representation(s);

(im)migrant cultural productions: challenges and solutions;

diasporic re-negociations in a digitalized/globalized world;

migration situatedness: gender and ethnicity;

crossing national/ethnic/racial borders;

(im)migrant mobility/fluidity/instability: conflict and reconciliation.
We are pleased to announce that
Dr. Shirley Geok-Lin Lim, Professor in the English Department at the University of
California, Santa Barbara and the recipient of the 2009 MELUS Award for
Distinguished Contribution to Ethnic Studies,
has accepted our invitation to participate in the conference as a key-note
speaker.
Proposals for 20-minute papers should be submitted by April 15, 2014 in the form
of an abstract of 150-200 words. As each paper will be followed by 10-minute
discussions, participants are kindly asked to limit the presentation to their time-slot.
Those interested in proposing a panel discussion should submit the title and the
names of at least three other academics who will participate in the talk.
If you are interested in participating, please fill in the registration form attached
separately to this message and return it to Ludmila Martanovschi, RAAS
Secretary, Ileana Jitaru, RAAS Treasurer, and Nicoleta Stanca at the
following e-mail address: [email protected]
Conference fee:
RAAS members: 150 RON;
Non-RAAS members: 75 EURO / 100 USD
79
COLEGIUL DE REDACŢIE
Redactor Şef:
Prof. univ. dr. Zoia MANOLESCU
Redactori Coordonatori:
Prof. univ. dr. Mihaela Şt. RĂDULESCU
Conf. univ. dr. Carmen ARDELEAN
Consiliul Ştiinţific:
Prof. univ. dr. Ileana Alexandra ORLICH, Arizona State University, Phoenix, SUA
Prof. univ. dr. Bernard DARBORD, Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, Paris, Franţa
Prof. univ. dr. Jean PEETERS, Université Bretagne Sud, Lorient, Franţa
Prof. univ. dr. Pierre MOREL, Universitatea Liberă Internaţională din Moldova, Chişinău,
Republica Moldova
Conf. univ. dr. Tsvetelina HARAKCHIYSKA, Universitatea “Angel Kanchev” din Ruse,
Bulgaria
Conf. univ. dr. Felix NICOLAU, UTCB, Membru al Uniunii Scriitorilor din România
Conf. univ. dr. Cecilia CONDEI, Universitatea din Craiova, România
Conf. univ. dr. Alexandra ODDO, Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, Paris, Franţa
Conf. univ. dr. Alexandra SOLCAN, Universitatea Pedagogică de Stat « Ion Creangă »,
Chişinău, Rep. Moldova
Secretar de redacţie:
Asist. drd. Ana DROBOT
Tehnoredactare computerizată, grafica şi editarea revistei:
Ing. Anca LOBAZĂ
ISSN 2068-8202
REDACŢIA BULETINUL ŞTIINŢIFIC
B-dul Lacul Tei nr. 124
Sector 2, Bucureşti
Tel. +40-21-242.12.08 – int. 206
Fax. +40-21-242.07.81
e-mail: [email protected]
UNIVERSITATEA TEHNICĂ DE CONSTRUCŢII BUCUREŞTI
BULETINUL ŞTIINŢIFIC
DLSC
Volumul IV
Nr. 1-2 / 2011

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