COLOMBIA - The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre

COLOMBIA - The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre

COLOMBIA:
Resisting displacement by combatants and
developers: Humanitarian Zones in northwest Colombia
A profile of the internal displacement situation
5 November, 2007
This Internal Displacement Profile is automatically generated from the online IDP
database of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC). It includes an overview
of the internal displacement situation in the country prepared by the IDMC, followed by a
compilation of excerpts from relevant reports by a variety of different sources. All
headlines as well as the bullet point summaries at the beginning of each chapter were
added by the IDMC to facilitate navigation through the Profile. Where dates in brackets
are added to headlines, they indicate the publication date of the most recent source used
in the respective chapter. The views expressed in the reports compiled in this Profile are
not necessarily shared by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. The Profile is
also available online at www.internal-displacement.org.
About the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre
The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, established in 1998 by the Norwegian
Refugee Council, is the leading international body monitoring conflict-induced internal
displacement worldwide.
Through its work, the Centre contributes to improving national and international
capacities to protect and assist the millions of people around the globe who have been
displaced within their own country as a result of conflicts or human rights violations.
At the request of the United Nations, the Geneva-based Centre runs an online database
providing comprehensive information and analysis on internal displacement in some 50
countries.
Based on its monitoring and data collection activities, the Centre advocates for durable
solutions to the plight of the internally displaced in line with international standards.
The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre also carries out training activities to
enhance the capacity of local actors to respond to the needs of internally displaced
people. In its work, the Centre cooperates with and provides support to local and
national civil society initiatives.
For more information, visit the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre website and the
database at www.internal-displacement.org.
Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre
Norwegian Refugee Council
Chemin de Balexert 7-9
1219 Geneva, Switzerland
Tel.: +41 22 799 07 00
[email protected]
www.internal-displacement.org
2
CONTENTS
CONTENTS
3
OVERVIEW
9
RESISTING DISPLACEMENT BY COMBATANTS AND DEVELOPERS: HUMANITARIAN ZONES IN
NORTH-WEST COLOMBIA
9
RESUMEN DEL INFORME EN ESPAÑOL
13
RESISTENCIA AL DESPLAZAMIENTO POR COMBATIENTES Y AGENTES DE DESARROLLO: ZONAS
HUMANITARIAS EN EL NOR-OCCIDENTE COLOMBIANO
14
CAUSES AND BACKGROUND
20
OVERVIEW
20
BACKGROUND: UNEQUAL LAND DISTRIBUTION CAUSES CONFLICT AND DISPLACEMENT
(SPECIAL REPORT, JUNE 2006)
20
GUERRILLA WAR FUELLED BY DRUG PRODUCTION (SPECIAL REPORT, JUNE 2006)
21
PARAMILITARIES AS INTEGRAL PART OF COUNTER-INSURGENCY STRATEGY (SPECIAL REPORT,
JUNE 2006)
23
DEMOBILISATION AND THE JUSTICE AND PEACE LAW (SPECIAL REPORT, JUNE 2006)
24
MILITARY PRESSURE AND AERIAL SPRAYING WORSEN IDP SITUATION (SPECIAL REPORT, JUNE
2006)
27
HISTORY OF CONFLICT IN THE URABÁ REGION (SPECIAL REPORT, NOVEMBER 2007)
29
CONTINUING HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS (SPECIAL REPORT, NOVEMBER 2007)
30
AFRICAN PALM PLANTATIONS AND FORCED DISPLACEMENT (SPECIAL REPORT, NOVEMBER
2007)
32
HUMANITARIAN ZONES - A BID TO RECOVER LAND (SPECIAL REPORT, NOVEMBER 2007)
36
LEGALITY OF THE COMPANIES’ USE OF COLLECTIVE TERRITORIES (SPECIAL REPORT,
NOVEMBER 2007)
38
PEACE EFFORTS
39
THE “PEACE PROCESS" CEMENTS INJUSTICE FOR IDPS (SPECIAL REPORT, JUNE 2006)
39
VICTIMS OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS SEEKING JUSTICE IN US COURTS (JULY 2007)
40
FUND TO REPAIR VICTIMS WITH VERY FEW RESOURCES
42
INTERNALLY DISPLACED PEOPLE ELIGIBLE FOR REPARATION WITHIN DEMOBILISATION AND
44
RECONCILIATION PROCESS
OVER 40,000 VICTIMS, INCLUDING IDPS, CLAIM THEIR RIGHTS WITHIN THE JUSTICE AND
PEACE LAW
45
PARAMILITARY GROUPS MAINTAIN GRIP ON POWER DESPITE DEMOBILISATION PROCESS
(MARCH 2006)
47
3
FROZEN DIALOGUE BETWEEN GOC AND FARC (FUERZAS ARMADAS REVOLUCIONARIAS DE
COLOMBIA) (2005)
50
PEACE TALKS BETWEEN ELN AND THE GOVERNMENT END (JULY 2007)
51
DEMOBILISATION OF PARAMILITARY GROUPS COMING TO AN END DESPITE FLAGRANT
54
CEASEFIRE VIOLATIONS (2007)
CAUSES OF DISPLACEMENT
58
PARAMILITARY GROUPS RESPONSIBLE FOR 2500 KILLINGS OUTSIDE COMBATS BETWEEN 2002
58
AND 2005
AERIAL SPRAYING OF ILLICIT CROPS HAS MIXED RESULTS (APRIL 2006)
58
STRONG CORRELATION BETWEEN MULTINATIONAL COMPANIES AND FORCED DISPLACEMENT59
DISPLACEMENT INCREASINGLY USED AS A STRATEGY OF WAR ACCORDING TO UNCHR (2005)
60
AGENTS OF DISPLACEMENT: GUERRILLA GROUPS, 1960-2006
63
AGENTS OF DISPLACEMENT: COLOMBIAN ARMED FORCES (2003)
66
COLLUSION BETWEEN COLOMBIAN SECURITY FORCES AND PARAMILITARY GROUPS
69
AGGRAVATE THE PROBLEM OF DISPLACEMENT
DISPLACEMENTS CAUSED BY FUMIGATIONS AND PLAN COLOMBIA (2006)
72
DISPLACEMENT INDUCED BY DRUG TRAFFICKING (2005)
76
DISPLACEMENT ROOTED IN TERRITORIAL AND RESOURCE INTERESTS
79
BACKGROUND
83
DISCUSSION ON THE GOVERNMENT'S USE OF INDICATORS TO MEASURE PROGRESS ON IDP
83
RESPONSE (JULY 2007)
2007; YEARS OF IDPS IN COLOMBIA
84
COLOMBIA HAS SUFFERED FROM FOUR DECADES OF SOCIO-POLITICAL VIOLENCE (1957-2005)
85
CONFLICT-INDUCED DISPLACEMENTS ROOTED IN COCA, OIL AND ECONOMIC EXPLOITATION
(2006)
87
INSECURITY SPREADING TO URBAN AREAS CAUSES INTRA-URBAN DISPLACEMENTS (2005) 90
THE COLOMBIAN CIVIL CONFLICT IS SPILLING OVER ITS BORDERS (2005)
92
COAL EXPLOITATION FUELS CONFLICT AND DISPLACEMENT (2006)
95
THE COLOMBIAN STATE SENTENCED TO COMPENSATE VICTIMS OF VIOLENCE (FEBRUARY
2006)
96
FREE TRADE AGREEMENT MAY CONTRIBUTE TO INCREASED DRUG PRODUCTION (APRIL 2006)
97
UNEMPLOYMENT OF 1,4 MILLION COLOMBIANS AS A RESULT OF LIBERALISATION POLICY
RELATED TO INTENSIFICATION OF CONFLICT, ACCORDING TO NATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE
(DECEMBER 2006)
98
POPULATION FIGURES AND PROFILE
OVERVIEW
DIVERGING IDP NUMBERS (SPECIAL REPORT, JUNE 2006)
NUMBER OF IDPS (1985-2005) (SPECIAL REPORT, JUNE 2006)
WHO ARE THE IDPS AND WHERE DO THEY FLEE? (SPECIAL REPORT, JUNE 2006)
GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION
DISPLACEMENTS IN THE NORTHEASTERN DEPARTMENTS OF NORTH OF SANTANDER,
MAGDALENA AND BOLÍVAR (2005)
DISPLACEMENTS IN THE REGIONS OF MEDIO ATRATO AND URABÁ (2005)
DISPLACEMENTS IN CUNDINAMARCA DEPARTMENT (2004)
99
99
99
100
100
101
102
105
107
4
DISPLACEMENTS IN THE SOUTH-WESTERN DEPARTMENTS OF PUTUMAYO, NARIÑO AND VALLE
110
DEL CAUCA (2005)
DISAGGREGATED DATA
113
15,000 FORCEDLY DISPLACED DURING FIRST 100 DAYS OF 2007
113
14 PER CENT OF THE RURAL POPULATION DISPLACED BETWEEN 1995 AND 2006
114
INDIGENOUS PEOPLE AND AFRO-COLOMBIANS REPRESENT 40% OF ALL IDPS (2005)
114
INDIGENOUS PEOPLE AND AFRO-COLOMBIANS WORST AFFECTED BY FUMIGATION-INDUCED
120
DISPLACEMENTS (2005)
AMONG DISPLACED PEOPLE 75 PER CENT ARE WOMEN AND CHILDREN (2006)
123
GLOBAL FIGURES
126
ALMOST 4 MILLION COLOMBIANS DISPLACED BY VIOLENCE BETWEEN 1985 AND 2007
126
CLARIFICATIONS ON GOVERNMENT AND NGO IDP FIGURES (MARCH 2007)
131
PATTERNS OF DISPLACEMENT
138
GENERAL
138
DISPLACED TEND TO MOVE TO NEARBY VILLAGES, THEN TO A TOWN, LAST TO MAJOR URBAN
138
CENTRES (2005)
VAST MAJORITY OF IDPS FLEE INDIVIDUALLY RATHER THAN IN MASS EXODUS (2004)
139
INTRA-URBAN DISPLACEMENT ON THE RISE (2003)
142
INTRA-MUNICIPAL PATTERNS OF DISPLACEMENT COMMON OF AFRO-COLOMBIAN AND
INDIGENOUS PEOPLE (2003)
144
PHYSICAL SECURITY & FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT
147
PHYSICAL SECURITY
147
THE DEMOCRATIC SECURITY STRATEGY HAS IMPROVED SECURITY IN URBAN AREAS AND
147
INTENSIFIED THE ARMED CONFLICT IN RURAL AREAS (JANUARY 2006)
INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES EXPOSED TO HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN 2005
148
TEACHERS HAVE BEEN TARGETED BY ALL THE PARTIES TO THE CONFLICT
148
INDIGENOUS AND AFRO-COLOMBIAN POPULATIONS MORE EXPOSED TO FORCED
149
DISPLACEMENT AND OTHER VIOLATIONS THAN OTHER GROUPS (MARCH 2007)
ARMED ACTORS DO NOT RESPECT PEACE COMMUNITIES AND THE GOVERNMENT DOES NOT
149
PROTECT THEM (2005)
PEOPLE DISPLACED BY FUMIGATIONS AND WAR IN COCA-PRODUCING ZONES TOTALLY
152
UNPROTECTED (2004)
PROTECTION CONCERNS AFFECTING DISPLACED WOMEN (2005)
155
PROTECTION CONCERNS AFFECTING DISPLACED CHILDREN (2006)
158
IDP LEADERS KILLED SINCE 2002 (AUGUST 2007)
160
ABOUT TWO PEOPLE ARE VICTIMS OF A MINE ACCIDENT DAILY IN COLOMBIA (2005)
163
HARD TO SEPARATE “CONFLICT” AND “CRIME” IN COLOMBIA (DECEMBER 2005)
166
FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT
167
WARRING PARTIES PREVENT CIVILIANS FROM ACCESS TO FOOD AND MEDICINE (2007)
167
DECREE NO. 2002 OF 11 SEPT 2002 UNDERMINES FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT (2003)
171
SUBSISTENCE NEEDS
173
OVERVIEW
173
5
VIOLATIONS OF RIGHTS TO FOOD, EDUCATION AND HEALTH (SPECIAL REPORT, JUNE 2006)
173
FOOD
174
INADEQUATE FOOD INTAKE INEXTRICABLY LINKED WITH LACK OF INCOME (2004)
174
WFP STUDY REPORTS 80 PERCENT IDPS HAVE INSUFFICIENT ACCESS TO NUTRITIONAL
176
FOODS (2004)
HEALTH
178
NO HIV SEROPREVALENCE DATA FOR THE IDP POPULATION IN COLOMBIA (JANUARY 2006)
178
DESPITE LEGAL ENTITLEMENT TO FREE HEALTH IDPS FACE MANY RESTRICTIONS (2005) 179
WOMEN'S SPECIFIC HEALTH REQUIREMENTS REMAIN UN-ADDRESSED (2005)
182
VIOLENCE HAS DEVASTATING MENTAL HEALTH CONSEQUENCES (2006)
186
MORBIDITY AMONG IDPS IS 6 TIMES THE NATIONAL AVERAGE (2003)
187
DECREE 2131 OF JULY 2003 LIMITS IDPS' RIGHT TO MEDICAL ATTENTION
190
WATER AND SANITATION
192
10% OF IDPS HAVE NO ACCESS TO SANITATION SYSTEMS (2005)
192
SHELTER AND NON-FOOD ITEMS
193
IDPS WORSE OFF THAN RESIDENT POPULATION (NOVEMBER 2006)
193
63.5% OF IDPS LIVE IN INADEQUATE HOUSING COMPARED TO 7.1% AMONG THE URBAN POOR
(2004)
195
PEOPLE DISPLACED BY FUMIGATIONS SUFFER FROM UNTREATED SKIN AND RESPIRATORY
198
DISEASES (2004)
GENERAL
199
IDPS' ARE WORSE OFF THAN THE POOREST OF THE RESIDENT POPULATION (DECEMBER 2005)
199
ACCESS TO EDUCATION
201
GENERAL
201
DISPLACED CHILDREN FACE SIGNIFICANT HURDLES IN CONTINUING THEIR EDUCATION
(OCTOBER 2005)
201
MILITARISATION OF EDUCATION FORCES TEACHERS TO FLEE
202
DISPLACED PEOPLE LACK INCOME TO SEND CHILDREN TO SCHOOL FURTHER LIMITING THEIR
203
POSSIBILITY TO ESCAPE THE POVERTY TRAP (2004)
TEACHERS ARE AMONG THE WORKERS MOST OFTEN AFFECTED BY VIOLENCE-RELATED
208
DISPLACEMENT (2004)
ISSUES OF SELF-RELIANCE AND PUBLIC PARTICIPATION
209
SELF-RELIANCE
209
INCOME INSECURITY HAS A DIRECT IMPACT ON THE INABILITY OF IDPS TO MEET THEIR BASIC
209
NEEDS (2004)
DISPLACED WOMEN FACE PARTICULAR DIFFICULTIES FINDING EMPLOYMENT (2003)
212
PUBLIC PARTICIPATION
214
WIDE-SPREAD ELECTORAL VIOLENCE IN COLOMBIA(2003)
214
DEMONSTRATIONS BY DISPLACED PEOPLE TO RAISE AWARENESS ON THEIR PLIGHT (2003) 215
DOCUMENTATION NEEDS AND CITIZENSHIP
217
6
GENERAL
217
OVERVIEW OF COLOMBIAN IDP REGISTRATION SYSTEM (2005)
217
DESPITE SOME IMPROVEMENTS IN 2001, THE REGISTRATION SYSTEM FOR DISPLACED
PERSONS IS STILL NOT SATISFACTORY (2003)
221
REGISTRATION IN THE CITY OF BOGOTÁ MAIN RECEPTOR OF IDPS (2003)
224
DOCUMENTATION NEEDS
225
LACK OF IDENTITY DOCUMENTS DEPRIVES THE DISPLACED FROM EMERGENCY ASSISTANCE
(2002)
225
ISSUES OF FAMILY UNITY, IDENTITY AND CULTURE
227
GENERAL
227
SOCIO-CULTURAL AND ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF DISPLACEMENT FOR INDIGENOUS
227
COMMUNITIES (2003)
THE COLOMBIAN SOCIAL FABRIC IS BEING DESTROYED BY THE EXPERIENCE OF DISPLACEMENT
(1998-2002)
229
PROPERTY ISSUES
231
GENERAL
231
AGRARIAN REFORM WITHOUT EFFECT FOR IDPS AND LANDLESS PEOPLE (SEPTEMBER 2005)
231
PARAMILITARIES FORCING PEOPLE OFF THEIR LAND BEFORE SEIZING IT
232
THE MARKET UNFIT TO REDISTRIBUTE LAND IN THE CONTEXT OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT
(2004)
233
MAJORITY OF IDPS ABANDONED LAND (2006)
234
HISTORICAL ORIGINS OF UNEQUAL LAND DISTRIBUTION
235
DIFFERENT METHODS TO DISPLACE PEOPLE FROM THEIR LAND (2007)
236
PROPERTY AND LAND RIGHTS RECURRENTLY VIOLATED BEFORE, DURING AND AFTER
237
DISPLACEMENT (2005)
IMPUNITY RISKS UNDERMINING IDPS’ RIGHT TO REPARATION AND RESTITUTION OF PROPERTY
(2004)
240
LAW AND POLICY
242
NARCO-TRAFFICKERS AND PARAMILITARIES WILL NOT BE PROSECUTED FOR CRIMES AGAINST
IDPS
242
ALTERNATIVE LAND SURVEY TO REPAIR IDPS (AUGUST 2007)
244
ACCESS TO LAND AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC REINTEGRATION HAVE BEEN THE WEAKEST ASPECTS
245
OF GOVERNMENT RESPONSE (2005)
RESTRUCTURATION OF INCORA THE INSTITUTE FOR AGRARIAN REFORM IN CHARGE OF
247
DISTRIBUTION OF LAND AND RESETTLEMENT (2003)
PATTERNS OF RETURN AND RESETTLEMENT
249
GENERAL
249
GOVERNMENT'S RETURN FIGURES CONTESTED BY A PUBLIC SUPERVISORY INSTITUTION
(FEBRUARY 2006)
249
THE GOVERNMENT ACCOMPANIED THE RETURN OF OVER 70,000 DISPLACED COLOMBIAN
BETWEEN AUGUST 2002 AND DECEMBER 2004 (2005)
251
7
IDPS RETURN TO UNSAFE AREAS OFTEN DUE TO LACK OF ASSISTANCE AND PROTECTION IN
254
AREAS OF REFUGE (2005)
MOST IDPS RETURN WITHOUT PROPER GUARANTEES OF SECURITY VOLUNTARINESS AND
DIGNITY (1999-2003)
256
RESETTLEMENT
259
INTEGRATION AND RESETTLEMENT OF IDPS: A NEGLECTED OPTION (2003)
259
POLICY
261
VOLUNTARINESS, SAFETY AND DIGNITY OVERLOOKED IN GOVERNMENT RETURN POLICY (20022006)
261
NGOS TOUGH CHOICES: ASSIST CONTROVERSIAL RETURN OR LEAVE IDPS ON THEIR OWN
(2003)
264
HUMANITARIAN ACCESS
266
GENERAL
266
HUMANITARIAN ORGANISATIONS PREFER NOT TO REVEAL IDENTITY OF ARMED GROUPS (2006)
266
NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL RESPONSES
268
OVERVIEW
NATIONAL RESPONSE (SPECIAL REPORT, JUNE 2006)
COLOMBIAN NGOS (SPECIAL REPORT, JUNE 2006)
INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN RESPONSE (SPECIAL REPORT, JUNE 2006)
REFERENCE TO THE GUIDING PRINCIPLES ON INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT
KNOWN REFERENCES TO THE GUIDING PRINCIPLES ON INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT (2005)
268
268
269
271
272
272
LIST OF SOURCES USED
277
8
OVERVIEW
Resisting displacement by combatants and developers: Humanitarian Zones in northwest Colombia
Executive summary
In the north-western department of Chocó, near Colombia’s border with Panama, forcibly
displaced people have established “Humanitarian Zones” in a bid to hang on to their land and
livelihoods. These zones are occupied by groups who have joined together to remain on or near
the collective land which they were forced to leave as a result of a major military campaign
launched by the Colombian army and paramilitary forces against left-wing guerrillas in 1996.
Although the security situation improved in 1999-2000, many of those displaced by the fighting
have not been able to return to their land.
In Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó, the two communities in the department of Chocó on which this
report focuses, private companies cultivating African palm for the production of biofuel started to
establish plantations on the land soon after its inhabitants were displaced. The Colombian
government has provided political and financial support to the development of African palm
plantations as part of its effort to eradicate illicit crops, promote regional development, and,
reportedly, to provide economic incentives for paramilitaries to give up their weapons in line with
the government’s Justice and Peace programme. However, in a context of continued human
rights violations against the displaced and a complex set of competing property ownership claims,
the African palm companies, with the apparent support of local paramilitary forces, have exerted
pressure on the people displaced to sell or otherwise give up their land. These internally
displaced people (IDPs) have established the Humanitarian Zones both to demonstrate their
determination to regain their land and to better protect themselves from attacks by paramilitaries
and the guerrillas. To this end, the groups seek to prevent the access of any armed group into the
Humanitarian Zones - whether guerrillas, paramilitaries or the regular army.
There is growing evidence of a pattern of economic interests fuelling forced displacement and
other human rights violations in the region, which has triggered investigations by the AttorneyGeneral’s Office of one of the African palm companies for having commissioned forced
displacement and other human rights violations from paramilitary groups, and which led the
Ombudsman’s Office to conclude that the companies have “taken advantage of forced
displacements”. IDPs in Chocó have reported more than 100 crimes by paramilitary groups acting
with the collusion or material support of the army since the beginning of the counter-insurgency
campaign in 1996, including killings, death threats, forced displacements, forced disappearances
and torture. In September 2007, two IDP leaders were shot and seriously wounded in a
reportedly “paramilitary-type” attack.
In February 2007, the Procurator General’s Office opened formal investigations against military
personnel accused of killing eight members of an IDP community in the area. Yet the majority of
the reported attacks against the civilian population have not been investigated. In response to
continuing reports of human rights violations, the Inter-American Court on Human Rights, a body
of the Organisation of American States (OAS), reiterated in February 2006 previous rulings urging
the government of Colombia to take special measures to protect the people living in Humanitarian
Zones in Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó. Yet officially-demobilised paramilitary groups in alliance
with African palm companies are still preventing IDPs from recovering their land.
9
The IDPs’ struggle to reclaim their land demonstrates some of the challenges of reconciling the
government’s quest for peace and economic prosperity with the victims’ rights to truth, justice and
reparation. This report seeks to disentangle some of the complexities and challenges arising from
the situation and to formulate recommendations accordingly, by focusing on these Humanitarian
Zones, which illustrate some of the choices and threats facing Colombia’s three million or more
displaced people.
The cases of forced displacement discussed suggest that development projects cannot provide a
way out of conflict unless genuine peace has been agreed and achieved between the warring
parties, and the people displaced or otherwise affected have been involved in processes to
restore their rights. In the continuing absence of consistent application of the rule of law and the
continuing presence of development projects harmful to the restoration of the victims’ rights, there
can be no sustainable peace. The projects examined in this report show that development efforts
may indeed perpetuate and even aggravate the injustices faced by the conflict’s victims.
Conclusions
Without the human rights violations, the IDPs’ attempts to recover their land in Jiguamiandó and
Curvaradó would simply have highlighted the challenges of reconciling the state’s right to exploit
its territory commercially with citizens’ right to be compensated in cases of lawful expropriation.
However, the background of armed conflict has made it difficult for citizens and businesses alike
to maintain a distance from the atrocities and those who commit them, and has left the legitimate
application of property law almost impossible for those displaced.
Conflict and commercial activity
The African palm companies in Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó are not the first commercial
organisations to have faced some of the dilemmas of operating in this conflict zone. For more on
the principal dilemmas of operating commercially in a Colombian conflict zone, see “Siguiendo el
conflicto: hechos y análisis”, No 49, April 2007. In March 2007, the US-based Chiquita banana
company, which owned large plantations in the Urabá region until 2004, accepted a $25 million
fine from the US Justice Department for paying more than $1.7 million “protection” money to a
paramilitary group identified by the US government as a terrorist organisation. (Reuters, “Chiquita
sued over paramilitary deaths in Colombia”, 14 June 2007). Following the settlement, relatives of
22 people killed by the paramilitary group that received the payments filed a civil suit against the
company. Ibid.
Chiquita claimed that it only made the payments in return for protection of its employees.
However, the reality facing the African palm plantations, and other companies operating in the
area, is not only that commerce in what is still effectively a conflict zone may require them to
accept the protection of groups who may be listed abroad as terrorists, but that this practically
unavoidable association will almost inevitably lead to complicity in human rights violations and
contravention of national law. In the case of the African palm plantations, while representatives
have not admitted collaborating with or receiving support from paramilitary groups, paramilitary
leaders have on several occasions openly stated that they supported the establishment of the
plantations. (La Semana, 17 June 2005; Comisión Intereclesial de Justicia y Paz, October 2005.)
There is sufficient evidence to suggest that the companies have taken advantage of the violent
displacements committed by paramilitary groups to encroach on collective land belonging to AfroColombian communities. (Ombudsman’s Office, “Informe de Seguimiento de la Resolución
Defensoríal no 39 del 2 de Junio 2005”, July 2006.) Moreover, the sequence of events, from
forced displacement by paramilitary groups as a result of military strategy, to the subsequent
establishment of the plantations and continued pressure from armed individuals against the IDPs
10
and persons or institutions defending their rights, justify concerns of a concerted strategy by
paramilitary leaders and plantation owners to clear the land.
Application of national law
There is evidence that judicial authorities investigating the violations referred to in this report have
been subjected to pressure not to block the plantations’ expansion. To the best of IDMC’s
knowledge as of July 2007, the investigations initiated in the first half of 2005 against one of the
African palm companies for “alleged trespass to areas of special ecological significance” (See
IACHR, 7 February 2006, p.3. have failed to lead to any indictments. Interviews, Procurator
General’s Office, Bogota, June 2007; and with an IDP leader, Madrid, July 2007.) The Procurator
General’s Office in Bogota explained to IDMC in June 2007 that the lack of progress in bringing
the perpetrators to justice was partly a result of pressure on investigators to prevent restitution of
the land occupied by the plantations. (Interview in Bogota, July 2007.)
The gulf between legislative theory and practice was also noted by the Representative of the UN
Secretary-General on the Human Rights of IDPs (the RSG) during his June 2006 mission to
Colombia, as he pointed to a “clear gap between the policies decided in the capital Bogota and
what is effectively implemented at the departmental and municipal levels”. (Human Rights
Council, A/HRC/4/38/Add.3, 24 January 2007, p.9.) He also noted that perpetrators of forced
displacement, a crime against humanity under Colombian law, are not being investigated and
prosecuted by the Colombian legal system.
State support for the plantations
As mentioned above, the government and international supporters have seized upon African
palm cultivation as a solution to the difficulties of the region and its inhabitants, and obstacles to
the plantations interfere directly with the government’s intentions to increase the national
production and exportation of biodiesel to the world market. Plan Nacional de Desarrollo, 29 June
2007. However the links between the companies and paramilitary groups suggest the
government’s policies may not serve the people (and particularly the IDPs) of Jiguamiandó and
Curvaradó. The government, through its Agrarian Bank and an international aid agency, has
provided subsidies to one of the major groups of companies charged by the Ombudsman’s Office
with taking advantage of the paramilitary activities and the forced displacements in the area.
(USAID, ARD / CAPP Colombia Agribusiness Partnership Program Report, 1 August 2005.) IDPs
interviewed unanimously understood the state’s support to these companies as paramount to
support to the paramilitary groups that forced them from their land. (Interviews with IDPs, 11-13
September 2006.)
In view of the great changes that the African palm plantations make to the physical landscape of
the area, the state financing also contributes to make the IDPs’ return and recovery of livelihoods
practically impossible. The Ombudsman’s Office reports that the companies have permanently
destroyed the fauna and flora by clearing jungle and digging channels, and permanently altered
the topography, leading to increased sedimentation of rivers and reduced access. (Ombudman’s
Office, “Informe de seguimiento de la resolución defensoríal no 39 del 2 de Junio 2005”, July
2006, p.27.)
The resolution of the conflicting interests of the African palm companies and the members of the
Humanitarian Zones remains central to addressing “the issue of land taken over by other parties
during displacement of the original population” noted in the RSG’s report after his mission to
Colombia in June 2006. A solution to this conflict rests on the clarification of ownership in the
collective territories and the political will to suspend support to companies operating on land
whose inhabitants were forcibly displaced. For the country to make an effective transition from
internal conflict to sustainable and peaceful development, the changes in practice needed in
11
Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó must also be achieved by regional, national and international
institutions and companies across Colombia.
Demobilisation, development and the victims’ rights
The financial support to African palm plantations is further complicated by a government-initiated
national demobilisation process that started in 2002 and ended formally in 2006 with more than
30,000 paramilitary fighters demobilised. While the so-called “Justice and Peace” process is part
of the government’s legitimate quest for peace, the implementation and consequences have been
contested. (Amnesty International, Second International Conference on Human Rights in
Colombia, 17-18 April 2007; International Crisis Group, “Colombia’s New Armed Groups”, 10 May
2007.) Progress in reducing the rates of homicide, kidnappings and forced disappearances, and
increasing involvement of the victims in the demobilisation process (Observatorio de Derechos
Humanos de la Vice-Presidencia de la Republica, accessed 10 August 2007,
http://www.derechoshumanos.gov.co/index.php?newsecc=observatorio) has not been sustained,
and violations have continued, particularly in rural areas. (International Crisis Group, “Colombia’s
New Armed Groups”, 10 May 2007; Comisión Colombiana de Juristas, “Violaciones de derechos
humanos y violencia sociopolítica en Colombia”, June 2006.)
In many cases demobilised paramilitary combatants have re-armed, paramilitaries and their
political and economic supporters have not been held accountable for crimes, and reparation
schemes to the victims and their families have been poorly conceived and implemented despite
the establishment of the National Commission on Reparation and Reconciliation. While the
Organisation of American States’ Mission to Support the Peace Process in Colombia has
recognised and valued “the positive aspects of what has been accomplished so far, i.e. the direct
impact on reducing violence in large areas of the country [and] the beginnings of Government
presence in the territories”, (OAS, Ninth Quarterly Report of the Secretary General to the
Permanent Council on the Mission to Support the Peace Process in Colombia, 3 July 2007). it
has also pointed out serious flaws, such as the presence of at least 3,000 former paramilitary
combatants in new armed groups involved in illegal activities, which have in many places
replaced and perpetuated the demobilised paramilitary structures and functions. (OAS, Seventh
Quarterly Report of the Secretary General to the Permanent Council on the Mission to Support
the Peace Process in Colombia, 30 August 2006; International Crisis Group, “Colombia’s New
Armed Groups”, 10 May 2007.)
Similarly, the IDPs in Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó – almost a year after the official demobilisation
of one of the most notorious paramilitary groups in Chocó – have reported the continuous
presence and pressure from armed actors who presumably took part in the demobilisation
process. (Interviews, Bogota, June 2007; Madrid, July 2007. For more on the official
demobilisation process, see http://www.altocomisionadoparalapaz.gov.co/) Their presence adds
to the physical obstacles set up by the plantations to prevent the secure return and reintegration
of the IDPs.
Mutual suspicions and hopes for dialogue
The links between the army and the paramilitary groups which committed the majority of human
rights violations against members of the Humanitarian Zones have been abundantly documented.
(A Church organisation that accompanies the IDPs, Comisión Intereclesial de Justicia y Paz has
compiled lists of violations and names of victims which have been handed over to the
investigating authorities. In February 2007 investigations were opened against 56 members of the
17th Brigade for the massacre of eight members of a peace community in Chocó. See also
IACHR, 7 February 2006.)
12
As a result, members of the Humanitarian Zones are deeply suspicious of the army. The national
demobilisation process has done little to restore that confidence.
On the other hand, the government and the army suspect IDP leaders and members of the
Humanitarian Zones of being members or supporters of the guerrillas, ostensibly because of the
long history of guerrilla presence in the area before “Operation Genesis” in 1996 and resistance
to become part of a government programme to include civilians in the armed struggle against the
guerrillas.
These conflicting perceptions constitute a serious obstacle to the implementation of Colombia’s
legislation both for IDPs and Afro-Colombian communities. A first step towards a resolution
should be based on the two parties recognising the need to address cases individually if the rule
of law is to return. A principal demand of the leaders of the Humanitarian Zones which IDMC
visited was that the government, represented by the investigating authorities and the judiciary,
bring to justice individual officers, soldiers and paramilitary fighters who have committed or been
involved in human rights violations against their members. IDP leaders and members of the
Humanitarian Zones, in return, have to recognise the state’s right to combat the guerrillas, and to
bring individuals in conflict with the law to justice.
Socio-economic conditions and social disintegration
The forced displacements and disruption of livelihoods in these communities have caused
widespread impoverishment and social disintegration. It was a generally-held perception among
the IDPs interviewed by IDMC that the solidarity and social cohesion of the collective territories
had been seriously disrupted by their inhabitants’ violent separation from the land. While the
socio-economic consequences of the forced displacements have not been measured
systematically, there is sufficient evidence to suggest that the violent dispossession and ensuing
destitution have also created a fertile ground for animosity and social division within the affected
communities; the job opportunities created by the African palm plantations are hard to resist
among the dispossessed and impoverished communities, exacerbating social divisions.
At a moment where the government has formally completed the demobilisation of the paramilitary
groups, it is crucial that the rights of the victims to justice, truth and reparation are guaranteed.
Issues of land rights are at the very core of the Colombian conflict and the process of reparation.
The government must demonstrate that its quest for peace addresses land issues and the
interest of the victims. Moreover, international donors should include reparation in their strategies
aimed at supporting the current peace process, and recognise that any economic support is
contingent on a clear government policy regarding the rights of the victims backed up by
demonstrated political will to carry it out.
Other sections of the report
History of conflict in the Urabá region
Continuing human rights violations
African palm plantations and forced displacement
Humanitarian Zones - a bid to recover land
Legality of the companies’ use of collective territories
RESUMEN DEL INFORME EN ESPAÑOL
13
Resistencia al desplazamiento por combatientes y agentes de desarrollo: Zonas
Humanitarias en el nor-occidente colombiano
Resumen Ejecutivo
En el departamento nor-occidental del Chocó, cerca de la frontera colombiana con Panamá, las
personas en situación de desplazamiento forzoso han establecido “Zonas Humanitarias”, en un
intento de aferrarse a su tierra y su forma de vida. Estas zonas están ocupadas por grupos que
se han unido para permanecer en sus alrededores, de donde fueron expulsados a raiz una
importante campaña militar emprendida por el ejército colombiano y las fuerzas paramilitares
contra los grupos guerrilleros de izquierda, durante el año 1996. Aunque la situación de
seguridad mejoró entre 1999 y 2000, muchos de los desplazados por el conflicto no han podido
regresar a su tierra.
Poco despues de que los habitantes fueron desplazados, companias privadas cultivadores de
palma africana para la produccion de biocombustibles, empezaron a establecer plantaciones en
esa tierra en Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó, las dos comunidades del departamento del Chocó sobre
las que se centra este informe. El gobierno colombiano ha brindado apoyo político y financiero al
desarrollo de plantaciones de palma africana como parte de su esfuerzo por erradicar cultivos
ilícitos, promover el desarrollo regional y, según se informa, para ofrecer un incentivo
económicos a los paramilitares, a fin de que éstos entreguen sus armas, de acuerdo con el
programa gubernamental de ley “Justicia y Paz”. Sin embargo, en un contexto de continuas
violaciones de derechos humanos contra los desplazados y un conjunto complejo de
reclamaciones concurrentes sobre la propiedad de la tierra, las compañías de palma africana,
con el aparente apoyo de las fuerzas paramilitares locales, han ejercido presión sobre los
desplazados para que vendan o de lo contrario entreguen sus tierras. Estas personas
desplazadas internas (IDPs por su sigla en inglés) han establecido las Zonas Humanitarias para
demostrar su determinación de recuperar su tierra y para protegerse mejor de los ataques de
paramilitares y guerrillas. De esta manera, los desplazados intentan evitar el acceso de grupos
armados a las Zonas Humanitarias – ya se trate de la guerrilla, los paramilitares o del ejército
regular.
Cada vez hay más evidencia de un patrón de intereses económicos que alimentan el
desplazamiento forzado y otras violaciones de derechos humanos en la región, que han
generado investigaciones por parte de la Fiscalía General de la Nación contra una de las
compañías de palma africana por haber encargado a grupos paramilitares de la región la
violación de derechos humanos y el desplazamiento forzado, y que llevó a la Defensoría del
Pueblo a concluir que las compañías han “aprovechado los desplazamientos forzados”. Los
IDPs en Chocó han denunciado más de 100 delitos cometidos por grupos paramilitares que
actúan en colusión o con el apoyo material del ejército desde el inicio de la campaña
contrainsurgente en 1996, incluyendo asesinatos, amenazas de muerte, desplazamiento forzado,
desapariciones forzadas y torturas. En Septiembre 2007, dos líderes desplazados fueron
gravemente heridos por balas en un ataque de tipo paramilitar.
En febrero de 2007, la Procuraduría General de la Nación abrió investigaciones formales contra
personal militar acusado de haber matado a ocho miembros de una comunidad de IDPs en el
área. Aún no se han investigado la mayoría de los ataques denunciados contra la población civil.
Como respuesta a los continuos informes de violaciones de los derechos humanos, la Corte
Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, un órgano de la Organización de los Estados
Americanos (OEA), reiteró, en febrero de 2006, sentencias anteriores que ordenaban al gobierno
de Colombia para que tomara medidas especiales para proteger a las personas que viven en las
Zonas Humanitarias de Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó. Sin embargo, aún hay grupos paramilitares
14
desmovilizados oficialmente actuando en conjunto con las compañías de palma africana para
evitar que los IDPs recuperen sus tierras.
La lucha de los IDPs por reclamar sus tierras demuestra algunos de los retos de reconciliar la
lucha del gobierno por la paz y prosperidad económica con los derechos que tienen las víctimas
a saber la verdad, a la justicia y la compensación. Este informe trata de desenmarañar algunas
de las complejidades y retos que surgen de la situación y de formular las recomendaciones
pertinentes, centrándonos en estas Zonas Humanitarias que ilustran algunas de las opciones y
amenazas con las que se enfrentan los 3 millones o mas de desplazados colombianos.
Los casos de desplazamiento forzado que se discuten, sugieren que los proyectos de desarrollo
no pueden brindar una salida al conflicto a menos que se alcance una paz genuina entre las
partes en guerra y los desplazados o aquellos afectados que han sido involucrados en procesos
para restaurar sus derechos. Ante la continua ausencia de aplicación consistente del Estado de
Derecho y la continua presencia de proyectos de desarrollo perjudiciales para la restauración de
los derechos de las víctimas, no puede haber una paz sostenible. Los proyectos examinados en
este informe muestran que los esfuerzos de desarrollo puedende hecho perpetuar o incluso
agravar las injusticiascon las que se enfrentan las víctimas del conflicto.
Conclusiones
Sin las violaciones de los derechos humanos, los intentos de los IDPs por recuperar sus tierras
en Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó simplemente habrían resaltado los retos de reconciliar el derecho
del Estado para explotar comercialmente su territorio con el derecho de los ciudadanos por ser
indemnizados en casos de expropiación legítima. Sin embargo, el antecedente del conflicto
armado ha dificultado que los ciudadanos y negocios se mantengan alejados de las atrocidades
y de aquellos que las cometen, y ha hecho que la aplicación legítima del derecho a la propiedad
sea casi imposible para los desplazados.
Conflicto y actividad comercial
Las compañías de palma africana de Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó no son las primeras
organizaciones comerciales que se han enfrentado a los dilemas de operar en esta zona de
conflicto. (Para más información sobre los principales dilemas de operar comercialmente en una
zona de conflicto colombiana, ver “Siguiendo el conflicto: hechos y análisis”, Nº 49, abril de
2007.) En marzo de 2007, la compañía estadounidense Chiquita Banana Company, que era
dueña de grandes plantaciones en la región de Urabá hasta el 2004, aceptó una multa de 25
millones de dólares del Departamento de Justicia de EE.UU. por pagar más de 1,7 millones de
dólares por “protección” a un grupo paramilitar identificado por el gobierno de los EE.UU. como
organización terrorista. (Reuters, “Chiquita demandada por muertes a manos de paramilitares en
Colombia”, 14 de junio de 2007.) Luego de este arreglo, los parientes de 22 personas
asesinadas por el grupo paramilitar que recibió los pagos, entablaron una demanda civil contra la
compañía. Ibíd.
Chiquita manifestó que solo hacía los pagos a cambio de protección para sus empleados. Sin
embargo, la realidad de las plantaciones de palma africana y de otras compañías que operan en
el área no es únicamente que el comercio, en lo que aún es una zona efectiva de conflicto, les
pueda exigir aceptar la protección de grupos que puedan ser considerados como terroristas en el
exterior, sino que esta asociación prácticamente ineludible les conducirá casi inexorablemente a
una complicidad en la violación de derechos humanos o a la contravención de las leyes
nacionales. En el caso de las plantaciones de palma africana, si bien los representantes no han
admitido su colaboración o la recepción de apoyo por parte de los grupos paramilitares, los
líderes de estos grupos han manifestado abiertamente en ocasiones que han apoyado el
15
establecimiento de las plantaciones. (La Semana, 17 junio 2005; Comisión Inter-eclesial de
Justicia y Paz, octubre 2005.)
Hay suficiente evidencia para sugerir que las compañías han aprovechado los desplazamientos
violentos generados por los grupos paramilitares para invadir tierras colectivas pertenecientes a
las comunidades afrocolombianas. (Defensoría del Pueblo, “Informe de seguimiento de la
resolución defensorial no 39 del 2 de junio de 2005”, julio de 2006, p.27) Más aún, la secuencia
de eventos, desde el desplazamiento forzado por parte de grupos paramilitares, como resultado
de una estrategia militar, hasta la posterior radicación de las plantaciones y la continua presión
de los individuos armados contra los IDPs y las personas o instituciones que defienden sus
derechos, justifican la preocupación por una estrategia concertada entre líderes paramilitares y
propietarios de plantaciones para despejar la tierra.
Aplicación de las leyes nacionales
Hay pruebas de que las autoridades judiciales que investigan las violaciones a las que se refiere
este informe han sido objeto de presiones para no bloquear la expansión de las plantaciones.
Según el leal saber y entender del IDMC, a julio de 2007, las investigaciones iniciadas durante la
primera mitad de 2005 contra una de las compañías de palma africana por “presunta invasión de
áreas de especial importancia ecológica” (Ver CIADH, 7 febrero 2006, p.3) no han conducido a
ninguna acusación. (Entrevistas, Procuraduría General de la Nación, Bogotá, junio de 2007 y con
un líder de los IDP, Madrid, julio de 2007.) La Procuraduría General de la Nación en Bogotá
explicó al IDMC en junio de 2007, que la falta de progresos en el ajusticiamiento de los
delincuentes era en parte un resultado de la presión que se hace sobre los investigadores para
evitar la restitución de la tierra ocupada por las plantaciones. (Entrevista en Bogotá, julio de
2007.)
La brecha entre la teoría y la práctica legislativa la señaló también el Representante del
Secretario General de la ONU en relación con los Derechos Humanos de los IDPs (el RSG)
durante su misión a Colombia en junio de 2006, al apuntar hacia una “clara brecha entre las
políticas que se deciden en la capital, Bogotá, y lo que efectivamente se implementa a nivel
departamental y municipal.” (Human Rights Council, A/HRC/4/38/Add.3, 24 de enero de 2007,
p.9.) También señaló que los autores del desplazamiento forzado, un crimen contra la
humanidad bajo la ley colombiana, no están siendo investigados y procesados por el sistema
legal colombiano.
Apoyo estatal a las plantaciones
Como se mencionó anteriormente, el gobierno y los apoyos internacionales han visto en el
cultivo de la palma africana una solución a las dificultades de la región y sus habitantes, y los
obstáculos para el cultivo interfieren directamente con las intenciones del gobierno de
incrementar la producción nacional y la exportación del biodiesel al mercado mundial. (Plan
Nacional de Desarrollo, 29 de junio de 2007.) Sin embargo, los vínculos entre las compañías y
los grupos paramilitares sugieren que las políticas del gobierno pueden no estar sirviendo a la
gente (en especial a los IDPs) de Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó. El gobierno, a través de su Banco
Agrario y una agencia de ayuda internacional, ha ofrecido subvenciones a uno de los mayores
grupos de compañías acusadas por la Defensoría del Pueblo por aprovechar las actividades
paramilitares y los desplazamientos forzados en el área. (USAID, ARD / CAPP Colombia
Agribusiness Partnership Program Report, 1 de agosto de 2005.) Los IDPs entrevistados
entendieron unánimemente el apoyo del Estado a estas compañías como un punto clave para
apoyar a los grupos paramilitares que les expulsaron de sus tierras. (Entrevistas con IDPs, 11-13
de septiembre 2006.)
16
En vista de los grandes cambios que provocan las plantaciones de palma en el paisaje físico del
área, la financiación estatal también contribuye a que el regreso y recuperación del modo de
subsistencia de los IDPs sea prácticamente imposible. La Defensoría del Pueblo informa que las
compañías han destruido permanentemente la fauna y flora, al despejar la selva y al excavar
canales, y han alterado permanentemente la topografía provocando una mayor sedimentación de
los ríos y un menor acceso. (Defensoría del Pueblo, “Informe de seguimiento de la resolución
defensoría no 39 del 2 de Junio de 2005”, julio de 2006, p.27.)
La resolución de los intereses en conflicto de las compañías de palma africana y de los
miembros de las Zonas Humanitarias sigue siendo fundamental para abordar “el problema de la
tierra tomada por otras partes durante el desplazamiento de la población original” anotado en el
informe del RSG tras su misión en Colombia en junio de 2006. Una solución para este conflicto
se basa en la aclaración de la propiedad de los territorios colectivos y en la voluntad política de
retirar el apoyo a las compañías que operan en la tierra de aquellos que fueron desplazados
forzosamente. Para que el país haga una transición efectiva del conflicto interno hacia un
desarrollo sostenible y pacífico, los cambios que en la práctica se necesitan en Jiguaiandó y
curvaradó también deben alcanzarse por las instituciones regionales, nacionales e
internacionales y las compañías en todo Colombia.
Desmovilización, desarrollo y los derechos de las víctimas
El apoyo financiero a las plantaciones de palma Africana se ve más complicado por un proceso
de desmovilización nacional iniciado por el gobierno, que empezó en el 2002 y terminó
formalmente en el 2006 con más de 30.000 paramilitares desmovilizados. Si bien el llamado
proceso de “Justicia y paz” es parte de la lucha legítima del gobierno por la paz, su
implementación y consecuencias han sido objetadas. (Amnesty International, Second
International Conference on Human Rights in Colombia, 17-18 abril de 2007; International Crisis
Group, “Colombia’s New Armed Groups”, 10 de mayo de 2007.) Los progresos en la reducción
del número de homicidios, secuestros y desapariciones forzadas, y el aumento de la
participación de las víctimas en el proceso de desmovilización (Observatorio de Derechos
Humanos de la Vice-Presidencia de la República, accedido el 10 de agosto de 2007,
http://www.derechoshumanos.gov.co/index.php?newsecc=observatorio) no han sido sostenibles,
y han seguido las violaciones, especialmente en el área rural. (International Crisis Group,
“Colombia’s New Armed Groups”, 10 de mayo de 2007; Comisión Colombiana de Juristas,
“Violaciones de derechos humanos y violencia sociopolítica en Colombia”, Junio de 2006.)
En muchos casos, los combatientes paramilitares desmovilizados se han rearmado, los
paramilitares y sus apoyos políticos y económicos no han sido responsabilizados por crímenes, y
los esquemas de compensación a las víctimas y a sus familias han sido mal concebidos e
implementados, a pesar del establecimiento de la Comisión Nacional de Reparación y
Reconciliación. Mientras la Misión de la Organización de Estados Americanos para apoyar el
proceso de paz en Colombia ha reconocido y valorado “los aspectos positivos de lo que se ha
logrado hasta el momento, es decir, el impacto directo en la reducción de la violencia en grandes
áreas del país [y] el inicio de la presencia del gobierno en los territorios”, (OEA, Noveno informe
trimestral de la Secretaría General al Consejo Permanente sobre la Misión para Apoyar el
proceso de paz en Colombia, 3 de julio de 2007.) también ha señalado graves defectos, tales
como la presencia de por lo menos 3.000 ex-paramilitares en nuevos grupos armados realizando
actividades ilegales, que en muchos sitios han remplazado y perpetuado las estructuras y
funciones de los paramilitares desmovilizados. (OEA, Noveno informe trimestral de la Secretaría
General al Consejo Permanente sobre la Misión para Apoyar el proceso de paz en Colombia, 30
de agosto de 2006; International Crisis Group, “Colombia’s New Armed Groups”, 10 de mayo de
2007.)
17
De forma similar, los IDPs de Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó – casi un año después de la
desmovilización oficial de uno de los principales grupos paramilitares del Chocó – han
denunciado la presencia y presión de infractores armados que presuntamente participaron en el
proceso de desmovilización. (Entrevistas, Bogotá, junio de 2007; Madrid, Julio de 2007. Para
más
información
sobre
el
proceso
de
desmovilización
oficial,
ver
http://www.altocomisionadoparalapaz.gov.co/) Su presencia se suma a los obstáculos físicos
establecidos por las plantaciones para impedir el retorno seguro y la reintegración de los IDPs.
Sospechas mutuas y esperanzas de diálogo
Los vínculos entre el ejército y los grupos paramilitares que cometieron la mayoría de las
violaciones de derechos humanos contra los miembros de las Zonas Humanitarias, han sido
abundantemente documentados. (Una organización eclesiástica que acompaña a los IDPs, la
Comisión Inter-eclesial de Justicia y Paz ha compilado listas de infracciones y nombres de
víctimas que han sido entregadas a las autoridades investigadoras. En febrero de 2007 se
abrieron investigaciones contra 56 miembros de la 17ª brigada por la masacre de ocho miembros
de una comunidad de paz en el Chocó. Ver también CIADH, 7 febrero 2006.) Como resultado,
los miembros de las Zonas Humanitarias desconfían mucho del ejército. El proceso de
desmovilización nacional ha hecho poco por restablecer esa confianza.
Por otro lado, el gobierno y el ejército sospechan que los líderes de los IDP y los miembros de
las Zonas Humanitarias son miembros o colaboradores de las guerrillas, aparentemente por la
larga historia de presencia de las guerrillas en el área antes de la “Operación Génesis” de 1996 y
la resistencia a formar parte del programa gubernamental para incluir civiles en la lucha armada
contra la guerrilla.
Estas percepciones conflictivas son un grave obstáculo para la implementación de la legislación
colombiana para los IDPs y comunidades afrocolombianas. Un primer paso hacia la solución
debería basarse en el reconocimiento de las dos partes de la necesidad de tratar cada caso
individualmente si el mandato de la ley es el regreso. Una exigencia fundamental de los líderes
de las Zonas Humanitarias visitadas por el IDMC era que el gobierno, representado por las
autoridades investigadoras y judiciales, llevaran ante la justicia a los funcionarios individuales, los
soldados y los paramilitares que participaron o estuvieron involucrados en violaciones de
derechos humanos contra sus miembros. Los líderes y miembros de los IDP de las Zonas
Humanitarias, a su vez, tienen que reconocer el derecho del estado a combatir las guerrillas y a
llevar a los individuos fuera de la ley ante la justicia.
Condiciones socioeconómicas y desintegración social
Los desplazamientos forzados y el trastorno en el modo de vida de estas comunidades ha
causado un empobrecimiento y desintegración social general. Hay una percepción generalizada
entre los IDPs entrevistados por el IDMC que la solidaridad y cohesión social de los territorios
colectivos había sido gravemente perturbada por la violenta separación de sus habitantes
respecto de la tierra. Si bien las consecuencias socioeconómicas de los desplazamientos
forzados no han sido medidas sistemáticamente, hay pruebas suficientes para sugerir que la
expropiación violenta y la consiguiente destitución también han abonado el terreno para la
animosidad y la división social dentro de las comunidades afectadas; las oportunidades laborales
creadas por las plantaciones de palma africana son difíciles de rechazar entre las comunidades
desposeídas y empobrecidas, lo cual exacerba las divisiones sociales.
En un momento en el que el gobierno ha terminado formalmente la desmovilización de los
grupos paramilitares, es crucial que los derechos de las víctimas a la justicia, la verdad y la
reparación sean garantizados. Los asuntos sobre los derechos de la tierra son el centro del
conflicto colombiano y del proceso de reparación. El gobierno debe demostrar que su lucha por
18
la paz aborda los problemas de la tierra y los intereses de las víctimas. Más aún, los donantes
internacionales deberían incluir la reparación en sus estrategias enfocadas a apoyar el actual
proceso de paz y reconocer que cualquier apoyo económico es contingente en una política
gubernamental clara en relación con los derechos de las víctimas, respaldados por una voluntad
política demostrada para desarrollarlos.
19
CAUSES AND BACKGROUND
Overview
Background: unequal land distribution causes conflict and displacement (Special
report, June 2006)
The Colombian state which emerged after independence from Spain in 1810 has never been
strong and large tracts of the country remain up to the present beyond the reach of state
institutions. A powerful regional and national oligarchy, mostly of Spanish descent, has both taken
advantage of these weak state structures and resisted attempts to strengthen them. The Spanish
conquistadores and their descendants created, with the hesitant support of the monarchy in their
homeland, a semi-feudal social system focusing increasingly on land possession and cattle
ranching as the mines ceased to yield as much as they had done during the first century after the
conquest (UNDP, September 2003).
In the late 1840s, these elites formed the Liberal and Conservative parties which have ever since
dominated most of the state structures and public life. Whereas the Conservative party aimed at a
stronger centralised Roman Catholic state, the Liberal Party wanted it to be secular and federal
(Livingstone 2003, pp. 37-39). The two parties have fought each other, occasionally with extreme
violence, since their inception. The semi-feudal system and the corresponding vertical loyalties
allowed for the mobilisation of the lower classes, particularly the peasants (campesinos), to
commit atrocities against other peasants loyal to the opposing party. The most violent of these bipartisan conflicts, “the war of 1,000 days” from 1899 to 1902, resulted in the death of an
estimated 100,000 people, as peasants massacred and persecuted each other according to party
affiliation.
The elites’ emphasis on land and the prestige attributed to it often went hand in hand with violent
repression of social movements, union and peasant leaders, political dissidents and the
exploitation of mine workers. This has historically resulted in population movements from the
central highlands to the peripheries, in many respects a precursor to the current internal
displacement movements.
Until well into the 20th century, the process of colonisation had not been completed; free land or
land occupied by indigenous communities outside the formal colonised agricultural sector still
provided a political, social and economic safety valve for the marginalised, excluded or
persecuted parts of society. This was the case during a period of massive political violence,
triggered by the assassination in 1948 of a presidential candidate from the Liberal party who had
gone too far in challenging the power structures of both the Liberal and Conservative parties.
Livingstone, 2003, p. 41 An estimated 200,000 people were killed and hundreds of thousands
more were displaced during the following years. This crisis, referred to as “the violence”, ended
when the two parties reached a power-sharing agreement and formed a “National Front” in 1957.
The “violence” sparked massive population movements to the periphery of the country, in some
cases to areas inhabited by indigenous communities or descendants of African slaves, commonly
referred to as Afro-Colombians. For example, thousands of people fled to Sierra Nevada in the
Caribbean north, forcing indigenous communities from the best land. Maldonado, 1999 The
National Front lasted until 1974 and represented a continuation of the political and economic
hegemony of the elites. The concentration of land ownership continued, forcing more and more
20
peasants and marginalised people to the periphery of the country, to areas where few if any state
institutions were effective.
Today, Colombia figures among the countries in the world with the most unequal distribution of
land, a situation that has been both the objective and the result of armed conflicts and
displacements; 0.4 per cent of landowners own 61 per cent of rural land. Instituto Geográfico
Agustín Codazzi, 19 March 2004 More than 50 per cent of the population live below the poverty
line, according to government statistics, with rural areas particularly hard hit (WB, 2006, p. 23;
March 2002, p. 2). Comprehensive agrarian reform, which would improve their situation, has
been blocked by an increasingly powerful alliance of government officials, the national army,
landowners and their paramilitary protectors.
The current IDP situation has thus to be seen in the context of a historical movement of
expansion by the land-owning elites, an agrarian and structural problem, complicated and
compounded since the 1970s by drug-trafficking and the presence of large international
corporations. But, as compared to previous population movements, people forced to abandon
their homes in the current unrest have less space and fewer opportunities in the geographical
periphery of the country. Firstly, the continuing expansion of the large land holdings and the
state’s increased control of the territory have reduced the areas available for internal colonisation;
secondly, agricultural market liberalism has opened up the national market to cheap imported
food; thirdly, Colombia as one of the world’s largest coffee exporters has been particularly
vulnerable to fluctuating prices on the world market; fourthly, lack of infrastructure – especially
transport links connecting the rural areas with national and international markets – has rendered
economic activity unsustainable in many areas. Largely as a result, a majority of the people
forced from their homes in the current phase of the conflict have sought protection and anonymity
in towns and in slums around the major cities.
In 2002, a right-wing coalition led by Álvaro Uribe was voted in on a tough programme to restore
government authority throughout the country after the failure of peace negotiations between the
previous administration and the main guerrilla group. President Uribe was re-elected in May 2006
with over 60 per cent of the votes, following his coalition’s equally clear victory in parliamentary
election two months earlier. While turn-out was unusually low in both elections, and there were
reports of fraud, particularly in areas controlled by paramilitary groups, the government’s
comfortable victories are largely attributed to its success in improving security in urban areas
were kidnappings and homicide rates have dropped during its tenure.
Guerrilla war fuelled by drug production (Special report, June 2006)
The guerrilla groups currently fighting the government emerged largely in response to the
“violence” in the 1950s, repression by the National Front in the 1960s and structural inequalities.
Many of the founders of the Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces – People’s Army (Fuerzas
Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo, or FARC-EP) – the most powerful
of the remaining guerrilla groups – were people who fled the partisan violence to so-called
“independent republics” in Cundinamarca, southern Tolima, and Huila. The central government
launched heavy-handed military attacks on these “independent republics”, forcing the separatists
to flee again to the eastern plains and northern part of the Amazon jungle at the beginning of the
1960s. The FARC-EP originated chiefly among the forcedly displaced in these extremely isolated
areas. The guerrilla groups have thus had a strong popular support base, which is one of the
main reasons why they have managed to sustain the armed struggle against the government for
more than 40 years (Lair, 2000, p. 94).
21
Another major factor sustaining the guerrilla war was the introduction of coca in the late 1980s
and 1990s. Until then, lack of access to the formal state-protected market economy in the central
highlands led farmers to engage in subsistence farming with its attendant exposure to climatic
risks and socio-economic hardship. The introduction of coca radically changed the farmers’ socioeconomic outlook and strengthened the guerrillas. Firstly, profits from coca cultivation attracted a
massive movement of urban poor and landless peasants from the central highlands to the
guerrilla-controlled areas to clear the forest and establish small coca farms. Secondly, the FARCEP started taxing the cultivation of coca in exchange for offering quase-state services, such as
health, education and justice, in an alliance of convenience with the drug-traffickers who
processed and commercialised the coca, literally creating a "state within the state". Thirdly, the
tax revenues made it possible for the guerrillas to boost their destructive power and they soon
controlled up to 40 per cent of Colombian territory, posing an increasingly serious threat to the
state and the land-owning elites. However, the guerrillas’ alliance with the drug-traffickers did not
last long as the latter successively invested their enormous profits mainly in cattle ranches and
land, which rendered them increasingly indistinguishable from the guerrillas’ traditional enemies –
the land-owning elites. The guerrillas started kidnapping drug-traffickers and land-owners for
ransom in the 1980s, taking the conflict closer to the central areas.
In 1985, the FARC-EP supported the foundation of a political party, the “Union Patriotica”, in
response to attempts by President Belisario Betancourt’s government to engage in a dialogue
with the guerrillas. However, up to 3,000 of the party’s members or affiliates, including two
presidential candidates, were killed by paramilitary groups with the support of members of the
army and the bi-partisan establishment in the years that followed. This fuelled deep-rooted
suspicions among the guerrillas about any possibility of resolving the conflict through regular
political channels. The FARC-EP has currently an estimated 17,000 fighters in its ranks and a
ten-point programme that calls for land distribution, and social benefits and political power for
poor and landless peasants.
The National Liberation Army (Ejército Naciónal de Liberación – ELN), the other main guerrilla
group, emerged chiefly among students, unionists and the urban middle-class in response to
political and economic exclusion by the National Front. One of their main war strategies has been
attacking and destroying infrastructure owned or managed by multi-national corporations,
particularly in the north-eastern region bordering Venezuela. They reportedly control around
3,000 fighters, using kidnapping of civilians and extortion from oil companies as their main
sources of revenue, avoiding taxing drug production until the 1990s. The government reinitiated
peace talks with the guerrilla group in 2005, but as of May 2006, the negotiations were still in an
exploratory phase (Alto Comisionado para la Paz, May 2006).
Whereas both the ELN and the FARC-EP claim to fight for political and social equity, they have
lost significant political clout because of the methods they have used, such as massacres of
civilians, assassinations, kidnapping for ransom or political gain, torture, extortion, forced
confinement and forced recruitment. The drug production and trafficking has also significantly
altered the guerrillas’ motivations to keep on fighting and boomeranged by undermining popular
support in areas under their control. Coca farmers are reportedly increasingly indifferent to the
political and ideological discourse of the guerrillas as long they can make a living out of their crop.
The loosening of the ties between the guerrillas and the coca farmers has paved the way for the
paramilitary groups, who in many cases have simply replaced the guerrillas as the de facto
authorities. Landless peasants can be hired to pick coca leaves and sell them to both left-wing
guerrillas and their right-wing opponents, thereby fuelling a cycle of violence without end; the
armed groups routinely seek revenge on populations who have stayed in an area controlled by
the enemy, with ensuing forced displacements and human rights violations. By way of example,
the majority of the Colombian coca farmers seeking refuge in neighbouring Ecuador at the
beginning of 2006 are fleeing the guerrillas in Putumayo region, according to UN sources
(Interview with UNHCR Official, 10 February 2006). While both the FARC-EP and ELN emerged
22
in response to structural inequalities, drug trafficking has now permeated all sides of the conflict,
rendering it increasingly hard for outsiders to distinguish means from objectives (Pecaut, 2000).
Paramilitaries as integral part of counter-insurgency strategy (Special report, June
2006)
The paramilitary groups have roots as far back as the “violence” of the 1950s as an integral part
of the army’s counter-insurgency strategy. In response to intense international scrutiny of the
human rights record of both the army and the government, civilian auxiliary forces were legalised
in 1965 and 1968 and further strengthened in the late 1970s and especially the early 1980s.
(AFADDES, 9 September 2005, pp. 8-9; National Security Archive, 16 October 2005). Welldocumented reports of disappearances and the systematic use of torture of political prisoners by
the national army during President Julio Cesar Turbay Ayala's term in power (1978-1982)
triggered international criticism; this led the army leadership to camouflage and conceal the
military's direct involvement in gross human rights violations by delegating much of the “dirty
work” to informal groups of armed civilians they would train, coordinate and equip. The
paramilitaries provided the army – and government – with two key elements: a brutally effective
auxiliary force which could target civilians perceived as guerrilla supporters, and the means to
dissociate themselves from the crimes committed, thereby averting international criticism.
Colombia is a resource-rich country which has attracted large amounts of international investment
from many of the largest companies in the world (Coinvertir, December 2005). In the 1980s, the
paramilitary forces became the hub of an alliance between the land-owning elites and some of
these large foreign corporations in response to what was perceived as the inability of a weak
state to defend their interests.
The guerrillas on the other hand accuse the companies of collaborating with the government and
of siphoning off national resources, and see them as legitimate military targets. Company
infrastructures and installations have therefore been attacked and destroyed repeatedly
throughout the conflict. The Caño Limón-Coveñas oil pipeline linking the oil fields bordering
Venezuela to the Caribbean coast, for example, has been attacked over 900 times in its 16 years
of existence, with tremendous economic costs for its US co-owners Occidental Petroleum and the
state and suffering for the workers (Semana, March 2006; Living on earth, 2004). In addition to
having had their installations and infrastructure destroyed, foreign companies’ officials are also
subject to recurrent extortion and kidnappings by the guerrillas.
Other resources such as timber, mines, hydroelectric power, coal and African palm have also
attracted multi-national companies, as well the guerrillas to fight their presence. Particular
interest has been devoted to the south of Bolivar, which has one of the most important gold
deposits in the world, Norte de Santander, where an estimated 90 per cent of the coal extracted
from huge deposits is exported to the US, and the region of Tolima, which contains enormous
gold and precious metal deposits. Other regions of interest for multinational companies are
Putumayo, with huge natural gas reserves, Chocó, with bountiful mining, forestry, energy, and
marine resources, and Casanare with oil reserves (Proexport Colombia, 3 March 2006 ;
Democracy Now, 9 March 1999).
However, while defending the interests of the state and the companies operating in these
districts, the paramilitaries have committed the majority of the human rights violations reported in
the past few years; they are notorious for extreme brutality, involving massacres, torture,
kidnappings, extortion and massive displacements of civilians (CERAC, 3 November 2005).
These violations have been committed mainly as part of an explicit strategy to separate the
guerrillas from their perceived popular support base and gain control over land, natural resources
and strategic roads. This largely explains the strong co-relation between internal displacement
23
and the presence of multinational companies in Colombia. The regions richest in natural
resources are also the ones most prone to internal displacement.
According to data collected by one of the most prominent human rights organisations in
Colombia, paramilitary groups were responsible for at least 12,398 extrajudicial executions, 1,339
acts of torture and 2,121 forced disappearances between 1988 and 2003. CINEP, 2004 They
have also engaged in what has been referred to as “social cleansing”, namely the murder and
intimidation of people they disapproved of, such as drug addicts, homosexuals, prostitutes, the
homeless, beggars and alcoholics, as well as killing trade union leaders. CODHES, 28 April 2003;
AI, 30 June 1997 In 2005, 70 union workers were assassinated, and 260 received death threats,
mainly from paramilitary groups, according to a Colombian workers union. CUT, 31 March 2006;
Cuellar, 2005 The paramilitaries’ strategy of separating the civilian population from the guerrillas
has forced many small farmers and members of indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities to
abandon or sell their land and assets at low prices as a direct consequence of threats,
massacres, killings and torture. The brutality has even included cutting up people alive with
chainsaws (IPS, 28 March 2006).
The state’s responsibility for these groups and the atrocities carried out by them has been clearly
demonstrated and denounced by a number of national and international organisations, including
the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, which stated in 1999:
“The Commission must conclude that the State has played an important role in the development
of the paramilitary groups and has not adequately combated those groups. The State is thus
responsible, in a global sense, for the existence of the paramilitaries and therefore faces
responsibility for the actions carried out by those groups.” (OAS, 26 February 1999, paragraph
303. Other reports demonstrating the state’s links to paramilitary groups include; Amnesty
International, August 2005; International Crisis Group, 16 September 2003; Human Rights Watch,
September 2001).
In the same vein, Human Rights Watch wrote in September 2001: “[…]the relationships
[…]involve active coordination during military operations between government and paramilitary
units; communication via radios, cellular telephones, and beepers; the sharing of intelligence,
including the names of suspected guerrilla collaborators; the sharing of fighters, including activeduty soldiers serving in paramilitary units and paramilitary commanders lodging on military bases;
the sharing of vehicles, including army trucks used to transport paramilitary fighters; coordination
of army roadblocks, which routinely let heavily-armed paramilitary fighters pass; and payments
made from paramilitaries to military officers for their support.” (Human Rights Watch, September
2001)
In November 2004, President Uribe said: “We can no longer have a country [threatened] by
guerrillas or defended by paramilitaries groups. We need central control” (BBC, 18 November
2004).
The president’s statement with its apparent admission of collusion between the state and the
paramilitary groups takes on renewed significance and importance as the government embarked
on a nationwide demobilisation process – particularly targeting the paramilitaries, or “self-defence
groups” – in an apparent combined effort to pacify the country, establish central control and curb
international criticism.
Demobilisation and the Justice and Peace Law (Special report, June 2006)
While in principle open for paramilitaries and guerrillas alike, it is almost exclusively the former
who have benefited from the demobilisation process which was elaborated and granted a legal
framework through Law 782 of 2002, Decree 128 of 2003, and Decree 4760 of 2005 which
24
partially regulates Law 975 of the same year, or the so-called Justice and Peace Law (GoC, 25
July 2005). The National Reparation and Reconciliation Commission says it has demobilised
30,000 paramilitary combatants Alto Comisionado para la Paz, 17 April 2006 as of April 2006,
while the government reports to have captured more than 12,000 members of these groups
between 2002 and 2005, however, without explaining how or if this has affected the
demobilisation process (Commission on Human Rights, 27 March 2006). Since the declaration of
a ceasefire in 2002, paramilitaries have been responsible for over 2,500 killings outside combat
(Amnesty International, 1 August 2005),
as well as major displacements, massacres,
disappearances, continued territorial expansion and institutional and economic consolidation in
flagrant violation of the government’s conditions for sustaining the demobilisation process (CCJ,
30 June 2005). Moreover, IDPs have been forced to abandon between one and four millions of
hectares of land since 1985 (Contraloría de la Nación, December 2004) large tracts of it grabbed
and controlled by the perpetrators who have been demobilised within this legal framework.
Paramilitary groups have since the beginning of the demobilisation process strengthened
alliances with the political establishment, particularly the Democratic Colombia Party of President
Uribe, in César, Sucre, Magdalena, Atlántico, Guajira, Bolívar and Antioquia y Valle provinces
and infiltrated the National Intelligence Service (Departamento Administrativo de Seguridad)
according to Colombian newspapers (El Universal, 31 January 2006; La Semana, “Cuando
renunciara?”, February 2006).
The demobilisation process and its legal framework have been severely criticised by national and
international organisations for failing to dismantle the paramilitaries' political and economical
power and for violating the victims’ right to truth, justice and reparation (IACHR, 2 May 2006;
Human Rights Watch, 1 August 2005; Amnesty International, 1 September 2005; ASFADDES, 2
September 2005).
Some observers, including the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (Inter-American
Commission on Human Rights, 15 September 2005), are particularly concerned over Decree 128
of 2003 which exposes to prosecution only those who admit their crimes or have criminal
investigations opened against them. As combatants wishing to demobilise have no incentives to
confess their crimes and since many victims are afraid of denouncing perpetrators or lack faith in
the judicial process, this in practice it means that most of the crimes will not be investigated and
prosecuted. As a result many of the victims, including millions of IDPs, will not be able to exercise
their right to truth, justice and restitution of properties or reparation.
While the Decree 128 has passed relatively unnoticed, the Justice and Peace Law of June 2005
has triggered criticism from a wide range of organisations, including the Constitutional Court
which declared parts of the law unconstitutional in May 2006 (Constitutional Court, 18 May 2006).
The Justice and Peace Law was endorsed by the Congress in June 2005 as a legal framework of
the already ongoing demobilisation process.
The principle of reduced sentences in exchange of “voluntary confessions” is a key element in the
Law and the demobilisations process, in addition to voluntary return of illegally acquired assets.
Separate tribunals have been set up to investigate crimes and bring perpetrators to justice.
The government also established a Reparation and Reconciliation Commission consisting of 13
members appointed by the president for a period of eight years (BBC, 4 October 2005). Among
the main tasks of the Commission is the adjudication of claims for material reparation and the
dispersal of assets returned by demobilised combatants, public funds allocated by the
government and domestic or international donations. Claims concerning illegal expropriations or
forced sales of land and assets at unfair prices are transmitted to the General Prosecutor's Office
(La Fiscalía General de la Nación) for investigation.
25
In addition, the government has set up institutional mechanisms to prevent and investigate
grabbing of land in cases of displacement, along with initiatives to establish an inventory of land
in areas under dispute.
Criticism of the demobilisation process and its legal framework include concern over the fact that
only a small number of combatants – some 600 out of the more than 30,000, or around two per
cent – will be tried by the tribunals established under the Justice and Peace Law (Alto
Comisionado para la Paz, 17 April 2006). Even if convicted, perpetrators of grave human rights
violations, war crimes and crimes against humanity, including extortion, massacres,
assassinations and torture, only face prison sentences of up to eight years if they confess their
crimes, the maximum sentence set by the Law for such cases. Another concern is that the victims
are not allowed to be heard during the judicial proceedings, which means that the investigations
and verdicts have to rely on confessions by the accused combatants. Efforts to promote truth and
reconciliation will also be limited. Allegations of state complicity with the paramilitaries will not be
subject of the investigations, which represents a set-back for the truth and reconciliation process.
As membership in paramilitary groups is considered a political crime under the Justice and Peace
Law, combatants are protected from extradition to foreign courts by the Colombian Constitution.
The dismantling of paramilitary groups is hampered by the Law allowing paramilitary leaders to
receive demobilisation benefits regardless of whether their units are still active or not.
The return of land and property illegally acquired by paramilitaries is severely complicated by the
practice of using front men, or testaferros, for such transactions. Front men are only subjected to
an investigation under the Justice and Peace Law if the prosecutor determines so (El Tiempo, 3
January 2006; OHCHR, 6 January 2006). Although at least one million hectares of land was
abandoned by the displaced according to conservative estimates, as of April 2006 only 24,000
hectares of land alleged to be illegally seized by members of armed groups were being
investigated under the new Law.
The institutional mechanisms to prevent and investigate grabbing of land have proved inadequate
considering the magnitude and complexity of the problem and the interests involved. Legal
provisions designed to freeze or invalidate transactions on lands in cases of imminent
displacement or in the wake of displacement have never been correctly implemented by local
authorities. In addition, legal mechanisms providing for the invalidation of property titles acquired
illegally have proved cumbersome, slow and generally inefficient. While the Inspector General's
Office (La Procuraduría General de la Nación) has made significant efforts in partnership with
different international agencies to train prosecutors in rural areas to protect lands and assets of
displaced persons, their efforts have had limited results and even been directly obstructed by a
bill presented to the Congress in March 2005 which makes it easier for occupiers of illegally
acquired land to legalise it (CCJ, 21 October 2005).
Investigators in the tribunals set up by the Law have only ten months (CCJ, 7 February 2006) to
disentangle extremely complex property issues and identify witnesses who in many cases would
have to risk their lives to testify against individuals within the paramilitary structure (ICJ,
September 2005, CCJ, 29 July 2005). Moreover, the tribunals bear the responsibility both to
investigate and try the combatants, two functions that are normally separated to guarantee
impartiality.
While the Reparation and Reconciliation Commission is expected to strengthen the victims’
rights, it does not have sufficient resources to carry out all its tasks properly. The Commission
has only 13 members, whereas in comparison, the truth commissions in South Africa, Guatemala
and Peru had several hundred members each (Radio Nederland, 5 October 2005; ICJ,
September 2005). It is also considered partial as all the members are appointed by the president.
Two seats in the Commission were reserved for victims` organisations, but scepticism has
26
remained high and prominent victims’ organisations have declined to be part of the Commission
(Actualidad Colombiana, 22 March 2006).
Considering that there are very limited incentives for former combatants to confess their crimes,
that sanctions are not proportionate to the crimes and that the mandate of the Reparation and
Reconciliation Commission does not include investigating the links between the state apparatus
and paramilitary groups, paramilitary structures are likely to remain intact or re-emerge. This is
also suggested by the Organisation of American States’ Mission to Support the Peace Process’ in
its report of March 2006 (OAS, 1 March 2006).
The Colombian Constitutional Court declared parts of the Justice and Peace Law unconstitutional
in May 2006, giving credit to some of the objections against the Law outlined above
(Constitutional Court, 18 May 2006). The verdict protects the victims’ right to truth, justice and
reparation, emphasising that demobilised combatants’ voluntary confessions should encompass
the whole truth about their crimes to benefit from the Law. The verdict also protects the victims’
right to be heard in the judicial process. It also instructs that paramilitary units should answer
collectively with all their personal assets or resources for crimes committed by individual
members.
Still, it appears unlikely that the Constitutional Court verdict, which came at a time when the
demobilisation process was nearing its end, will be fully implemented. The government has
reassured paramilitary leaders that the verdict will not be applied retroactively and the
demobilisation process may therefore proceed without ending the paramilitaries’ economic power
and political influence. It remains to bee seen if the verdict will have positive consequences for
the victims’ right to compensation, restitution or reparation.
Military pressure and aerial spraying worsen IDP situation (Special report, June 2006)
While the government says its fight against the guerrillas has been successful, claiming that
between 2002 and 2005 it reduced the yearly numbers of forced displacements from 424,000 to
160,000, of massacres from 115 to 48, and of kidnappings from 2,800 to 800 (GoC, 27 March
2006, p.4; 4 April 2006), there are doubts as to whether the government’s claims to have reduced
the violence reflect the complexity of the conflict and the security situation. In its annual report of
20 January 2006, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said the government
statistics method was such that it was ”unable to adequately identify indicators referring to
murders of protected persons within the context of the internal armed conflict, so as to
differentiate them from deaths caused by common crime.” (UNHCHR, 20 January 2006, p 24)
Since President Uribe took office in 2002, the conflict has continued with numerous
assassinations, cases of torture and massive displacements – particularly in Putumayo and
Nariño in the south, Chocó in the Pacific west, and Guajira and Cesar on the Caribbean coast in
the north, according to national and international human rights organisations (CCHS, 22
December 2005; CODHES, 26 October 2005; UNOHCHR, 20 January 2006). The Colombian
non-governmental organisation CODHES, which monitors displacements and human rights
violations, reported an escalation of the conflict from 2004 to 2005. Almost one million people
have been forced from their homes since 2002 – more than 300,000 in 2005 alone, it said.
The Office of the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights reported a number of violations of the
right to freedom of movement in 2005 by all the armed groups. In March 2006, the FARC-EP
prevented several hundred farmers from fleeing Pogué on the Bojayá river, and paramilitaries
were reported to have established checkpoints in the village of Corazón de Jesús and later of
27
Caimanero (Chocó), threatening the inhabitants in order to extort information about the guerrillas
(UNHCHR, pp.17, 91-92).
The UN’s Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances reported after a visit in July
2005 that the armed groups, particularly the paramilitaries, were continuing to cause terror and
displacement often with the aim of grabbing land from the victims. The paramilitary perpetrators
of disappearances and displacements were also reported to maintain “social contacts with
representatives of the authorities and of the armed forces.” (WGEID, 17 January 2006).
The guerrillas on the other hand seem to be bent on demonstrating that the government’s military
strategy has failed. Most of the guerrillas’ destructive power reportedly remains intact and heavy
fighting has been reported in many parts of the country along with widespread breaches of
international humanitarian law (UNHCR, 30 May 2006; UNHCHR, 28 February 2005, p. 21). The
number of cases of torture, sexual violence, forced disappearances and extra-judicial executions
has increased in 2005, mainly outside urban centres (UNHCHR, 20 January 2006; AI, 1 February
2005; CCJ, 3 March 2005; UNCHR, 28 February 2005).
As part of its “Plan Colombia” – originally aimed at ending the armed conflict through a range of
measures but later narrowed down under US influence to strengthening the military and fighting
drug trafficking - the Colombian government has embarked on a massive campaign of
indiscriminate aerial chemical spraying of illicit crops which has forced thousands of farmers to
flee their homes since 1999, particularly in the western Amazon region traditionally controlled by
the guerrillas and where the state has hardly ever had any presence. The spraying
indiscriminately damages illicit crops, as well as food crops, wells and farm animals and thus
threatens the livelihoods of affected populations. Moreover, the affected farmers are often
perceived as collaborators of the guerrillas and reportedly treated accordingly by the local
authorities or paramilitary groups. By way of example, in mid-May 2006, aerial spraying of illicit
crops triggered demonstrations by affected farmers in Pasto, the regional capital of Nariño in
southern Colombia. In the meantime, heavy fighting for control of the drug-production and
trafficking erupted in their homes areas between paramilitary groups and leftist guerrillas. The
paramilitary group engaged in the fighting warned that some of the demonstrators would be killed
if they returned (UNHCR, 30 May 2006).
Since the spraying takes place in conflict zones, there are few official assessments of the
consequences, and the institutional mechanisms for compensating farmers claiming to have had
their farm sprayed without justification appear to be dysfunctional. Only $18,500 was paid to
farmers who had filed complaints to the authorities between 2000 and 2004 ( LAWG, March
2004; PANNA, April 2004).
While the spraying has reduced illegal cultivation in some areas, the total area where narcotics
are grown has, according to an official US report, not changed since 2002; this is mainly because
drug farming is increasingly spreading to neighbouring regions and countries (The US Office of
National Drug Control Policy, 14 April 2006; ICG, 27 January 2005). "Plan Colombia" focused on
eradicating the illicit crops, not on making the local agriculture competitive, against the much
cheaper imports (LAWG, March 2004). The spraying has worsened socio-economic conditions in
the guerrilla-controlled areas where enormous distances from markets and the absence of
infrastructure already make farming precarious, and thus helped drive farmers off the land.
The displaced farmers are left with few alternatives. Some continue planting coca crops in even
more remote areas, others join the guerrillas or paramilitary forces or flee to urban centres where
they live in violent slums among hundreds of thousands of other displaced people, stigmatised as
supporters or sympathisers of the guerrillas.
28
Another main component of the government’s counter-insurgency strategy has been its policy of
“democratic security”, consisting principally of increasing the military presence, involving the
civilian population in fighting the guerrillas, and intensifying the aerial spraying of illicit crops
under “Plan Colombia”. The government has recruited some 15,000 peasant soldiers and
established a network of over one million paid informants as part of the policy (PCS, May 2003).
As a result, the distinction between civilians and combatants – a central element of international
humanitarian law – has been increasingly blurred. The government also granted police powers to
the military without judicial oversight, thus exposing civilians to unchecked abuses by the armed
forces. The latter measure was declared unconstitutional by the Colombian Constitutional Court
in 2005, but seemingly without any practical consequences.
The government says it has accompanied the return of more than 19.000 families between 2003
and May 2005, but figures are contested. The Inspector General's Office had only registered the
return of 8,000 families in the same period (Procuraduría General de la Nación, 22 February
2006). UNHCR is also concerned that the structural causes of the violence have not been
overcome in the return areas. The government’s return programme has in any case not
prevented continued massive displacements. The efforts to quell the insurgency and remove the
guerrillas’ main source of income have in some cases contributed to the displacements, as
demonstrated in the region of Meta in the first months of the 2006. Several thousand people have
been displaced as a result of an unprecedented manual coca eradication campaign which the
government initiated in January. The campaign was launched soon after the killing of 29 soldiers
by FARC guerrillas in the commune of “Vista Hermosa” at the end of 2005. The campaign has
involved thousands of police, an estimated 6,000 soldiers from the national army, almost 1,000
“eradicators” and a new paramilitary group, “Bloque Meta”, consisting of recently demobilised
fighters from “Bloque Centaurus” (Interview with international aid worker, 10 February 2006; CCJ,
21 February 2006).
History of conflict in the Urabá region (Special report, November 2007)
The north-western Urabá region bordering Panama covers parts of two administrative
departments, Chocó and Antioquia, on the Caribbean Sea’s Gulf of Urabá. Government
institutions have traditionally had little presence in this region, which largely explains the high
percentage of Afro-Colombians; many freed slaves found refuge and land in these remote and
sparsely populated jungle areas following the abolition of slavery in the nineteenth century.
(Ombudsman’s Office, “Resolución Defensoríal No 39”, 2 June 2005, p.3.) The near-absence of
the state was notably exploited by banana producers over the last century, as well as guerrilla
and paramilitary groups, drug and weapons dealers and internal settlers.
The Urabá region is of great potential economic and political importance. It is covered by millions
of hectares of some of the world’s richest and most biodiverse jungle and it has precious metal
resources. Multinational logging and mining companies have operated here for decades. Urabá is
strategically located between the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean Sea, with rivers and valleys
connecting landlocked administrative departments with the sea. (Ibid, p.8.) The Pan-American
Highway would have to pass through the region to connect South America with Central and North
America by road, but it lacks some 90 kilometres, the so-called “Darien Gap” between Panama
and Colombia. There are plans to construct a second inter-ocean channel from the Gulf of Urabá
to Coredó on the Pacific Ocean, at the mouth of the Atrato River. (Colombia Interoceánica,
“Proyecto Canal Seco Interoceánico Sautatá-Coredó”, December 2003.)
29
In an area that came to be known as the “banana axis” stretching over five municipalities in the
Urabá region, the banana plantations attracted guerrilla groups in the 1960s, notably the left-wing
Ejército Popular de Liberación (Popular Liberation Army, or EPL) which sought to control the
labour unions and the local population in its struggle against the state. Corporación Nuevo Arco
Iris, February 2007, p.5; Ombudsman’s Office, “Resolución Defensoríal No 39”, 2 June 2005, p.9.
In 1991 the demobilisation of the EPL left a power vacuum which was soon filled by what is now
Colombia’s principle left-wing guerrilla group; Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia –
Ejército del Pueblo (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People’s Army, FARC-EP) started
to carry out brutal attacks against people believed to sympathise with the Esperanza, Paz y
Libertad (Hope, Peace and Liberty) political party founded by demobilised EPL fighters. An
incursion of a paramilitary group from the neighbouring Cordoba region in 1995 further reduced
civilians’ prospects of safety and peace in the area. (Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights, “Third report on the human rights situation in Colombia”, 26 February 1999. )
Many of the demobilised EPL guerrilla fighters joined these paramilitary groups, significantly
altering the dynamics of the region’s conflict. Interview with the Ombudsman’s Office, Apartadó,
14 September 2006. The alliance between the former EPL guerrillas and the paramilitary groups
was reinforced by the support of the national army, all of them united against FARC-EP. Ibid. In
the period that followed, the security and human rights situations deteriorated dramatically.
Several hundred people were assassinated in the “banana axis”, including union leaders and
local politicians of the Unión Patriótica (Patriotic Union, UP) a political party founded by FARC-EP
in 1985 following negotiations with the government of President Belisario Betancur. (For more on
the extermination of UP, see briefing to members of the US Congress, 5 October 2005.)
According to one paramilitary leader, the effectiveness of the alliance between the paramilitary
groups, demobilised guerrilla soldiers and the national army in the Urabá region served as a
model to stimulate the proliferation of similar collaborative ventures in other regions.(Observatorio
del Conflicto Armado-Corporación Nuevo Arco Iris, “Los caminos de la alianza entre los
paramilitares y los políticos”, 7 February 2007.)
At the end of 1996, ostensibly to quell the FARC-EP insurgency, the army and paramilitary
groups launched a major offensive called “Operation Genesis”, using methods ranging from aerial
bombardments and economic blockades to the looting and burning of houses and crops and the
massacre, abduction, torture, and arbitrary detention of civilians. (Projet Accompagnement
Solidarité Colombie, “Les Communautés de Chocó”, 31 August 2006.) Operation Genesis
succeeded in forcing the guerrillas away from the lower reaches of the tributaries of the Atrato
River, but it also drove between 15,000 and 17,000 people, (UN Commission on Human Rights, 9
March 1998, para. 103.) mainly campesinos (Afro-Colombian smallholders and indigenous
people) from their homes. (The tributaries are Cacarica, Jiguamiandó, Curvaradó, Domingodó,
Traundó and Salaqui, all strategically located between the Pacific Ocean to the west, Panama
and the Urabá bay to the north, and Antioquia department to the east. See “Informe de
Seguimiento de la Resolución Defensoríal No 39”, August 2006, p.4.) Though the major armed
clashes subsided in 1999-2000, the return and reintegration of the people displaced have not
followed.
Continuing human rights violations (Special report, November 2007)
The forced displacement of civilians which resulted from this military strategy was followed by the
establishment of large-scale African palm plantations on the abandoned land. In 2007, the IDPs
continue to face physical and legislative obstacles to their return. The continuing presence of
armed actors, and the government’s failure to enforce laws protecting IDPs’ rights, have proved
to concur with the interest of the African palm companies.
30
The violence did not stop with the end of the major armed clashes in 2000. From 2001 to the end
of 2005, the paramilitary groups colluded with the army to intensify direct attacks against the AfroColombian and indigenous communities in the districts of Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó (as
discussed further in this report) and across the region. (Afro-Colombian and indigenous
communities in other parts of the region and along the Pacific coast have also been the victims of
human rights violations in relation to exploitation of natural resources, in particular for African
palm plantations. See Actualidad Etnicá, “La palma aceitera: intereses y consecuencias en
territorios afrocolombianos”, 8 September 2006.) The ongoing human rights violations included
killings, torture, looting, burning of crops and houses, arbitrary detention, forced sale and death
threats. (Comisión Intereclesial de Justicia y Paz, “La Tramoya, Derechos Humanos y Palma
Aceitera Curvaradó y Jiguamiandó”, 31 October 2005, p.9.) The Afro-Colombian communities in
Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó reported more than 100 crimes committed against their members
from 1996 up to late 2005 by paramilitary groups with the collusion or at least assent of the 17th
Brigade of the National Army. These accusations included the dates and location of the crimes,
the names of the victims and the alleged perpetrators. (Interview with IDPs in Jiguamiandó and
Curvaradó, 12 September 2006. See also Comisión Intereclesial de Justicia y Paz, “Por lo menos
sus nombres”, 15 August 2006.) According to IDP leaders and an organisation monitoring the
human rights situation in the region, the army has also since 1996 directly or indirectly caused 12
major non-combat-related displacements in the two communities. (Interviews with IDPs in
Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó, 11, 12 and 13 September 2006. See also IACHR, 7 February
2006.)
In response to official complaints by the victims and by an organisation supporting the IDPs, the
Organisation of American States’ Inter-American Court on Human Rights (IACHR) reiterated
previous rulings of 2003, 2004 and 2005 in February 2006 and ordered the government to “adopt
such measures as may be necessary to protect the life and the right to humane treatment of all
the members of the communities of Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó and ensure that the
beneficiaries of these measures can continue to live in their usual residence, without fear of
coercion or threat, and that displaced persons may return to their homes or to the ‘humanitarian
areas’ established by these communities”. (IACHR, 7 February 2006, p.10.)
While investigations of some of the crimes have been initiated, IDMC was not aware in July 2007
of any indictments against the alleged perpetrators. Interviews in Bogota June 2007 and Madrid
July 2007. Moreover, the IDPs continue to be subjected to threats and pressure to leave their
land from supposedly demobilised paramilitary groups. Ibid; Comisión Intereclesial de Justicia y
Paz, Informe 76, “Nuevos planes de actuación contra Enrique Petro y Zonas Humanitarias”, 23
October 2006. One of the cases referred to in the IACHR ruling involved an IDP leader who was
killed by identified members of a paramilitary group after he had been interrogated by the local
police in his home commune. The IDP leader had been invited by the Presbyterian Church in the
United States to testify to the US Congress on the links between the army, paramilitary groups
and illegal commercial activities. He was denied a visa and found dead with signs of torture some
days after being abducted by a paramilitary unit. (IACHR, 7 February 2006, pp.5, 6; Interview in
Apartado, 14 September 2006.) In September 2007, two further IDP leaders were shot and
seriously wounded in a “paramilitary type” attack. (Justicia y Paz , 18 September 2007.) The two
had been witnesses in judicial proceedings on the killing and the seizure of land by the African
palm companies, and were leading attempts to recuperate land currently occupied by plantations.
The FARC-EP guerrillas, meanwhile, have been deemed responsible for the killings of seven
people in Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó since 1996, reportedly lumberjacks working for the
companies operating in the area. (Interviews with IDPs in Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó, 12, 13
September 2006; Comisión Intereclesial de Justicia y Paz , 28 October 2005, p.9.) The relatively
small number of human rights violations committed against members of the Humanitarian Zones
by the guerrilla forces has fuelled the military and civil authorities’ suspicions of collaboration
31
between the two groups. Most of the prominent members of the Humanitarian Zones in
Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó, and a number of representatives of supporting national and
international organisations, are under investigation by military judicial authorities after being
accused of guerrilla affiliation. (Interviews with IDPs in Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó, 12, 13
September 2006.)
African palm plantations and forced displacement (Special report, November 2007)
The African palm is a tropical tree used to extract African palm oil, for which global demand is
expected to increase significantly over the coming years as a sustainable source of biodiesel.
(For more on the Colombian government’s African Palm oil export policy, see La Diocesis de
Quibdo, “La Palma Africana”, p.120, April 2005.) The two main producers and exporters of
African palm oil on the world market are Malaysia and Indonesia. In Colombia this cash crop may
offer a viable source of income for the government and an economic alternative to drug
cultivation. The government plans to dedicate six hundred thousand hectares of land to increase
the production of African palm oil and export of biodiesel. (Comisión Íntereclesial de Justicia y
Paz. “La Tramoya, Derechos Humanos y Palma Aceitera Curvaradó y Jiguamiandó, caso 5”,
April 2005, pp.137-145.) Thus biodiesel projects have attracted considerable private investment
as well as support from international donors for regional development and the eradication of illicit
crops.
In Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó, following the end of the major clashes between the guerrillas and
the national army and paramilitary groups in 2000, a group of companies started establishing
African palm plantations on the land the IDPs had fled from. The growth of the banana plantations
in the Urabá region in the 1950s and the establishment of these African Palm plantations since
2000 show crucial similarities, particularly the lack of respect for the human rights of the workers
and the local population shown by the companies and the authorities. (“Territorio Patrimonio y
Desplazmiento”, Seminario internacional, Bogota, October 2005, pp.124-125.)
In response to complaints by the people who had been forced from their land, the Instituto
Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural (National Rural Development Institute, INCODER) (The
institutional mandate of INCODER includes execution and monitoring of Law 70 of 1993, which
grants wide concessions to Afro-Colombian communities in recognition of their historical use of
land and their ethnic specificity. INCODER has awarded more than four million hectares of land to
Afro-Colombian communities within the last four years, but their rights and semi-autonomy
granted by the law are rarely respected by the armed actors or by commercial undertakings – as
this
report
documents.
For
more
on
INCODER,
see:
http://www.incoder.gov.co/noticias/verNoticia.asp?Id=826.) confirmed in a verification report of 14
March 2005 that more than 3,800 hectares, or 93 per cent, of the land that the companies planted
with African palm trees belonged to displaced Afro-Colombian communities. INCODER, 14 March
2005, p.11. INCODER concluded that between 2001 and 2004 a group of private investors took
advantage of the forced displacements that these communities had been victims of, and
developed a massive purchasing scheme to establish African oil plantations. Ibid, p.2
The land purchases were characterized by gross irregularities; in interviews with IDMC in
September 2006, IDPs described a pattern of forced sales in which representatives of the
companies colluded with paramilitary groups to present to the landowners offers far below the
estimated market price which were backed up by indirect or direct death threats. (Interviews with
IDPs, Curvaradó and Jiguamiandó, 11-13 September 2006.) “If you do not sell to us, the widow
will sell cheaper” was a threat commonly used by representatives of the companies. Ibid. The
region’s record of human rights violations and the ongoing impunity of perpetrators lent weight to
32
these threats. All the IDPs interviewed added that while the price offered had amounted to only a
small fraction of the market value, full payment was still pending, several years after the sales
were forced on them.
As of July 2007, the companies continue to extend the plantations despite orders issued by
INCODER, the Procuraduría General de la Nación (Procurator General’s Office) and IACHR to
stop the commercial exploitation of the land and promote the return of the rightful owners.
(Interview Procurator General’s Office, Bogota , June 2007.) Between March 2005 and July 2007,
according to the Procurator General’s Office, the area covered by plantations has increased from
around 4,000 hectares to more than 7,000 hectares in Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó. Ibid. The
companies plan to continue expanding their activities to cover more than 22,000 hectares of land
whose ownership they assert. (Ombudsman’s Office, “Resolución Defensoríal No 39”, 2 June
2005, p.14.)
INCODER’s report of March 2005 recalled that its antecedent INCORA had awarded AfroColombian communities in Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó more than 100,000 hectares of land in
2000, in compliance with Law 70 of 1993. (INCODER issued resolutions 2809 and 2801 on 22
November 2000, officially granting the land to the communities in compliance with Law 70 of 31
August 1993 of the Congress of Colombia.) Article 7 of Law 70 states that all land granted under
the law is “inalienable, can not be seized nor expire”. INCODER consequently recommended a
plan “to reintegrate the displaced communities entirely; [to ensure] the immediate suspension of
land transfers; immediate suspension of the companies’ attempts to repopulate the abandoned
areas with workers from neighbouring departments [and] compensation and economic and moral
reparation to the victims.” (INCODER, 14 March, 2005, p.30.) These recommendations were
reiterated and supported by the Ombudsman’s Office in Resolution 039 of 2 June 2005 and its
follow-up report of July 2006. (Ombudman’s Office, “Informe de seguimiento de la resolución
defensoríal no 39 del 2 de Junio 2005”, July 2006.)
In describing the situation, Resolution 039 cites the Quibdo Superior Court’s response to a
petition for protection of rights against the African palm company Urapalma and government
institutions: “Urapalma invaded land that was private property to sow palm and in some cases
later signed a contract to pay the owners of the usurped land and return part of it, but this contract
was usually not honoured or was partially fulfilled.” (Resolución Defensoríal 39, 2 June 2005,
p.16.)
However, the IDPs’ land rights were not to be so easily defended. Following the publication of the
INCODER report in March 2005, a national newspaper reported that the President’s Office
instructed the Ministry of Agriculture not to distribute the report further. El Tiempo, 23 October
2005.
In October 2005, INCODER retracted its March statement, instead confirming the
existence of 732 private titles in the two municipalities, with 217 of them – covering more than
15,000 hectares – overlapping the land awarded to the Afro-Colombian communities in 2000
under Law 70. (INCODER, 17 November 2005, quoted in Ombudman’s Office, “Informe de
seguimiento de la resolución defensoríal no 39 del 2 de Junio 2005”, July 2006, p.9.)
The revised position capitalises on a legal confusion created by INCODER; in the 1970s and
1980s, as part of the internal colonisation process, colonos – smallholding settlers of mainly
Spanish descent – had been allocated land by INCORA. Thus in 2000, when INCORA awarded
collective land to the Afro-Colombian communities under Law 70 in Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó,
it was ruling on land already legally owned by the settlers.
The resulting competing claims over the land, according to the Ombudsman’s Office in the city of
Apartadó, should in principle be resolved according to the principle of first registration at the
“Superintendencia de Notariado y Registro”, a government institution mandated to register
ownership. Thus, settlers who received land from INCORA in the 1970s or 1980s in principle only
33
retain their statutory rights to the land if they registered it before the Afro-Colombian communities
were awarded title in 2000. (Interview, Defensoría del Pueblo, Apartado, 14 September 2006.)
In any case, INCODER’s new stance on community ownership was welcomed by the government
and the companies involved. It opened the way for the legalisation of extensive African palm
plantations within the collective territories, and boosted the government’s biodiesel policy. The
Ministry of Agriculture said soon after the announcement of the revised position that “Any
company can plant palm on this land.” (Ombudman’s Office, “Informe de seguimiento de la
resolución defensoríal no 39 del 2 de Junio 2005”, July 2006, p.38.) Representatives of the
companies said that “the confidence of private and public investors would increase” and that this
would entail a “re-launch of the African palm projects”. (El Tiempo, 23 October 2005. The public
finance institutions referred to are FINAGRO and Banco Agrario, with the latter depending on the
Ministry of Agriculture.)
Yet the Ombudsman’s Office’s February 2006 examination of the revised INCODER report found
serious irregularities, including the award of titles exceeding the maximum allowed area of 450
hectares, the transfer of ownership before the end of a compulsory 15-year ownership period,
and the creation of false titles. One African palm company had claimed to have bought 6,000
hectares of land from a settler who had been awarded only 18.3 hectares in the late 1980s by
INCORA. (Ombudman’s Office, “Informe de seguimiento de la resolución defensoríal no 39 del 2
de Junio 2005”, July 2006, pp.10-15.)
Figure 1: Schema of the evolution of land ownership on collective territory
34
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
1
4
2
5
3
6
Much of the land in the region is informally occupied by Afro-Colombian and
indigenous communities.
Settlers are allocated land through the 1970s and 1980s by INCORA.
Some settlers register their ownership at the Superintendencia de Notariado y
Registro.
2000: INCODER awards collective title to Afro-Colombian communities
under Law 70 of 1993.
Settlers with unregistered title lose legal ownership.
Palm companies forcibly take possession of land from communities and
settlers.
Interviews with members of the Humanitarian Zones in September 2006 confirmed these
irregularities and underlined the active role of paramilitary groups in the forced sale of land.
The paramilitary support for the establishment of African palm plantations in Jiguamiandó and
Curvaradó was publicly admitted by one of the paramilitary leaders in June 2005: “And in some
territories of the Jiguamiandó River it is said that there are already sprouting fields of African
35
palm, as put forward by the [paramilitary] self-defense groups in talks with the government on the
economic plans they will implement once the demobilisation is carried out. Plots acquired illegally
in the middle of the armed conflict are discussed within these plans.” (Quoted in Comisión
Intereclesial de Justicia y Paz, October 2005, pp.112,113.)
A programme aimed at economic development and the eradication of drugs may unintentionally
have contributed to these human rights violations and illegal land seizures. In 2005, the
Colombian Agrarian Bank and US Aid provided the Urabá Union of Palm Oil Growers (Urapalma)
with more than $6 million within a programme to replace illicit crops. (USAID, ARD / CAPP
Colombia Agribusiness Partnership Program Report, 1 August 2005, p.1. “CAPP’s objective is to
help Colombian private sector customers develop and sustainably implement large agribusiness
projects that provide an alternative source of licit family income, establish a substantial quantity of
new hectares of licit crops and provide significant employment opportunities in geographic areas
susceptible to illicit production.”) Since then Urapalma has continued expanding African palm in
Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó, as reported by the Procurator General’s Office in Bogota. (Interview
Bogota, June 2007.)
According to a 2003 report in the Washington Post: “Church officials, military intelligence officers
and farmers [in Urabá] say the land seizures are being used to hide paramilitary money, build a
strategic buffer against nearby guerrilla fronts with designs on the region, and provide thousands
of paramilitary soldiers with work and land after the fighting ends.” (Washington Post Foreign
Service, “Cease-Fire Becomes Land Grab”, 20 September 2003.)
The content of the Washington Post article was corroborated by the Procurator General’s Office
which, in a report of October 2006, warned that a proposed law on rural development (Law
210/07) could serve to launder illegally acquired resources. Procuraduria de la Nacion, 16
October 2006. Despite protests (El Espectador, 23 October 2006.) from Afro-Colombian and
indigenous communities, Law 210/07 was adopted by the Congress in June 2007. While the
purpose of Law 210 is to improve socio-economic conditions in rural areas, critics have pointed to
warnings by the Procurator General’s Office that claimants to land will only have to provide
officially recognised documents without having to produce evidence on how it was acquired. (Law
210/07, Article 138.) In Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó, this means that the African palm plantations
may more easily formalise their ownership of the land they have acquired by force.
Humanitarian Zones - a bid to recover land (Special report, November 2007)
To increase their chances of staying out of the armed groups’ attempt to implicate them in the
conflict, and in a bid to recover lost land and livelihoods, Afro-Colombian and indigenous IDPs
have been setting up Humanitarian Zones close to their areas of origin. In the words of one IDP
leader: “It is better to die from a bullet at home than from hunger and desperation in a municipal
centre.” (Interview, Jiguamiandó, 11 September 2006.) The Humanitarian Zones consist of
delineated areas where the members deny access to arms and armed parties and actively insist
on neutrality, refusing to pass on information to the armed groups or to provide them with
logistical support. In addition to the internal rules of the Zones, many have established warning
mechanisms in case of threats or violations against their members which involve national and
international networks. (Humanitarian Zones bear many similarities to “Peace Communities” in
other parts of Colombia. For a more detailed descriptive account, see American Friends
Committee, “What is a Peace Community?” 1 January 2005.) As of November 2006, there were
five Humanitarian Zones in the districts of Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó, hosting an estimated 400
out of the 2,125 people who lived in the two districts before the counter-insurgency operation
began in 1996. (Comisión Intereclesial de Justicia y Paz, October 2005, p.95.) In 2005, there
36
were more than 50 Humanitarian Zones or similar initiatives in Colombia. (La Red de Iniciativas
por la Paz, 1 March 2005.)
One of the Humanitarian Zones in Chocó was established in April 2006 inside an African palm
plantation, on land awarded to a settler in the 1980s by INCODER. The owner, who was himself
displaced by paramilitaries, instead of ceding to the threats from the African palm companies,
helped other displaced families to set up the zone on his land. The establishment of the Zone
involved the chopping down of palm trees on the plantation, at great risk to the inhabitants. As of
September 2006, the seven occupying families had to cross fences and barbed wire set up by the
African palm company to reach the zone.
The living conditions of the inhabitants were precarious as they had not managed to clear enough
land to cultivate for their own needs, and all food and non-food items had to be brought in from
the nearest municipal centre, where paramilitary groups and representatives of the African palm
companies control all movements. Moreover, military and paramilitary groups have long
prohibited transport of more than limited amounts of goods in and out of the Humanitarian Zones,
thus deliberately adding socio-economic hardship to the IDPs’ loss of land, families and collective
support structures. In September 2006, a number of the Humanitarian Zones were only
accessible by walking for more than three hours through African palm plantations and jungle.
Members of the Humanitarian Zone most recently established on one of the plantations were
living under plastic sheeting, with no electricity, access to surface water only and no school
facilities for their children. Members of more established Humanitarian Zones had erected
wooden houses, organised school services and managed to harvest on some of the land they
had been forced to abandon at the outset of the crisis.
Members of the Humanitarian Zones have been exposed to persistent threats and pressure to
give up their attempts to recover their land. One of the settlers interviewed by IDMC said his son
was in favour of selling the family’s land to the African palm companies, as representatives of
these companies had threatened him with death on a number of occasions to make him sell. The
nature of the pressure has changed over time, from open military and paramilitary violence,
including assassinations, torture, forced sales and death threats, to offers of food and medical
services distributed by the army. While these offers have been rejected by the communities in
Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó, they were accepted by the members of one Humanitarian Zone in
an area closer to the Panama border. The result was an increase in social tensions, both among
members of the community that had accepted the offer and with neighbouring communities
rejecting it. (Interview, Cacarica, Chocó, 8 September 2006.) According to members of the
Humanitarian Zones in Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó, acceptance of the army’s offer of assistance
would increase the chances of retaliation from the guerrillas and render collective action even
more difficult. The violence and forced displacements have shattered families and social ties, and
suspicion reigns as informants are commonly used by the warring parties. This was demonstrated
during IDMC’s visit to one of the Zones, when several unidentified men attempted to attend a
meeting with members. (Field notes, Curvaradó, 13 September 2006.) According to the members
of the Humanitarian Zone, the men were working for and reporting to the African palm companies
and paramilitary groups.
Social tensions are also exacerbated by the companies’ policy of hiring workers, mainly from the
neighbouring departments of Córdoba and Antioquia, to clear the land for planting. Most of the
workers are themselves landless people with little choice but to accept the offer of work. Yet they
are commonly perceived by the members of the Humanitarian Zones as supporters of the
companies and the paramilitary groups.
The government’s Agencia Presidencial para la Acción Social y la Cooperación Internacional
(Acción Social), which is responsible for support to the victims of the conflict, has occasionally
provided humanitarian assistance such as food, fuel and health services to IDPs in the
37
Humanitarian Zones, (Ombudman’s Office, “Informe de seguimiento de la resolución defensoríal
no 39 del 2 de Junio 2005”, July 2006, p.19.) but has not attempted to resolve their social and
economic problems, or to promote the recovery of the collective territory. (Interviews with IDPs in
Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó, IDPs in Belen de Bajira and Carmen del Dario, 12 and 13
September 2006.) Acción Social claims that this has not been possible as the members do not
allow the authorities to enter the Zones. (Interview with representative of Acción Social, Apartadó,
14 September 2006.) Members respond that they accept civilian authorities entering unless
accompanied by the army, given the rule not to allow armed actors into the zones. The situation
has reached a stalemate and as of July 2007 there was hardly any direct contact between the
members of the Humanitarian Zones and Acción Social. (Interview IDP leader, Madrid July 2007.)
Legality of the companies’ use of collective territories (Special report, November 2007)
In addition to acquiring land by force, companies or investors wishing to expand further on these
territories can sign “Strategic Alliances” with the legal representatives of the Afro-Colombian
communities in order to exploit the land commercially. (Community legal representation is
organised in “councils”, in Spanish, “Consejo Mayor”.)
INCODER has issued two decrees defining and regulating Strategic Alliances. Decree 1515 of
August 2005 allowed for a loose interpretation, making it easy for companies to exploit the
collective territories commercially. However, following an official complaint by the Procurator
General’s Office and the Colombian Commission of Jurists, INCODER issued Decree 2038 of
October 2005 which superseded Decree 1515. (INCODER, 9 November 2005.) The new Decree
restricted companies’ operations and took note of the intentions of Law 70 to preserve the cultural
identity of Afro-Colombian communities and their traditional economic practices. (Ombudman’s
Office, “Informe de seguimiento de la resolución defensoríal no 39 del 2 de Junio 2005”, July
2006, pp.38,39.) Decree 2038 ruled that large-scale plantations on the collective territories,
regardless of any Strategic Alliance, are irreconcilable with the intentions of Law 70.
Yet in apparent defiance of this interpretation, the director of one of the largest African palm
companies in Curvaradó claimed in an interview with IDMC in September 2006 that his company
was operating legally by virtue of a Strategic Alliance with 52 families from the collective territory.
(Telephone interview, Bogota, 15 September 2006. See also Comision Intereclesial de Justicia y
Paz, “Informes Ejecutivos”, 28 October 2006, p.4, for more information on how the practice is
used by companies in other parts of Urabá.) This was contested by members of the communities
which IDMC visited in September 2006 and by the Ombudsman’s Office in Apartadó. (Interviews
with IDPs, 11-13 September 2006.)
To conform with Decree 2038, the African palm companies must negotiate with legal
representatives of the Afro-Colombian communities when they engage in Strategic Alliances.
Furthermore, according to decrees regulating Law 70, the legal representatives of the
communities have to physically occupy the collective territories and be registered at the Ministry
of Agriculture. This has clearly not been the case with those people claiming to be the legal
representatives of the communities who have engaged in Strategic Alliances with the African
palm companies in Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó. (Interviews, Ombudsman’s Office, 14
September 2006, Apartado, and leaders of the Humanitarian Zones within the collective territories
on 11, 12 and 13 September 2006, Procurator’s Office, Bogota, 28 June 2007.) Yet the
companies continue to seek an appearance of legality by dealing with persons claiming to
represent the communities. In a meeting in April 2007 between the local authorities, the IDPs and
INCODER in the nearby town of Belen de Bajira to prepare a land survey of the collective
territories, the IDPs had to resist a claim to such a role which was made by someone they did not
recognise. Failure on their part to resist the claim would have had devastating consequences for
38
their prospects of a safe return and of a livelihood. (Interview Bogota, 29 June 2007.) Yet, in
August and September 2007, INCODER issued two new resolutions removing 3,000 hectares
from the collective territories further to a land survey that was carried out after the April meeting.
(INCODER, resolution 2159 of 24 August 2007, resolution 2424 of 10 September 2007.)
The region of Urabá is, as noted above, an area of exceptional biodiversity and environmental
licences are required to exploit its natural resources commercially. Yet, according to the
Procurator General’s office in 2005, the African palm companies in Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó
had not obtained these licences. (Procuraduría General de la Nación, Directiva 8, 21 April 2005.)
In April 2005 Codechocó, a regional subsidiary of the Ministry of Environment, ordered the
suspension of all activities aimed at establishing African palm plantations, and invoked sanctions
against six companies for having established the plantations without licences. (Ombudman’s
Office, “Informe de seguimiento de la resolución defensoríal no 39 del 2 de Junio 2005”, July
2006, pp 21, 25.)
Also in April 2005, the Procurator General’s Office issued a directive stating concern over
massive human rights violations against Afro-Colombian communities in Curvaradó and
Jiguamiandó, and pointing at possible links with the illegal exploitation of forests and African palm
plantations. (Procuraduria General de la Nacion, Directiva 8, 21 April 2005.) The Procurator
General’s Office further ordered the relevant executive and judicial bodies to clarify land issues,
investigate and prosecute human rights violators and take action to protect civilians in the districts
from assaults, threats, forced displacement and assassinations. (Ibid.) Yet in March 2007, there
were reports of death threats against the owner of the land on which one of the Humanitarian
Zones is located, by members of Aguilas Negras, a new paramilitary group that has reportedly
emerged after the official demobilisation in August 2006 of Bloque Élmer Cárdenas, one of the
most notorious paramilitary groups in Chocó. As of June 2007 the demobilisation process had not
led to the return of land to the IDPs or any sort of compensation or justice for the victims. (El
Colombiano, “Sin fe, se espera que el Bec devuelva tierras”, March 2007; Interview, Bogota,
June 2007.)
Peace efforts
The “peace process" cements injustice for IDPs (Special report, June 2006)
The demobilisation programme and the accompanying legal framework have highlighted the
challenges of reconciling the victims’ rights to truth, justice and reparation with the quest for
peace. The Uribe government has demobilised 30,000 paramilitary combatants, but, contrary to
other demobilisation programmes involving amnesty for the perpetrators, this process takes place
in the middle of an armed conflict and targets in practice solely one armed group, and one which
has never fought the state institutions. At the same time, the armed conflict between the
government and what is probably one of the oldest and strongest guerrilla armies in the world
goes on at full tilt, with tremendous suffering for the hundreds of thousands of people being
displaced every year.
The government denies that there is a humanitarian crisis or an armed conflict, depicts the
conflict as a “war on terror”, and avoids any references to the links between the state and the
paramilitaries. This is done in an apparent attempt to evade international obligations to protect the
civilian population from being involved in the conflict, divert attention from the underlying causes
of the conflict, and avoid investigations in the state’s relationship with the paramilitaries.
39
While the humanitarian response may by itself be inadequate, it is taking place in the middle of an
armed conflict and its failings may therefore be less attributed to lack of resources and capacity
than to the ongoing violence and its underlying causes.
As demonstrated earlier, forced displacement is intrinsically and historically linked to the
emergence of the guerrilla movements and their adversaries, the paramilitary groups. These in
turn are linked to structural socio-economic injustices that have benefited the national landowning elites for centuries. Paramilitary structures emerged from these elites and are currently,
through the Justice and Peace Law, granted complete or partial impunity, allowing them easy
access to public political and economic life.
By not engaging the paramilitary groups in a comprehensive and exhaustive truth and
reconciliation process including justice for the victims, the state’s links to the paramilitaries and
the rationale behind displacement strategies will not be discussed in the framework of the peace
and demobilisation process. This puts into question the government’s commitment to finding
durable solutions for the IDPs, as return and reintegration or compensation for the displaced
depend on confessions by paramilitaries who have committed crimes and the return of illegally
acquired assets.
As mentioned earlier, displacements are not primarily an unintended consequence of the fighting,
but a deliberate strategy to uproot people from their homes. The overwhelming majority of the
IDPs have fled rural areas and been forced to abandon their land and livelihoods. It is unlikely
that this land will be returned to the IDPs. The fact that information on only a tiny percentage of
the land abandoned by the IDPs has been handed over to the authorities for investigation within
the Justice and Peace Law is an unambiguous indication of the poor prospects the IDPs face of
having their rights restored. Durable solutions for the IDPs, such as their return and reintegration,
would inevitably challenge paramilitary structures and shake important parts of the state
apparatus.
Paramilitary structures are increasingly gaining political momentum in many parts of the country,
notably in César, Sucre, Magdalena, Atlántico, Guajira, Bolívar and Antioquia. This has longterm and devastating effects for any prospects of a durable solution for millions of IDPs. The legal
framework which has accompanied the demobilisation process lets the perpetrators legalise land
and assets they have seized from the IDPs, effectively preventing them from returning to their
homes in any foreseeable future.
Victims of human rights violations seeking justice in US courts (July 2007)
•
Multinational corporations accused of aiding far-right paramilitary groups
•
One of the corporations pleaded guilty to allegations that company officials made payments
to paramilitary and guerrilla groups
•
Victims seeking justice in US courts
IPS, 9 July 2007
"Two U.S. corporations that have operated in Colombia -- Chiquita Brands International and
Drummond Company Inc. -- stand accused of aiding far-right paramilitary groups with alleged ties
to the Colombian government.
They are facing charges in two separate civil lawsuits filed in U.S. district courts by plaintiffs
seeking justice for human rights abuses through the Torture Victim Protection Act and the Alien
Tort Claims Act, which allow foreigners to sue in U.S. courts on issues of internationally
recognised human rights violations.
40
Chiquita Brands International, the banana giant based in Cincinnati, Ohio, is being sued for its
alleged role in the murders of nearly two dozen Colombian workers killed by paramilitary groups
between 1997 and 2004. Drummond Company, a major coal producer based in Birmingham,
Alabama, is facing similar charges of complicity in the murders of three trade union leaders near
a Drummond mine in La Loma, Colombia in 2001. That trial is set to begin on Monday.
Chiquita Brands International pleaded guilty in March to allegations that company officials made
payments to paramilitary and guerrilla groups, including the right-wing United Self Defence
Forces of Colombia (AUC). The company agreed to pay 25 million dollars in a settlement case
investigated by the U.S. Justice Department. Chiquita, which sold its Colombia operations three
years ago, maintains that it paid the group in an effort to "protect" its employees.
It is estimated that over 4,000 trade unionists have been murdered in Colombia in the past two
decades, according to the AFL-CIO Solidarity Centre.
Fifty-eight Colombian labour activists were killed in 2006 alone, according to the New York-based
Human Rights Watch, while the Escuela Nacional Sindical, a Colombian labour rights group, puts
the number of killings for that year at 72.
The AUC completed a controversial partial demobilisation process last year as a result of
negotiations with the government of right-wing President Álvaro Uribe. However, there have been
abundant reports of the paramilitaries regrouping.
According to the John F. Henning Centre for International Labour Relations at the University of
California, Berkeley: "Links between the right-wing paramilitary groups that carry out the majority
of these killings and both U.S.-based corporations operating in Colombia and U.S. military
assistance to the country have become increasingly evident."
"Of greatest concern are the alarming links between the official Colombian military and the ultraright-wing organisations of the United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia, who are responsible for
90 percent of trade union assassinations in Colombia," researchers at the Centre found.
Many activists and experts argue that its geostrategic location is a key factor fuelling Colombia's
four-decade armed conflict. "Urabá is in the northwestern region, connected to Panama and the
Caribbean. It is strategic for the transport of illegal drugs, arms, and soldiers of various sorts,"
Renata Rendon, advocacy officer for the Americas for the London-based rights watchdog
Amnesty International, told IPS.
Banana production in Colombia takes place predominantly in two northern regions, Urabá and
Santa Marta.
Rendon said that Urabá is a poor farming area, where "the civilian population has historically
been targeted by paramilitary groups."
"The paramilitaries have always received political, military, and economic support -- support from
politicians, from businessmen within the country, whether internationals or locals," she added.
Marselha Gonçalves Margerin, programme officer at the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Centre for
Human Rights in Washington, D.C., told IPS she believes that the world is discussing Colombia
as if it were a post-conflict country, when it is actually still embroiled in a civil war.
41
"The Colombia problem is multi-fold; the concern is that money from the U.S. to Colombia is
helping paramilitary groups, hence perpetuating the human rights problem," said Margerin, who
noted that Colombia has been declared the most dangerous country for human rights activists.
"The human rights problem, the security problem, the war on terrorism -- definitely the situation
for human rights defenders is very serious," she said.
"We have seen the situation for human rights defenders deteriorating a lot in the past few years,"
said Margerin, who pointed to the "very serious" allegations comparing human rights defenders to
terrorists, which she said gives paramilitary groups the green light to go ahead with their
activities. President Uribe himself has made statements along those lines.
A number of human rights groups have called for a decrease in U.S. aid to Colombia, which they
claim helps strengthen paramilitary groups, whose ties to the Colombian armed forces have been
amply demonstrated. In its place, they want to see aid money go towards social development,
such as poverty alleviation programmes and aid to the internally displaced, which number more
than three million."
Fund to repair victims with very few resources
•
Fund established within the demobilisation process of paramilitary groups
•
Administered by "Accion Social", government institution in charge of support to people
affected by poverty, drug-trafficking and violence
•
Consisting of resources emanating from the demobilised paramilitary groups and donations
•
The Fund disposes very few resources; for an overview click here
CNRR, July 2007
Definición
El Fondo para la Reparación de las víctimas es una cuenta especial sin personería jurídica, cuyo
ordenador del gasto será el director de la Red de Solidaridad Social. Los recursos del Fondo se
ejecutarán conforme a las reglas del derecho privado. (Art. 54 Ley 975)
El Fondo para la Reparación de las Víctimas creado por el artículo 54 de la Ley 975 de 2005 es
una cuenta especial sin personería jurídica, adscrita a la Agencia Presidencial para la Acción
Social y la Cooperación Internacional-Acción Social que funcionará con su estructura y será
administrada por el Alto Consejero Presidencial para la Acción Social y la Cooperación
Internacional , quien será el ordenador del gasto. (Art. 17 Decreto Reglamentario).
Composición
El Fondo estará integrado por todos los bienes o recursos que a cualquier título se entreguen por
las personas o grupos armados organizados ilegales a que se refiere la presente ley, por
recursos provenientes del presupuesto nacional y donaciones en dinero o en especie, nacionales
o extranjeras. Los recursos administrados por este Fondo estarán bajo la vigilancia de la
Contraloría General de la República. (Art. 54 Ley 975)
Generalidades
42
Los bienes a que hacen referencia los artículos 10 y 11, se entregarán directamente al Fondo
para la Reparación de las Víctimas creado por esta ley. Igual procedimiento se observará
respecto de los bienes vinculados a investigaciones penales y acciones de extinción del derecho
de dominio en curso al momento de la desmovilización, siempre que la conducta se haya
realizado con ocasión de su pertenencia al grupo organizado al margen de la ley y con
anterioridad a la vigencia de la presente ley. (Art. 54 Ley 975)
Funciones
Ejercerá los actos necesarios para la correcta disposición, mantenimiento y conservación de los
bienes y/o recursos de acuerdo con su naturaleza, uso y destino, así como para el adecuado
funcionamiento del Fondo teniendo en cuenta siempre el favorecimiento de los derechos de las
víctimas. (Art. 17 Decreto Reglamentario. (Art. 17 Decreto Reglamentario).
Para tal efecto podrá contratar total o parcialmente el manejo de los recursos y bienes que
ingresen al fondo, mediante encargo fiduciario, contratos o fondos de fiducia, contratos de
administración, mandato, arrendamiento y demás negocios jurídicos que sean necesarios, los
cuales se regirán por las normas de derecho privado. (Art. 17 Decreto Reglamentario).
Los gastos necesarios para la administración de los bienes y recursos del Fondo y para su
adecuado funcionamiento serán sufragados con cargo a los rendimientos financieros de los
bienes y recursos que conformen su patrimonio, y en los eventos en que no sean suficientes,
podrá atenderlos con cargo al rubro de Presupuesto General de la Nación. (Art. 17 Decreto
Reglamentario).
Mario Gomez Jimenez, 12 August 2007
"La Ley 975 de 2005 logra cierto balance entre justicia y paz en medio de un nuevo paradigma
que enseña que la convivencia pacífica no puede ser sinónimo de impunidad. En dicha norma,
además de las exigencias sobre los derechos a la verdad y a la justicia, profusamente discutidos
en medio de grandes controversias, se aborda, igualmente, la necesidad de reparar a las
víctimas.
Más allá de la vigencia de novedosas formas de reparación que allí se plasman y que se refieren
a la realización de actos simbólicos o de planes colectivos de atención a poblaciones vulneradas
por las prácticas hostiles, la norma no modifica los tradicionales conceptos de daño emergente,
lucro cesante y daño moral que están regulados en el Código Civil y resultan aplicables en toda
indemnización.
Al conjugar estos criterios con argumentos de hacienda pública, incursionamos, como parece
inevitable, en nuevos dilemas. Empecemos por decir que el artículo 42 de esta ley establece que
en subsidio de los victimarios, cuando esté probada la calidad de la víctima y el daño pero no su
autor, es el Estado el que debe sufragar la reparación.
Una sola infracción humanitaria, el desplazamiento forzado, ilustra el problema. En Colombia,
actualmente, hay entre 1'600.000 y 3'000.000 de desplazados, según las distintas fuentes. En
consecuencia, debemos entender que muchos alegarán que la pérdida de las tierras que
poseían estas personas podría ser demandada y que los diferentes daños, a la hora de las
indemnizaciones a cargo del Estado, deberían ser observados.
Si la Consejería de Acción Social y la misma Contraloría, con severa disparidad, estiman entre 2
y 6 millones de hectáreas las tierras despojadas a los desarraigados, resultaría imperativo hacer
cuentas a partir de estos cálculos y estimar el alcance probable o no de estas deudas sociales.
43
La asignación de un salario mínimo mensual para cada desplazado podría implicar la erogación
oficial de más de 400.000'000.000 (¡cuatrocientos mil millones de pesos mes a mes!), a partir de
la existencia de al menos un millón de personas en situación de desplazamiento en la actualidad.
Ese monto, como algún jurista preciso y ortodoxo podría anotar, estaría referido a su seguridad
alimentaria y no cobijaría ni el daño emergente, medido en el valor de la propiedad o posesión de
la tierra; ni el lucro cesante, entendido como la producción rural perdida por el desarraigo.
Tampoco, por supuesto, incluiría el daño moral."
Click here for access to an overview of the Fund to Repair the Victims
Internally Displaced People eligible for reparation within demobilisation and
reconciliation process
•
IDPs initially not categorised as victims in demobilisation law 975 of 2005
•
Further to Constitutional Court sentence C-370, IDPs were considered victims and eligible for
reparation
CNRR, July 2007
"Tendrán la calidad de víctima quienes se encuentren en las situaciones previstas en el artículo 5
de la Ley 975 de 2005, incluyendo a las víctimas del desplazamiento forzado ocasionado por las
conductas punibles cometidas por los miembros de los grupos armados organizados al margen
de la ley."
"Según el artículo 5° de la Ley 975 de 2005 de Justicia y Paz, se entiende por víctima la persona
que individual o colectivamente haya sufrido daños directos tales como lesiones transitorias o
permanentes que ocasionen algún tipo de discapacidad física, psíquica y/o sensorial (visual y/o
auditiva), sufrimiento emocional, pérdida financiera o menoscabo de sus derechos
fundamentales. Los daños deberán ser consecuencia de acciones que hayan transgredido la
legislación penal, realizadas por grupos armados organizados al margen de la ley.
• También se tendrá por víctima al cónyuge, compañero o compañera permanente, y familiar en
primer grado de consanguinidad, primero civil de la víctima directa, cuando a esta se le hubiere
dado muerte o estuviere desaparecida.
• La condición de víctima se adquiere con independencia de que se identifique, aprehenda
procese o condene al autor de la conducta punible y sin consideración a la relación familiar
existente entre el autor y la víctima.
• Igualmente se considerarán como víctimas a los miembros de la Fuerza Pública que hayan
sufrido lesiones transitorias o permanentes que ocasionen algún tipo de discapacidad física,
psíquica y/o sensorial (visual o auditiva), o menoscabo de sus derechos fundamentales, como
consecuencia de las acciones de algún integrante o miembros de los grupos armados
organizados al margen de la ley.
• Asimismo, se tendrán como víctimas al cónyuge, compañero o compañera permanente y
familiares en primer grado de consanguinidad, de los miembros de la fuerza pública que hayan
perdido la vida en desarrollo de actos del servicio, en relación con el mismo, o fuera de él, como
consecuencia de los actos ejecutados por algún integrante o miembros de los grupos
organizados al margen de la ley.
44
• Tendrán la calidad de víctima quienes se encuentren en las situaciones previstas en el artículo
5 de la Ley 975 de 2005, incluyendo a las víctimas del desplazamiento forzado ocasionado por
las conductas punibles cometidas por los miembros de los grupos armados organizados al
margen de la ley. Para el ejercicio de sus derechos dentro del proceso, la víctima deberá
acreditar sumariamente su condición de tal, la cual, de ser procedente, será reconocida por la
autoridad judicial. (Art. 11 Decreto 4760/ Parágrafo)"
Over 40,000 victims, including IDPs, claim their rights within the Justice and Peace
law
•
Prosecutors conducting briefing sessions for victims
•
Prosecutors convening victims of criminal acts by demobilized persons
•
Prosecutors facing major challenges of verifying information
•
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights urges the government to include victims in the
demobilisation process
•
Victims organisation denied access to the Justice and Peace tribunals
OAS, MAPP, 3 July 2007
"During the period covered by this [April-July 2007]report, progress has been made in
implementing the Justice and Peace Law
1.
This development is reflected in the opening of court trials against some of the
demobilized combatants targeted by Law 975, the decentralized operations of the National
Reparations and Reconciliation Commission, the organization of the Public Prosecutors and
Public Defenders Offices [Procuraduría y Defensoría Pública], and institutional initiatives.
Although these initiatives are not very well coordinated, they do help disseminate the law and
information on the mechanisms for participation of victims in the judicial process.
2.
Bringing demobilized combatants before the courts is the concrete expression of the
government’s plan for “judicialization” of the former combatants, which has generated divergent
reactions in Colombian society.
3.
During this recent period, implementation of the Justice and Peace Law has gone
through difficult times, such as when the leaders of former self-defense forces were concentrated
in the high-security prison in Itagüí. However, these difficulties in the process of implementing the
Law were resolved in various meetings between government officials and the affected and
involved parties, where the OAS/MAPP played the role of coordinator and mediator.
The process of implementation of the Justice and Peace Law has also gone through regrettable
times, such as the assassination of the representatives of the victims Yolanda Izquierdo and
Carmen Santana, and the murder of Judith Vergara, a human rights defender who was working
for the peace and truth process in the city of Medellín. The Inter-American Commission on
Human Rights denounced these assassinations and published a report, along with
recommendations to the Colombian Government, regarding the right of victims of the conflict to
participate in the process in conditions of security.
A. Fiscalía General de la Nación [Office of the National Attorney General]
45
4.
In the past six months, the Fiscalía General de la Nación has focused on moving criminal
proceedings forward, primarily by convening the victims of criminal acts committed by
demobilized persons, and then calling on these former combatants to come forward with the truth.
5.
The Fiscalía has been using the regional and local press and the radio, in addition to its
web page, to publicize the summons to appear in court for each of the persons sought under the
law who have already made their voluntary declarations or intend to do so in the next few months.
At the same time, some prosecutors in the Justice and Peace Unit have been conducting briefing
sessions for victims to make them aware of their rights under the Justice and Peace Law, so that
they will participate in the proceedings.
6.
As for the proceedings involving the voluntary declarations, to date various demobilized
combatants have begun to offer their statements. They include Salvatore Mancuso, José
Baldomero Linares (aka. “Guillermo Torres”), Juan Francisco Prada (aka. “Juancho Prada”),
Wilson Salazar Carrascal (aka. “Loro”), Iván Roberto Duque Gaviria (aka. “Ernesto Báez”), Jhon
Mario Salazar (aka. “El Pecoso”), and Carlos Mario Montoya Pamplona (aka. “Arbolito”).
7.
With regard to these judicial proceedings, to which the Fiscalía has devoted all its efforts,
we should point out the commitment observed on the part of the prosecutors in the Justice and
Peace Unit, and of their work teams and the Unit Coordinator, in performing their responsibilities.
Their strategy for division of labor, by AUC blocs or groups, appears so far to be adequate for this
stage of judicial hearings and evidence gathering.
8.
In any event, based on the declarations, and in the case of gaps or contradictions, in the
coming months the Fiscalía will be facing the major challenge of verifying the information
obtained and supplementing it with other pieces of evidence. In this context, the Mission feels the
need to warn of the importance of strengthening the systems for protection of prosecutors and
their teams of investigators, and the human and logistical resources of that institution. They are
also worried about the limits on processing the huge volume of denunciations of victims and
requests for legal benefits under Law 782 of 2002 by demobilized combatants.[...]
1.
The incipient application of the Justice and Peace Law opens up possibilities that are not
exempt from dangers. The voluntary statements of the demobilized combatants generate
expectations and open the way for progress in the judicial and social process of determining the
truth. Over 40,000 victims throughout Colombia are ready to claim their rights. The judicial
institutions are faced with a critical challenge."
OAS, 1 August 2006
"Today the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) issued a statement regarding
the application of Law 975 of 2005, more commonly known as the “Law of Justice and Peace”, in
light of the decision adopted by the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Colombia, the full text
of which was recently made public.
In its statement, the IACHR analyzes the key aspects of the Constitutional Court’s decision
which declares the Law of Justice and Peace constitutional in general, establishes conditions for
its due interpretation, and declares some of its clauses unconstitutional. Likewise, the IACHR
calls on the State’s institutions to give strict compliance to the Court’s decision and makes
recommendations for strengthening the available mechanisms to establish the truth about what
happened, administer justice and make reparations to victims of the conflict which has affected
Colombia for over four decades.
The Law of Justice and Peace establishes procedural benefits for members of illegal armed
groups who were involved in the commission of serious crimes against the civil population and
have agreed to lay down their weapons. The IACHR’s statement highlights that the decision of
46
the Constitutional Court greatly improves the balance between the legal incentives for
demobilization through the reduction of punishment and the principles of truth, justice and
reparation which form part of the State’s international obligations, as originally established by the
Law of Justice and Peace. The Constitutional Court’s decision specifies the requirements for the
demobilized who have laid down arms in order to receive a reduced sentence, as well as the
safeguarding of such reduced sentence from revocation. The sentence discourages the
withholding of information and it promotes truthful and full confessions. It also improves the
conditions for the Prosecutor’s Office to investigate the facts effectively, and amplifies the
opportunities of the victims of the conflict to participate in the proceedings and to obtain
reparations.
The IACHR emphasizes the importance of the decision as an essential tool for the
implementation of the legal framework adopted by the State, in accordance with its international
obligations, to judge the demobilized individuals responsible for the commission of crimes during
the conflict. In this sense, the entities responsible for implementing the law – the Prosecutor’s
National Unit for Justice and Peace, the Justice and Peace Courts, the ministere public, and the
National Commission of Reconciliation and Reparations – have a vital role in its proper
interpretation: they must administer justice ensuring that the procedural benefits granted to the
demobilized do not constitute a mere concession of justice, but rather that they serve their
intended purpose as an incentive for peace and a vehicle for the search for the truth and the due
reparation to victims of the conflict.
In its statement, the IACHR recommends that the Colombian authorities rigorously enforce
the requirements for the demobilized to benefit from reduced punishments and to preserve such
benefit; that they contribute to the uniform development of diligent and thorough investigations of
the serious crimes committed so that the imposition of reduced sentences is an outcome of the
disclosure of the truth; and that they adopt all measures necessary to ensure reparations for the
victims of the conflict and the restitution of their lands." For the full text in Spanish, click here
Consejo de Estado, 26 July 2007
"En virtud de tales disposiciones, durante los meses de diciembre de 2006, enero y febrero de
2007, las víctimas y sus representantes no han podido acceder a la sala donde se realizan las
diligencias de versión libre del respectivo proceso. Igualmente, los fiscales de la Unidad de
Justicia y Paz han impedido su acceso, al considerar que no están registrados en la base de
datos de la Unidad Nacional de Justicia y Paz en la cual se relacionan algunos de los crímenes
cometidos por miembros de grupos paramilitares o que no se encuentra acreditado el daño
causado. La Fiscalía ha restringido la participación de las víctimas a una persona por familia
incluida en la referida base de datos y que acredita el daño causado. Además, los fiscales de esa
unidad niegan la expedición de copias de la diligencia de versión libre, al señalar que ésta tiene
el carácter de reservado, razón que también se ha empleado para no difundirla ampliamente. Por
ello, las víctimas no han tenido la posibilidad de interrogar ni contrainterrogar directamente al
procesado pues no pueden estar presentes en la sala donde se realiza la audiencia de versión
libre."
Paramilitary groups maintain grip on power despite demobilisation process (March
2006)
•
Almost half of the more than 23.000 paramilitaries demobilised in Antioquia department
•
They continue to exercise social, economic and political control
•
Many demobilised paramilitary combatants engage in criminal activities
47
El Tiempo 4 March 2006:
"Ha habido desmovilizaciones, pero sigue el paramilitarismo. No han dejado de actuar en
algunas regiones", dice secretario de Gobierno de Antioquia.
El funcionario, Jorge Mejía, se refiere a la situación de ese departamento, donde se ha
desmovilizado casi la mitad de los 23.346 ‘paras’ que hasta ahora han entregado armas.
El último informe de la Misión de Verificación de la OEA, revelado esta semana, dejó en
evidencia que el problema se da en todo el país y que, incluso, algunos bloques dejaron reservas
en sus antiguas áreas de influencia.
Y es que los ‘paras’ no se han quedado quietos durante el proceso de paz. Entre el 2002 y el
2005, en pleno cese de hostilidades, la Fuerza Pública abatió a 1.344 y capturó a 2.967. "La
extorsión está disparada y las Auc son responsables de al menos uno de cada diez casos
denunciados", dice Olga Lucía Gómez, directora de País Libre.
Conservan tanto poder, que para definir las ciudades donde se abrirán salas de Justicia y Paz, el
Consejo Superior de la Judicatura tuvo en cuenta qué tan blindadas estaban de las presiones de
los que serán procesados.
'Paras' impiden asentamiento de personas en ciudades
Después de dos años y ocho meses de encierro en la cárcel Bellavista por supuesta
colaboración con la guerrilla, Eliseo Taborda, Marcos Cuesta y dos vecinos regresaron a vivir a
La Honda, una invasión del nororiente de Medellín.
Fue en septiembre pasado. Habían salido limpios de una captura masiva y pensaban que no
iban a tener problemas porque los últimos ‘paras’ de la ciudad, del bloque ‘Héroes de Granada’,
se habían desmovilizado tres meses antes.
Pero se encontraron con que el presidente de la junta comunal, un reinsertado del ‘Bloque
Catatumbo’ de las Auc, les negó el permiso para volver.
Ellos, sin embargo, se instalaron en la invasión. Un mes después mataron a Eliseo. Y luego
Marcos murió en un operativo del Ejército que la Personería pidió investigar. Sus familias
tuvieron que abandonar los ranchos y convertirse en desplazados dentro de la ciudad.
‘Fiesta de mandos medios’
En Puerto Gaitán, donde se desmovilizaron las Autodefensas Campesinas de Meta y Vichada
(Acmv), ahora campean las de Pedro Oliveros Guerrero, ‘Cuchillo’, jefe de una de las facciones
en las que se dividió el ‘Bloque Centauros’ tras la muerte de Miguel Arroyave.
Allí, según la OEA, un ex jefe ‘para’ "habría vendido una parte de sus armas a un comandante
disidente del ‘Centauros’ (probablemente , a ‘Cuchillo’) y ocultado en una caleta otra parte para
un grupo de 200 combatientes que nunca se habría desmovilizado".
Oliveros se ha proyectado de tal forma por los Llanos Orientales que en un consejo comunal en
San José del Guaviare, en diciembre, el presidente Álvaro Uribe ordenó capturarlo a como dé
lugar.
48
Igual que en Meta, en otras zonas, según una fuente policial, se vive "una fiesta de mandos
medios".
Los nuevos grupos se nutren del ‘reciclaje’ de ex combatientes, como ha ocurrido en otros
lugares del mundo.
"Muchos reinsertados terminan de nuevo en la guerra o en la criminalidad", dice Eduardo
Pizarro, presidente de la Comisión Nacional de Reparación. Eso explicaría por qué algunos ex
‘Bloque Central Bolívar’ aparecieron, hace unos meses, entre los heridos por los combates con
las Farc en San José del Palmar (Chocó). Ahora trabajan para las ‘Acun’ (Autodefensas
Campesinas Unidas del Norte), un nuevo grupo relacionado con el cartel del Norte del Valle.
Otros modelos
Además de ejercer como líderes comunales, como en Medellín, están ejerciendo control social.
En Cúcuta, por ejemplo, vetan algunas formas de vestir de los jóvenes.
La situación varía de región en región. Jefes como Hernán Giraldo (‘Bloque Tayrona’), Ramón
Isaza (‘Autodefensas del Magdalena Medio’) y Eduardo Cifuentes (‘Autodefensas de
Cundinamarca’), les apostaron a modelos en los que siguen controlando a sus hombres y las
poblaciones a través de proyectos productivos. Así, explica el investigador Juan Garzón, de la
Fundación Seguridad y Democracia, "conservan una importante cuota de poder económico y
político".
En el caso de Giraldo, en la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, la influencia en corregimientos como
Guachaca es total. Los habitantes de ese pueblo marcharon a Santa Marta para pedir que ‘El
Viejo’ pague en la Sierra la pena que le impongan por sus crímenes.
Otros jefes, en cambio, se alejaron de antiguas áreas de influencia y se replegaron a sus lugares
de origen. Salvatore Mancuso soltó el Catatumbo, al punto de que varios de sus hombres lo
acusan de haberlos dejado a su suerte. Esa fue una de las razones por las que lo relevaron de la
vocería de los desmovilizados, que pasó a manos de ‘Don Berna’.
Eso sí, mantiene su poder en Córdoba y Sucre, departamentos que lo vieron nacer al
paramilitarismo. En la misma línea, ‘Ernesto Báez’ y ‘Macaco’, jefes del ‘Central Bolívar’, parecen
estar más concentrados en sus departamentos (Caldas y Risaralda), donde incluso hay
‘recomendación’ de votar por algunos candidatos. En Caldas, ‘Baéz’ tiene todavía unos 300
‘paras’. Se debían desmovilizar en diciembre y nunca aparecieron."()
Laws and decrees granting impunity to perpetrators of human rights violations;
Law 975 (Justice and Peace Law of July 2005
Decree 4760 of December 2005
Decree 128 of January 2003
49
Frozen dialogue between GOC and FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de
Colombia) (2005)
•
FARC refused to negotiate on Uribe’s conditions of ceasefire, and to end kidnappings and
release all kidnap victims
•
FARC demanded the re-establishment of the demilitarised zone despite widespread
allegations that FARC used it as a base from which to launch attacks and cultivate coca
•
FARC refused dialogue with GOC as long as it would not cease all relations with
paramilitaries
•
The international community expressed concern about increased displacements, particularly
in the former FARC-controlled zone, since the end of the peace process
•
UNHCR Director in Bogotá stated that displacement increased beyond 40% recorded
between 2000-2001 partly as a result of the breakdown of peace dialogue (February 2002)
•
Government agencies and international aid organisations prepare for emergency assistance
to internally displaced persons
•
Pastrana ordered its troops to retake the ‘demilitarised zone” granted to FARC in February
2002 which will likely increase displacements (Mar 2002)
•
Negotiations with guerrillas have been limited to humanitarian exchange negotiations but
have not achieved much
•
In 2004 the government launched the biggest military operation in Colombia’s history: the
U.S.-funded “Plan Patriota” against guerillas
•
The government unilaterally released 23 FARC guerrillas imprisoned for rebellion who did not
commit crimes against humanity in late 2004
•
Dialogue is frozen: the government rejected FARC’s demands of a demilitarised territory in
the south of the country and the FARC rejected government’s conditions that demilitarised
FARC fighters leave the country or return to civilian life
“During 2004 […] No significant progress was made in terms of peace negotiations between the
Government and the FARC-EP and the Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), respectively. The
United Nations Secretary-General continued to provide his good offices. Other countries also
offered their services.
[…]
Various proposals were put forward regarding a humanitarian exchange aimed at freeing the
many kidnapped civilians and military and police personnel held by the FARC-EP. None of these
proposals led to concrete results.” (UN CHR, 28 February 2005)
“Neither the FARC-EP nor the ELN have declared a cease-fire. The Government, itself, has not
ceased hostilities against the guerrilla groups and continues to carry out the biggest armed
offensive yet to be seen in Colombia, known as the “Plan Patriota”. It is important to point out that
both US civilian and military personnel take part in these operations under the USA’s programme
of military assistance to Colombia.
[…]
The Colombian Catholic Church has taken a lead role with the FARC-EP in an attempt to reach
an humanitarian agreement. In consulting the families of persons deprived of their liberty by the
FARC-EP […], the church has created the only process of dialogue in which the voices of the
50
victims have been heard. In December 2004 the Colombian Government unilaterally announced
the pardoning of 23 people, members of the FARC-EP […], condemned for rebellion. There has
been no public reaction of the guerrilla group to this unilateral act. The identities of the people nor
the crimes for which they were condemned have not been announced to the general public. It is
not known whether these persons will benefit from the 2767 Decree of 31st August 2004.”
(OIDHACO, 28 January 2005, .p.3-4)
“El Presidente de la República, Álvaro Uribe Vélez, indultó hoy a 23 guerrilleros de las Farc
condenados por delitos de rebelión. Ninguno de los guerrilleros indultados está comprometido en
delitos atroces o de lesa humanidad.” (GoC, 2 December 2004)
“Having evicted the FARC from areas near Bogotá with an aggressive campaign that began in
mid-2003, the army is now operating with much less certain results in the southern jungle
strongholds -- some of Colombia's most remote regions -- where the insurgents have historically
exercised unchallenged control.” (ICG, 23 September 2004)
“Reyes also said that if an exchange were carried out, FARC fighters would return to their regular
activities, implying they would again take up arms. He rejected conditions imposed by the
government that released FARC fighters would either leave the country - France has offered
asylum - or return to civilian life with the help of a government programme.
[…]
Two weeks ago, in a policy turnabout, President Alvaro Uribe revealed an offer to exchange 50
FARC prisoners for 60 hostages held by the rebels, including former presidential candidate Ingrid
Betancourt and three U.S. citizens. Families of the police officers and soldiers and politicians held
by FARC have long pushed for a humanitarian exchange. FARC initially rejected Uribe's proposal
saying it was not realistic or serious and was also politically motivated as the president seeks to
win passage of a law in congress that would allow him to run for a second consecutive term in
office.
[…]
Analysts said it is unlikely the exchange will come about, because the government has said only
rebels accused of sedition will be able to leave prison. FARC wants all of its fighters, including
those charged with terrorism and drug trafficking, as part of the exchange.” (DPA, 30 August
2004)
In order to read an in-depth analysis of the various peace processes in Colombia see
‘Alternatives to war, Colombia’s peace processes’, ACCORD January 2004 [External Link]
Peace talks between ELN and the government end (July 2007)
•
End of talks attributed to "unbridgeable differences"
•
ELN requires social, economic and social transformation to lay down their arms for good
•
The victims' rights are one of their priorities
•
The exploratory peace talks from December 2005 to May 2006 have had as one major
objective to involve the civil society in the process
To see documents from 2006 on the exploratory peace dialogue between ELN and the
government in spanish, click here
Xinhua, 27 July 2007
51
"The Colombian government and the National Liberation Army (ELN) had ended their sixth round
of peace talks in the Cuban capital of Havana without any substantial results, the ELN said
Thursday.
In a statement posted on the web, the ELN, the second largest rebel group in Colombia,
attributed the lack of progress to the two sides' unbridgeable differences and the government's
"insincerity".
The talks ended in a "tough atmosphere", the statement said, adding that the two sides' stances
and viewpoints differed and that distrust still existed between them.
The ELN blamed the government for not intending to sign a peace deal. The administration of
President Alvaro Uribe is holding a war policy instead of a peace policy, it said."
POR ESTO, 6 May 2006:
"POR ESTO! -Cómo pudo confirmar el ELN, la viabilidad de Casa de Paz, en medio del
conflicto militar?
"Inicialmente se hicieron intercambios con diversos sectores de la sociedad, para ver si era
viable abrir un escenario de paz. Porque para el ELN siempre había la interrogante de que con
este gobierno era muy difícil, y sigue siendo difícil, construir una propuesta de paz, dado que su
diseño es de guerra.
"Comenzamos este diálogo señalando la necesidad de hacer un nuevo diseño del proceso de
paz, donde la paz no fuera simplemente desmovilización y desarme. Porque para el ELN la paz
tiene que ver con las transformaciones económicas, sociales y políticas y, además, tiene que
aceptarse la participación popular en el proyecto de esa nueva sociedad, y dar solución a los
problemas relacionados con las víctimas del conflicto que es, en nuestro criterio, uno de los
aspectos prioritarios.
"También señalamos que el gobierno se negaba a reconocer la existencia del conflicto, lo que
hacía todo mucho más complejo, y por último una gran preocupación por el proceso de `diálogo'
entre el gobierno y los paramilitares, que para nosotros no es un diálogo sino un espacio de
legalización y una ley de impunidad contra los crímenes de lesa humanidad.
"Estos obstáculos se empezaron a discutir en la Casa de Paz, con la idea de generar una
reflexión acerca de que si la paz era posible en Colombia, se debía trabajar con un enfoque y un
diseño diferente.
"Después pasamos a un segundo momento. Casa de Paz, como un instrumento para la
participación de la sociedad. Paralelamente a las tres rondas con el gobierno, se han ido
produciendo una serie de encuentros en Casa de Paz para buscar la vinculación de la sociedad
al proceso. Estamos ahora en una fase introductoria de acercarnos a los diferentes sectores de
la sociedad, a convocarlos, a transmitirles cuáles son nuestros propósitos. Pudiéramos decir que
estos meses, desde diciembre hasta la fecha, se ha estado en una dinámica de informar, de
vincular la sociedad al proceso de paz.
"Después de esta tercera ronda con el gobierno, están convocadas varias reuniones con el
movimiento sindical, campesino, jóvenes, mujeres, indígenas; para ir generando espacios
organizativos que permitan la participación ya particular de cada movimiento social, para recoger
sus propuestas e iniciativas, de tal manera que la gente se sienta participando de manera
52
directa, sin intermediarios. Y también poder elaborar las temáticas esenciales de cada sector
social, para poder estructurar mejor su participación. Posteriormente puede haber una
coordinación entre los diferentes sectores sociales, de cómo va a ser su participación".
The High Commissioner for Peace, 27 February 2006;
"P.- ¿Qué obstáculos existen todavía para que no se haya abierto todavía un proceso formal?
Responde Antonio García: Como lo hemos señalado anteriormente, estamos en una fase
exploratoria que tiene como propósito ir gradualmente elaborando un diseño de proceso y
también lo que sería la agenda de las conversaciones.
Por ahora hemos dicho que en esta ronda se avanzó en lo que es la estabilización de la mesa. Y
el acuerdo de una tercera ronda tiene que ver con avanzar en lo que sería el diseño del proceso
y también la construcción de la agenda. Aquí simplemente avanzamos unas líneas generales
como reflexión de lo que puede ser a grandes rasgos los elementos esenciales del diseño del
proceso.
Por supuesto que en el fondo del proceso existen diferencias entre el Gobierno y el ELN, y
estamos haciendo aproximaciones de tal manera que podamos tener lecturas que puedan
facilitar la construcción de la agenda y el diseño del proceso. Aún no podemos decir que
formalmente esté andando un proceso de conversaciones. Estamos en esa fase exploratoria y
solamente en la medida que avance el diseño del proceso y la constitución de la agenda
podremos pasar a una fase propiamente formal de las conversaciones.
P.- ¿Podría describir el diseño del proceso que han acordado estos días acá?
Responde Alto Comisionado, Luis Carlos Restrepo. Hemos hecho una primera aproximación que
consiste en la presentación, tanto por parte del Gobierno Nacional como del ELN, de lo que
podrían ser los ejes estructurantes y, dijéramos, líneas fundamentales del diseño de un proceso
y una agenda.
Hemos hecho este planteamiento con el ánimo de escucharnos mutuamente. No podemos decir
todavía que haya decisiones conjuntas al respecto, pero si ha resultado muy importante poder
escucharnos, dar por recibido mutuamente estos puntos de vista, de tal manera que nos
preparemos para la tercera ronda, y ya a la tercera ronda podamos llegar con documentos más
elaborados, soportados, sustentados, que eventualmente nos permitan ir avanzando hacia
acuerdos. Pero en este momento no podemos hablar de acuerdos en torno a estos puntos, y es
lo propio de estos procesos. Que primero haya una escucha mutua para entonces sí poder dar
un paso adelante, y poder decir en qué estamos de acuerdo y qué camino podemos abrir de
manera conjunta.
P.- En el comunicado dicen que se concluye de manera satisfactoria. ¿Cuál fue el principal logro,
aparte de que se ha avanzando en la consecución del diseño del proceso? El reconocimiento del
ELN como actor político es el principal logro de esta mesa?
Responde Antonio García: El principal logro es la estabilidad que se va construyendo en el
proceso. En la primera ronda fue una manifestación de voluntad del ELN y del Gobierno de abrir
un proceso de diálogo, que permitiera buscar una salida política al conflicto. Esa fue la primera
ronda.
53
Esta segunda, avanzamos en lo que puede ser la estabilización de la mesa, en la medida que
permite más fluidez a la delegación del ELN para una interlocución con el país, con los sectores
de la sociedad y con la comunidad internacional. Ese elemento permite un mutuo reconocimiento
de las partes en la construcción de este proceso."
Reuters, 28 March 2005:
“Since June of last year[2004], the ELN and the government of President Alvaro Uribe have been
in contact. Mexico acted as an intermediary.
"We are studying initiatives aimed at assessing the success of this exploratory phase and moving
toward a peace process," Colombian Peace Commissioner Luis Carlos Restrepo said. It was a
rare statement of optimism that peace with the country's Marxist guerrilla's might be possible.
[…]
A peace deal will not be easy. The ELN wants Uribe to free ELN prisoners held in Colombian jails
and negotiate a bilateral cease-fire. Uribe has said the ELN, which funds itself by kidnapping,
must unilaterally disarm if talks are to take place. While Colombia's biggest guerrilla force, the
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, and right-wing paramilitary militias have
grown rich on the country's huge cocaine business, the ELN has sworn off drug smuggling.”
In order to read an in-depth analysis of the various peace processes in Colombia see
‘Alternatives to war, Colombia’s peace processes’, ACCORD January 2004 [External Link]
For more information on GOC-ELN peace negociations read ICG report: "Colombia: The
prospects for peace with the ELN", 4 October 2002,[External Link]
Demobilisation of paramilitary groups coming to an end despite flagrant ceasefire
violations (2007)
•
More than 30,000 paramilitary combatants have been demobilized between 2002 and 2006
•
New armed groups emerging from the demobilised paramilitary groups that are more than
the simple “criminal gangs” that the government describes
•
The unilateral ceasefire announced in December 2002 strictly applied to the paramilitary
umbrella organisation Auto-Defenca de Colombia (AUC) and left out many other paramilitary
groups who do not necessarily agree with the ceasefire
•
The AUC is pressing GOC for political recognition rather than being labelled as terrorists or
criminals, and demands the suspension of all legal actions against it and the release of
imprisoned members
•
The negotiation process is controversial given the historical ties between paramilitaries and
member of the government
•
The peace process with AUC involves amnesty for paramilitaries who are responsible for the
majority of forced displacements thus undermining IDPs’ right to justice and reparation
•
On 15 July 2003 the government and AUC signed a ‘unilateral ceasefire’ and made it the precondition for negotiations
•
According to Decree 128, a demobilised combatant can be exempt from prosecution if he has
no legal charges outstanding, however this does not mean that the person has not
participated in war crimes
International Crisis Group, 10 May 2007
"The disbanding of the paramilitary United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia (AUC) between 2003
and 2006 is seen by the administration of President Alvaro Uribe as a vital step toward peace.
While taking some 32,000 AUC members out of the conflict has certainly altered the landscape of
violence, there is growing evidence that new armed groups are emerging that are more than the
54
simple “criminal gangs” that the government describes. Some of them are increasingly acting as
the next generation of paramilitaries, and they require a more urgent and more comprehensive
response from the government. Since early 2006, the Organization of American States (OAS)
Peace Support Mission in Colombia (MAPP/OEA), human rights groups and civil society
organisations have insistently warned about the rearming of demobilised paramilitary units, the
continued existence of groups that did not disband because they did not participate in the
government-AUC negotiations and the merging of former paramilitary elements with powerful
criminal organisations, often deeply involved with drug trafficking. Worse, there is evidence that
some of the new groups and criminal organisations have established business relations over
drugs with elements of the insurgent Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and
National Liberation Army (ELN). At the same time, the government’s plan for reintegrating
demobilised paramilitaries has revealed itself to be deeply flawed."
OAS/MAPP, 30 August 2006
"The demobilization of more than 30,000 AUC members during the current peace process
constitutes a significant step forward in consolidating peace in Colombia. During this stage, while
some holdouts still refuse to demobilize, it is of vital importance to continue supporting the
reintegration efforts in the country.
The Secretary General notes progress in the process of demobilizing and disarming the AUC, but
warns that specific situations arising in some regions will have to be closely monitored.
Timely attention to events following demobilization of the AUC, such as violations of the
agreements, the appearance of new illegal groups, and holdouts that refuse to demobilized,
should allow the Colombian authorities to correct these irregularities in time. In this context, the
Secretary General considers that, if the peace process is to be consolidated, the institutions of
the Colombian state will have to give priority to the recovery of those territories, villages, and
districts where demobilization has occurred.
The Secretary General is also concerned over the discovery of weapons caches following
demobilization of some AUC blocs. The Mission will take care to verify these facts and urges the
authorities to conduct the necessary investigations.
Similarly, the Secretary General insists on the need to destroy the weapons surrendered during
demobilization, in light of the time that has elapsed since they were turned over to the Colombian
state.
Generally speaking, the Program for Return to Civilian Life has not succeeded in providing
coverage for the majority of those demobilized. The Secretary General reiterates the need to
broaden the coverage to all demobilized ex-combatants, and to increase efforts in this direction."
Finally, attending to the communities affected by violence is a central concern of the Secretary
General. In this regard, the Conciliadores en Equidad Program, which is having an impact in 60
communities in the municipality of Tierralta (Córdoba), represents a model that should be
pursued."
OES, 25 January 2006
"Since the process of peace negotiations with the AUC [Umbrella organisation for paramilitary
groups]began in November 2003, there have been 27 mass demobilization ceremonies at which
more than 20,000 combatants have been demobilized. Following a unilateral suspension of the
process by the AUC, it recommenced in December. The AUC had halted the demobilizations,
claiming that the Government was not meeting the commitments to which it had previously
agreed. Following negotiations between the Government and the AUC, it was agreed to
recommence the demobilizations and, on December 12, 1,923 members from three fronts of the
55
Bloque Central Bolívar (BCB) in Antioquia handed over their weapons. After that, another 1,603
members of the self-defense forces were demobilized in December, with an additional 6,000
demobilizing in 2006 to date.
Progress has also been made in the negotiations with the National Liberation Army
(ELN). On December 16, 2005, exploratory talks began between the Colombian Government and
the ELN in Havana, Cuba. The governments of Norway, Switzerland, and Spain attended these
initial discussions. According to the official communiqué issued at the close of the December 21
meeting, the discussions took place in a “frank and cordial atmosphere” and it was decided to
hold another meeting in Cuba in 2006 to set an agenda for peace negotiations. Under Permanent
Council resolution 859, the Mission’s mandate is to support all aspects of the peace process in
Colombia, and the Organization is closely watching these developments.
Also noteworthy is the failure of a proposal presented by France, Switzerland, and Spain
to clear an area of 180 km² in Valle del Cauca for hosting a meeting between the Revolutionary
Armed Forces (FARC) and the Government at which a humanitarian agreement would have been
sought.
In decree 4760 of December 30, 2005, the Colombian Government enacted the
regulations for the Justice and Peace Law. This decree sets the requirements to be met by
demobilized combatants wishing to benefit from the law. These include giving a free statement to
a prosecutor, who then has a period of 60 days to pursue an investigation and draw up charges
against the former combatant. The decree also establishes the rights of victims: under the
regulations, victims may “participate actively in proceedings under the Justice and Peace Law by
submitting evidence to the judicial authorities, and hearing and challenging any decisions adopted
therein.” The State is responsible for ensuring that victims receive payments from the Victims
Compensation Fund. One important aspect of the regulations is that they enable the procedural
terms set by the Law to be interpreted in such a way that prosecutors’ offices can now meet its
obligation of investigating crimes and making accusations within a more reasonable timeframe.
In spite of these advances in the peace process, MAPP/OEA has identified several
violations of the cease-fire and demobilizations, and it has also seen problems caused by the
reintegration of former combatants. These considerations and comments are in accordance with
the mandate of the Mission and, consequently, we trust that they will be taken into consideration
by the Government of Colombia.
The Mission holds that the partial demobilization and dismantling of units, transfers of
fighters from a demobilized unit to another group, and the territorial expansion of a nondemobilized unit into areas where demobilizations have taken place represent violations of the
Santa Fe de Ralito Agreement, signed by the Government and the AUC on July 15, 2003,
whereunder the outlawed organization agreed to demobilize all its members and to refrain from
offensive actions.
However, recidivism into criminal activities by demobilized combatants, either individually
or collectively, does not constitute a breach of the agreements signed by the United Self-Defense
Forces of Colombia (AUC) – provided that there are no ties between the demobilized combatants
in question and the organization or its active officers."
CCJ, 3 March 2005
“For certain violations, the situation of impunity is even more serious. Based on a study done by
the General Controller’s Office of the Republic, only 5% of the forced displacement
denouncements presented to the National General Prosecutor’s Office are filed for administration
of justice and only one case is known where an ordinary sentence was pronounced.
[…]
56
Figures show that to date approximately 4,674 members of paramilitary groups have been
“demobilized” .
[…]
The Government is promoting legislation that will permit authors of war crimes and crimes against
humanity to go without even one day of jail”
UNCT, October 2004
“The Ombudsman’s Office presented the report “Monitoring the Cease of Hostilities Promised by
the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia as a Sign of their Willingness for Peace for the Country”.
The report notes that between January and August 2004, there were 342 reported cases of
threats or violations of rights of persons or property protected by international humanitarian law
attributed to the AUC. The report was completed based on information gathered in 11
departments: Antioquia, Arauca, Casanare, Cauca, Cesar, Córdoba, La Guajira, Magdalena,
Santander, Valle and Putumayo.
The Ombudsman’s Office indicated that, despite the fact that November 29th, 2002, the AUC
issued its call for a Declaration of Peace in Colombia, in which they promised a cease of
hostilities starting December 1st that year, several members of the AUC continue to be
responsible for forced displacements, threats, attacks or reprisals against the civilian population;
attempts against the physical integrity or mental health of persons; individual murders, looting and
kidnappings or hostage taking. The report makes several recommendations to the Commission
for Dialogue Process Verification, Negotiation and Agreement Signing between the Government
of Colombia and AUC, the Attorney General’s Office, and leaders of the AUC and their
spokespersons. The Ombudsman’s Office lauded the commitment undertaken by the MAPP/OAS
mission.”
[…]
It was evident that the paramilitary groups, despite their declared cessation of hostilities and the
disappearance of their traditional leader, Carlos Castaño, continued their expansion and
consolidation, including social and institutional control at the local and regional levels, as well as
close links with drug trafficking.
[…]
The precariousness of the policy to combat paramilitarism was noted, particularly with regard to
its structures, including links between members of the security forces and other public officials
with those groups. The need for an appropriate legal framework was evident in relation to the
negotiations with the AUC.” (UN CHR, 28 February 2005)
“The lack of a comprehensive peace strategy from the Colombian government continued to be a
common factor in 2004. The Government and the paramilitary United Self–Defense Forces of
Colombia (AUC) have undertaken negotiations which lack transparency. There is no legal
framework which respects either the Colombian Constitution or the international treaties ratified
by Colombia.
[…]
As part of the negotiation process with the paramilitary groups, the Government signed an
agreement on 13th May 2004 creating the zona de ubicación (Location Zone) in Tierra Alta,
department of Córdoba, 368km² in size. Regarding the security situation of the civilian population
who live in this area, the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights, IACHR, has
acknowledged that “the agreement does not establish guarantees of security for the civilian
population living within the perimeter of the 368 km2 of the zona de ubicación who –beyond the
presence of members of the MAPP/OAS Mission— are deprived of the presence of the military
forces or National Police and of the judicial and controlling authorities” […]
“What is worrying is that the present demobilization process is being undertaken within the legal
framework of Decree 128 (the public order decree) that permits a demobilized combatant to be
57
exempted from prosecution if he has no legal charges outstanding. This is the case of most of the
demobilizing paramilitaries but does not mean that they have not participated in war crimes;
hence, the risk of impunity. The Attorney’s General Office has just set up a commission to look
into the legal situation of demobilized troops, a utile step forward to avoid impunity.” (PCS, 22
December 2004)
In order to read an in-depth analysis of the various peace processes in Colombia see
‘Alternatives to war, Colombia’s peace processes’, ACCORD January 2004 [External Link]
To access Resolution 216 by which is declared the start of the peace process between the
government of Colombia and the paramilitary group AUC ofthe Cacique Nutibara Block
click here [External Link]
Report on the Demobilization Process in Colombia by the Inter-American Commission on
Human Rights of the Organization of American States of December 2004 [ External Link]
Causes of displacement
Paramilitary groups responsible for 2500 killings outside combats between 2002 and
2005
•
More than 2.500 people killed outside combat presumably by paramilitary groups in between
2002 and 2005
•
Indications that armed forces and paramilitary groups have committed at least one massacre,
forced disappearance of 16 persons and massive displacements in the department of Meta in
January 2006
"De acuerdo con la información recibida por la Comisión Colombiana de Juristas existen indicios
serios de que entre el 31 de diciembre de 2005 y el 27 de enero de 2006, tropas del Ejército
Nacional adscritas a la Brigada Móvil n.° 4 y paramilitares que se han identificado como
Autodefensas del Llano, al parecer de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (Auc), son los
presuntos responsables de por lo menos una masacre de cuatro personas, la desaparición
forzada de 16 personas, nueve de las cuales fueron previamente detenidas arbitrariamente por
miembros del Ejército Nacional y de dos desplazamientos masivos de aproximadamente 535
pobladores del corregimiento Puerto Toledo, municipio de Puerto Rico (Meta); del corregimiento
Villa la Paz, municipio de Puerto Lleras (Meta); y de los caseríos Matabambú y Santo Domingo
del municipio de Vistahermosa (Meta). "(CCJ, 21 February 2006)
Aerial spraying of illicit crops has mixed results (April 2006)
•
Coca cultivation declined by 8 percent, from 114,100 to 105,400 hectares, when those areas
surveyed by the US government in 2004 were compared with the same areas in 2005
•
Coca growth is emerging in previously surveyed areas where spraying has not occurred in
the past—with at least a 12 percent increase in cultivation during 2005
58
"The Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) released the following statement regarding
the annual survey of coca cultivation in Colombia:
This year we are reporting mixed results for the U.S. government's just concluded annual survey
of coca cultivation in Colombia.
·
Coca cultivation declined by 8 percent, from 114,100 to 105,400 hectares, when those
areas surveyed by the US government in 2004 were compared with the same areas in 2005
·
Nevertheless, the survey also found 144,000 hectares of coca under cultivation in 2005 in
a search area that was 81 percent larger than that used in 2004. The potential production for the
144,000 hectares of coca found by this year's survey is 545 metric tons of pure cocaine
In an effort to improve the accuracy and comprehensiveness of the estimate, this year's survey
expanded by 81 percent the size of the landmass that was imaged and sampled for coca
cultivation. The newly imaged areas show about 39,000 additional hectares of coca. Because
these areas were not previously surveyed, it is impossible to determine for how long they have
been under coca cultivation. Because of this uncertainty and the significantly expanded survey
area, a direct year-to-year comparison is not possible. The higher cultivation figure in this year's
estimate does not necessarily mean that coca cultivation increased in the last year; but rather
reflects an improved understanding of where coca is now growing in Colombia. While we are
disappointed that so much coca has been found to be growing outside our 2004 survey area, we
are confident that we will be able to work closely with the Government of Colombia to focus
eradication efforts on these areas.
The 2005 report reveals two clear trends:
·
First, where spraying occurs, coca growers have not kept up. This provides some
explanation of why they have vigorously sought to expand coca cultivation areas. According to
the same U.S. Government estimate, areas where aerial eradication was employed show at least
a 10 percent net reduction, as farmers abandon fields or replant less than the initial area under
cultivation.
·
Second, the survey shows that coca growth is emerging in previously surveyed areas
where spraying has not occurred in the past—with at least a 12 percent increase in cultivation
during 2005.
Colombia, with U.S. assistance, sprayed almost 139,400 hectares of coca in 2005. The
Government of Colombia also reported that about 32,000 hectares were eradicated manually in
Colombia. The effect of the coca eradication program was to reduce the amount of production in
traditional growing areas and force producers, which include illegal armed groups such as the
FARC, to more isolated fields where expenses associated with transportation and start-up
increase the production cost and reduce potential profit" (The Office of National Drug Control
Policy, 14 April 2006)
Strong correlation between multinational companies and forced displacement
•
Forced displacement and massacres increased significantly in areas with abundant natural
resources
•
Internally displaced people report having lost 4 million hectares of land, corresponding to 1/3
of the arable land in Colombia
•
Popular tribunal helds multinational companies responsible for displacements and other
violations to control the land
59
TRIBUNAL PERMANENTE DE LOS PUEBLOS SESIÓN SOBRE EMPRESAS
TRANSNACIONALES Y DERECHOS DE LOS PUEBLOS EN COLOMBIA – 2006 - 2008, pp. 89
"Desplazamiento forzado y mercantilización de tierras. Las implicaciones que tiene la
extracción rentable de minerales a gran escala sobre los patrones vigentes y tradicionales de
ocupación del territorio y de relaciones entre la población y sus recursos naturales, han
provocado progresivos despojos y desplazamientos que han incidido en el deterioro de las
condiciones de vida de grandes franjas de población y en la profundización de estructuras de
desigualdad a nivel nacional. Se mencionaron zonas, donde la presencia de las empresas
multinacionales ha creado un vínculo estrecho entre la concentración de la tierra y el
desplazamiento forzado de la población, pues introduce un conflicto alrededor del control
territorial de áreas estratégicas. De hecho, los conflictos de tierras y la violencia en Colombia
tienen un vínculo de vieja data. El conflicto actual parece no ser la excepción. Desde la década
del noventa, el ingreso de la inversión extranjera aumentó cómo consecuencia de la disminución
de las trabas legales a la misma y al mismo tiempo se incrementaron los desplazamientos
forzados y las masacres en lugares de gran riqueza minera y natural. Ha sido subrayada la
coincidencia de que hacia dichas zonas se dirige la ayuda militar norteamericana para la
construcción de bases militares y que en ellas la presencia paramilitar se hace más visible. La
población desplazada reporta haber perdido cuatro millones de hectáreas lo que equivale a una
tercera parte de la tierra cultivable en Colombia.
Colombia ofrece un claro ejemplo de la dinámica de concentración de la tierra y el conflicto
violento. Los casos analizados en éste tribunal lo demuestran. La ocupación territorial y el
desalojo de la población civil son estrategias de guerra, adoptadas por las empresas
transnacionales para desocupar territorios, expandir sus áreas de control y apropiarse de manera
violenta de la tierra, usando y financiando para tal efecto a los grupos paramilitares y a las
mismas fuerzas del Estado. En ese marco, el desplazamiento de la población parece ser además
una estrategia de bajo costo para ocupar la tierra. Los campesinos, indígenas, afrocolombianos,
mineros, cuentan con una capacidad limitada para adoptar medidas de protección, lo cual los
convierte en un blanco de amenazas por parte de los agentes de las ETN, la fuerza pública y los
paramilitares; situación que se agrava en zonas de presencia guerrillera. El control de recursos
naturales primordiales, tales como el agua, y la perspectiva de futuros proyectos mineros y
viales, entre otros, han promovido también la apropiación violenta de la tierra."
Displacement increasingly used as a strategy of war according to UNCHR (2005)
•
Displacement in Colombia is not only a side effect of armed conflicts but a goal in itself
•
48% of forced displacements were to blame on paramilitary groups, 29% on insurgency
groups and 16% by unknown perpetrators, during 2000
•
Displaced people cited the main causes for fleeing as threats 34%, fear 18%, assassinations
14%, clashes 10% and massacres 9% during 2000
•
20 civilians daily died at home, in the street or at work, victims of socio-economic violence in
2000
•
53.6% cases of displacement during the first half of 2001 were attributable to paramilitaries,
19% to guerrilla and 1.47% to the armed forces according to the government Network
•
The number of cases attributed to state agents decreased and those attributed to paramilitary
groups increased, suggesting strong collusion between the two, according to the High
Commissioner on Human Rights (2002)
•
Intra-urban displacement has dramatically increased during 2002
60
“Una de las características del período es el crecimiento del desplazamiento individual y
unifamiliar y la disminución de los eventos masivos, de mayor impacto y visibilidad pública en el
país. Si bien es cierto que la disminución de los desplazamientos masivos tiene que ver con la
disminución de las masacres, también lo es que el incremento de los desplazamientos
individuales o unifamiliares tiene relación con la persistencia de los asesinatos selectivos, el
aumento de las amenazas y la generalización de las detenciones masivas, indiscriminadas y
arbitrarias.” (CODHES, February 2005)
Typology of conflict-related causes of displacement:
"The Delegate Procurator General for Human Rights in Colombia has identified four types of
displacement:
1. Displacement of peasant populations deliberately brought about by the different actors involved
in the violence through killing or physically assaulting peasants until they manage to drive away
the entire group or community. This is mainly caused by paramilitary groups in the Chocó region,
part of the Urabá region in the Department of Antioquia, in Bolívar and in Magdalena;
2. Non-deliberate displacement resulting from confrontation between armed groups,
bombardment, or military actions that indiscriminately target the local population, who lack
minimum guarantees and protection for their life and physical integrity. This situation arose in the
regions of Antioquia, Magdalena Medio, Bolívar and Meta;
3. Displacement caused by groups of people intent on taking possession of the land, who act
through private-interest action groups that force peasants to abandon their homes and crops;
4. Voluntary displacement of people to forestry or wildlife reserves, whose aim is to cultivate illicit
crops cultivation and who generate another type of conflict." (IACHR 1999, chapter VI, para. 21)
Displacement as military strategy:
"During the year 2000, the forced displacement of civilians continued to be used as a military
control strategy in the armed conflict. Some 48% of the cases of internal displacement were
carried out by the paramilitary groups, while 29% were the work of armed dissidents.
Displacement caused by unknown parties rose 16% of the total, which would seem to indicate
that the protagonists in the conflict do not always want to claim responsibility for the acts of
violence that cause and attend displacement." (IACHR 2000, chapter IV, para. 43)
"In a report released in 2000, Francis Deng, the UN secretary-general’s representative on
internally displaced persons, described Colombia’s situation as ‘among the gravest in the
world…[D]isplacement in Colombia is not merely incidental to the armed conflict but is also a
deliberate strategy of war." (HRW 2001)
"Death threats are the mechanism that the armed groups use most frequently to get rid of people
considered “undesirable” because of their alleged collaboration with the “enemy” and to take over
their property or to motivate them to displace. Furthermore, threats continue to be the means
used to force shopkeepers, businessmen, cattle ranchers and other groups in the economic
sector to make payments to the different armed groups.
[…]
Among the violations of the right to life are death threats made by phone or by mail with the aim
of intimidating the recipients into leaving the country or moving to another area, or of halting
judicial or administrative proceedings intended to clarify human rights violations or war crimes.
During the first 10 months of 2001, the Ombudsman’s Office received 474 reports of death
threats." (UN HCHR, 28 February 2002, para. 144, 88)
61
“11. One tactic of the illegal groups is to “besiege” rural communities, preventing villagers from
leaving, and blocking access to food, fuel, medicines and the basics for survival. Communities
sometimes find themselves enclaved or isolated between two or more armed bands and cannot
displace themselves, although their circumstances are objectively similar to those described in
article 1 of Law No. 387/97.” (GTD, 29 November 2002, p6)
Reasons for fleeing:
"Over the past few years and owing to the very nature of the armed conflict, displacement has
been caused by armed groups: the United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia (AUC), guerrilla
groups and Government forces. The Social Solidarity Network (RSS) notes in a study on forced
displacement that the proportional responsibility of each of these groups has varied considerably;
while there was a sharp increase in the proportional responsibility of AUC that of the Government
forces declined. The participation of guerrilla groups fluctuated, although there has been an
upward trend in recent months. The reasons given by internally displaced persons for their flight
can be broken down as follows: threats 34 per cent; fear 18 per cent; assassinations 14 per cent;
clashes 10 per cent; and massacres 9 per cent (the percentage of persons citing massacres
increased in the second half of 2000)." (GTD, 19 January 2001)
“En promedio, las massacres son las acciones armadas que más desplazan poblacción, en
promedio en cada masacre se desplazan 224 personas. La segunda acción armada que más
desplaza población es la amenaza generalizada (ordenes de desalojo a la población) en las que
migran en promedio 144 personas, le siguen en orden : enfrentamientos armados 102 personas,
tomas a municipios 78, ataques indiscriminados 33 y amenazas específicas 15." (RSS, 3 July
2001)
"With regard to alleged responsibility for displacement, the Network attributed 53.6 per cent of
cases to the paramilitaries during the first half of 2001, which represents a slight decrease in
percentage terms over 2000 (when the figure was 58 per cent) but a considerable increase in
absolute terms.[…] Paramilitary activity occurred chiefly in the northern part of the country during
consolidation operations, and in the Cauca during an expansion drive.[…] The guerrillas were
blamed in 19 per cent of the cases, a significant increase compared to 2000 (11 per cent).[…]
Displacements caused by the guerrillas were more common in the southern part of the country
and owed much to the fear of forced recruitment by FARC. The Network also reported an
increase in displacements directly attributed to the security forces (1.47 per cent in the first half of
2001, as compared with 0.02 per cent for the same period in 2000). This increase was due
primarily to military operations in the department of Vichada." (UN HCHR, 28 February 2002,
para. 227)
"According to the Colombian Lawyers’ Commission,[…] between April and September 2000, on
average nearly 20 people a day were victim of socio-economic violence, i.e. 3,538 people. If we
deduct from this figure the number of combatants killed in the battlefield, this would leave us with
2,660 civilian victims. Most of these deaths took place outside the hostilities. The daily
percentage has doubled compared to 1988 and continues to increase. These 20 daily victims are
the result of extra-judicial executions (including massacres), forced disappearances, combat and
social cleansing operations. As for the authors of human rights and international humanitarian law
violations, 4.55% are imputed to government forces, 79.1% to the paramilitary, and 16.25% to the
guerrillas. Since 1993, there has been a rapid increase in the number of violations perpetrated by
the paramilitary (20% that year and over 75% since 1997), whereas violations by government
agents dropped from 50% in 1993 to less than 5% in 1997. The Lawyers’ Commission has
established a link between both phenomena, pinpointing that “this suggests that government
agents may be directly or indirectly accountable for many actions that are performed underhand
or tolerated”.[…] Regarding IHL violations by dissident armed groups, they have usually violated
fundamental principles such as distinction and proportionality, mainly by means of the use of car-
62
bombs and gas cylinders as well as taking hostages and recruiting minors". (González Bustelo,
December 2001, ch.9)
“88. Enforced displacements increased substantially, affecting much of the country, [23] the
reason being that they are increasingly used as a war strategy. A disturbing characteristic of the
year was the increase in intra-urban displacements. According to the Social Solidarity Network
[…] (referred to henceforth as the Network), in the first nine months of 2002 the paramilitaries
were responsible for 30 per cent of displacements and the guerrillas for 14 per cent. Only 1 per
cent of cases were blamed on the Armed Forces. In 52 per cent of cases, two or more armed
factions are believed to be responsible. […]
[Endnote 23: According to the Compared Sources Estimation System (SEFC), enforced
displacements increased by 100 per cent in the first half of 2002 compared with the same period
in 2001. The main cause was generalized threats (46 per cent), followed by fighting (22 per cent)
and massacres (8 per cent). The Social Solidarity Network reported that 887 out of the total of
1,098 municipalities are affected by enforced displacements.]” (UNCHR, 24 February 2003,
para.88)
32. Death threats were the tactic most frequently used by illegal armed groups to bring about the
displacement of persons considered “undesirable”, either because they were suspected of
collaborating with the “enemy”, or to seize their belongings, or to terrorize them and bring them
under control, or else to decimate social organizations, or to exact a financial contribution. By
means of threats, these groups prevented free movement between urban and rural areas. The
Office received complaints of threats against the civilian population that were attributed to the
Army, for instance during an operation in Santa Ana (Antioquia) in September, when soldiers
accused the local inhabitants of belonging to guerrilla forces and threatened several of them.”
(UNCHR, 24 February 2003, para32 Sect.III)
Agents of displacement: guerrilla groups, 1960-2006
•
The guerrilla groups initially were engaged in land struggles and multiplied and strengthened
their presence in many areas of the country throughout the 1960s and 1970s
•
They have massacred civilians, burned cars and destroyed infrastructure in an offensive in
the run-up to the elections in March and May 2006
•
The two main active guerrilla groups as of March 2006 are the FARC (Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia) and the ELN (National Liberation Army)
•
The FARC maintains several battle fronts throughout Colombia and included at least 17,000
members in 2006
•
Displacement inducing practices include use of anti-personnel mines, hostage-taking,
kidnappings, destruction of civilian property, and attacks on vital civil works
•
In 2002 FARC stepped up attacks on State institutions and also indiscriminately targeted
civilians in acts of terrorism and kidnappings
•
In May 2002 FARC-EP killed 119 civilians in a church in Bojayá (Chocó) during a clash with
paramilitaries
•
FARC mostly resort to kidnappings, selective killing and ‘social cleansing’
•
In 2003, for the first time, guerrilla groups were the agent most responsible for forced
displacement
•
In 2004 FARC were slightly in retreat as a result of government’s military offensives
63
"La Federación Internacional de los Derechos Humanos (FIDH) rechaza enfáticamente las
ofensivas armadas de las FARC-EP que involucran masacres contra la población civil y de
concejales, quemas de vehículos y voladuras de torres de energía en los últimos 15 días, desde
que declararon el 16 de febrero “un paro armado” en diferentes departamentos del país.
La FIDH se une a la condena hecha por la Oficina en Colombia del Alto Comisionado de las
Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos, y considera que el ataque del pasado 26 de
febrero constituye un crimen de guerra. En efecto, el sábado 26 de febrero en El Diamante,
municipio de Puerto Rico, departamento de Caquetá, hacia las 17h30, las FARC-EP atacaron
con metralletas un microbus de transporte público con 25 pasajeros, todos civiles incluyendo
niños. El vehículo hacía la ruta entre San Vicente del Caguán y Florencia y después de tener
fallas en una de sus llantas, había quedado rezagado de una caravana que escoltaba la fuerza
pública. Del ataque resultaron 9 personas muertas y once más heridas, entre ellas una niña
menor de edad.
Al día siguiente de este hecho, el 27 de febrero hacia las 13h50, las FARC-EP realizaron otro
ataque armado en Rivera, departamento del Huila, en el que masacraron 8 concejales y otros 3
resultaron heridos.
Estos hechos son precedidos por otros ataques violentos en diferentes zonas del país, las cuales
han desatado una verdadera ola de violencia que ha afectado a más de 5 departamentos. En
efecto, en el Caquetá fueron voladas 2 torres de energía en 48 horas que dejaron al
departamento sin energía. Allí mismo fueron incinerados alrededor de 10 vehículos de transporte
público. Posteriormente, el 23 de febrero fueron quemados otros cinco vehículos pertenecientes
a Ecopetrol, en los departamentos de Arauca y Norte de Santader.
La FIDH repudia esta ola de violencia y terror y recuerda a las FARC-EP que estos, y todos los
ataques de este tipo en que se involucren civiles, contravienen las normas internacionales que
prohíben atentar contra la vida y la integridad de los civiles y dirigir ataques a la población civil.
La FIDH hace un llamado a las FARC-EP y a todas las partes del conflicto colombiano a cumplir
en todo momento las normas del derecho internacional humanitario, recordándoles que su eje
fundamental es la protección general de la población civil.
La FIDH urge al gobierno colombiano a levantar la reserva del artículo 124 del Estatuto de Roma
que impide que la Corte Penal Internacional, pueda ocuparse de investigar y juzgar los crímenes
de guerra cometidos en Colombia entre noviembre de 2002 y noviembre de 2009, mantener tal
reserva sólo sirve para auspiciar la degradación humanitaria en el conflicto armado que padece
Colombia." (FIDH, 1 March 2006)
“El año pasado [2003], por primera vez desde que se estudia el desplazamiento forzado en
Colombia, la guerrilla encabezó el listado de presuntos responsables armadso que generaron
desplazamiento por sus amenazas, asesinatos, masacres y reclutamiento forzado. Estas
acciones se siguen registrando de manera sistemática y deliberada contra la población civil, lo
que consitutye una clara infracción del derecho internacional humanitario.” (CODHES, 1 April
2004)
"The guerilla groups initially were engaged in land struggles. They multiplied and strengthened
their presence in many areas of the country throughout the 1960s and 1970s. These groups were
the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, made up initially of peasants demanding
land; the People's Liberation Army, or EPL; the National Liberation Army, or ELN; the M-19
Movement, created after allegations of fraud during the 1970 presidential elections; the Quintín
Lame Armed Indigenous Movement; the Ricardo Franco Commando; and others." (Obregón &
Stavropoulou 1998, p. 412)
64
"The main insurgent armed groups (guerrillas) in Colombia that oppose the State are the
following: the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de
Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation Army (Unión Camilista-Ejército de Liberación Nacional
(UC-ELN) and the People’s Liberation Army (Ejército Popular de Liberación (EPL)" (UNHCHR 8
February 2001, chapter V, para. 26)
"Full-time guerrillas are operating in more than 100 semiautonomous groups in 30 of the nation's
32 departments. These groups undertook armed actions in nearly 700 of the 1,073
municipalities." (U.S. DOS 26 February 1999, section 1g)
Displacement-inducing practices:
"Armed opposition guerrillas also committed abuses, and were considered responsible for 20
percent of the killings of civilians recorded in the six months from October 1999. The FARC
received foreign dignitaries, U.N. officials, and Wall Street billionaires in the five southern
municipalities ceded to them to promote peace talks, but continued to murder civilians, execute
captured government soldiers and rival guerrilla combatants after surrender, threaten and kill
civilians who refused to accede to their demands, take hostages, and force thousands of
Colombians to flee and become displaced. The group maintained an estimated seventy battle
fronts throughout Colombia thought to include at least 17,000 trained, uniformed, and armed
members." (HRW 2001)
"From the outset and for both historical and strategic reasons, [guerrilla groups] have opted to
operate in rural areas and gradually advance on urban centers. […]Although observers agree that
rural zones are the worst affected, armed violence does not exclude towns and cities, where
persons displaced from rural areas again encounter the same kinds of violations and insecurity."
(IACHR 1999, Chapter VI, para. 72)
"According to the Consultoria para los Derechos Humanos y Desplazamiento (CODHES), an
NGO that tracks the number of displaced and the causes of their displacement, guerrillas were
responsible for approximately 28 percent of forced displacements during over the first six months
of 2000." (UNHCHR 8 February 2001, chapter VI, para.141)
“According to the government, in 2000, the guerrillas were responsible for 14 percent of forced
displacement. […] The FARC and ELN fund their insurgencies both through kidnappings and
taxing coca growers and narcotraffickers in areas under their control." (USCR June 2001).
"The guerrillas were blamed in 19 per cent of the cases, a significant increase compared to 2000
(11 per cent).[…] Displacements caused by the guerrillas were more common in the southern part
of the country and owed much to the fear of forced recruitment by FARC." (UN HCHR, 28
February 2002, para. 227)
“Violation of international humanitarian law (in 2000) by armed opposition groups increased
significantly. Several hundred people, including scores of civilians, were deliberately and
arbitrarily killed by armed opposition groups. […] Kidnappings and hostage-taking reached
unprecedented levels. Of a reported 3,000 cases, more than half were believed to have been
carried out by armed opposition groups and paramilitary organizations. Children accounted for
200 of the victims.” (AI Annual Report 2001)
"Causing mass exoduses by means of terror was one of the armed group’s warfare strategies.
Sometimes, displacement was sparked by the fear that the arrival of one of the armed groups
was imminent. The groups did not always have to make specific threats, since the population
already knew what to expect if they were to turn up. Other displacements took place in the
aftermath of massacres. On 1 January, ELN [National Liberation Army] forced 1,100 peasants in
65
the eastern part of the department of Antioquia to move, as retaliation for a similar action by AUC
involving people who lived near the Medellín-Bogotá highway." (UN HCHR, 28 February 2002,
para. 174)
“30.[…] [T]he guerrilla groups stepped up their attacks. Pursuing their policy of attacking State
institutions at all levels FARC-EP in particular adopted new war strategies, pulling back their
forces in the countryside and avoiding excessive exposure to the security forces. These
strategies included threats and attacks against public officials, such as mayors or municipal
ombudsmen, which caused serious disruptions to local democracy. The methods used to attack
the civilian population, including more frequent hostage-taking and terrorist acts, combined with
an intensification of their attacks on public infrastructure, threaten the country’s political and
economic integrity and seriously restrict public life. The indiscriminate use of inappropriate
weaponry has had the effect of victimizing the civilian population. The new strategy of open war
on anything to do with the State has made the country much harder to govern and badly affected
regional institutions. It would appear also that kidnappings by FARC-EP were intended not only to
fill its war chest but also to make the group’s presence felt in defiance of the Government’s policy,
already challenged by acts of terrorism.
[…]
57. Although the number of massacres is estimated to have decreased, the number of violent
deaths continued to rise. In this respect, it is worth noting the increased incursions by FARC-EP,
including acts of terrorism, death threats, selective killings and “social cleansing”, as well as
indiscriminate attacks. The worst such attack, which occurred on 2 May 2002 in Bojayá (Chocó),
caused the deaths of 119 civilians when a gas-cylinder bomb launched by FARC-EP during a
clash with paramilitaries hit a church where a group of civilians had taken refuge. […] A number
of such acts are also attributed to ELN. An increase was observed moreover in attacks on
medical personnel and units, hostage- taking and the recruitment of minors by illegal armed
groups. The paramilitary groups continued to perpetrate massacres, although they more often
went in for selective killings and “social cleansing”. The illegal armed groups, especially FARCEP, have adopted new pressure tactics including threats and attacks on public officials such as
mayors and municipal ombudsmen, causing serious disruption to local democracy.” (UNCHR, 24
February 2003, paras30, 57)
“Contrario a las tendencias anteriores, los datos muestran una aparente disminución del
accionar bélico de las Farc, aunque no por ello ha dejado de impactar negativamente la vida
individual y colectiva de los pueblos indígenas. Por último, parece presentarse una reducción de
los delitos cometidos contra los pueblos indígenas del país por parte del ELN, al parecer por una
disminución de las acciones bélicas.” (CODHES, 2 September 2004)
For more detailed information on violations of international humanitarian law by the
guerilla movements, see HRW's report "War Without Quarter - Colombia and International
Humanitarian Law", Chapter V "Guerilla Violations of International Humanitarian Law"
[External link]; and the Colombia 1999 report of the Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights, Chapter IV, section D "Violence carried out by armed dissident groups" [External
link]
Agents of displacement: Colombian armed forces (2003)
•
Successive Governments have assigned the armed forces a growing role not only in the
counter-insurgency fight, but also in maintaining public order in general
•
President Uribe’s ‘counter-insurgency’ strategy based on Decree No.2002 which rules that
guerrillas are infiltrated in the Colombian social fabric is blurring the distinction between
combatants and civilians (2002-3)
66
•
Reports of violations of international humanitarian law and indiscriminate use of force by
security forces have increased (2002-3)
•
As Uribe took office (Aug 2002) he declared state of internal commotion granting the military
with judiciary police powers
•
Decree No. 2002 (Sept 2002) which sets ‘rehabilitation and consolidation zones’ was
declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court (Nov 2002) for violating freedom of
movement, residence, rights to privacy and due process
•
Security forces have been authorized to perform arrests, raids and searches without a
warrant
•
Uribe’s new policy includes the use of hooded informers, some of whom were then killed by
guerilla groups
"Not uncommonly, the Government's response to social instability and insurgency has been to
make use of state-of-siege legislation, periodically ceding large parts of the country to the military.
In the 1970s armed insurgency continued to grow, while the State adopted increasingly
repressive measures to combat it. The country has been under a state of siege virtually since the
end of the Violencia [in 1958]. Successive Governments have assigned the armed forces a
growing role not only in the counter-insurgency fight, but also in maintaining public order in
general. One example has been the loss of autonomy of the police, which was subordinated to
the Minister of Defence, until recently a senior general of the Army." (UN CHR 3 October 1994,
paras. 20-21)
Displacement-inducing practices
"Most observers agree that during the period of effect of Presidential Decree No. 717, of April 18,
1996, when almost 25% of the country was declared a 'special public order zone', in which the
armed forces were granted emergency powers, the situation of displaced persons worsened, and
that 'an extremely high percentage of human rights violations and infringements on provisions of
humanitarian law has gone unpunished.'[Office or the Human Rights Ombudsman, Third Annual
Report of the Human Rights Ombudsman to the Congress of Colombia, 19996, pp. 28-29]"
(IACHR 1999, chapter VI, paras. 67-68)
"CODHES estimated that the government forces were responsible for approximately 5 percent of
displacements over the first six months of 2000." (UNHCHR, 8 February, 2001, chapter VI, para.
141)
“37. In areas where the Army applied its new offensive strategy mentioned above, there were
complaints that on occasion the civilian population fell victim to a failure to distinguish between
combatants and civilians. In this regard, an important factor has been the attack on alleged
civilian “support networks” for the guerrillas, which was one of the announced objectives included
in the measures adopted during the state of internal commotion and an integral part of the
counter-insurgency strategy. The Army’s strategy of cutting off the guerrilla forces’ supplies
wherever possible without then guaranteeing the principle of distinction, has, on several
occasions, caused difficulties for the civilian population on account of blockades imposed on the
transport of food, gasoline and other articles of prime necessity. That was the case in Sierra
Nevada de Santa Marta and in Chalán (Sucre). On the other hand, shortcomings in military
intelligence may well be to blame for inadequate warning and protection of the civilian population,
for the failure to apply the principle of distinction, and for the adoption of questionable methods of
combating violence, such as establishing networks of informers and conducting large- scale raids.
[…]
58. Reports of breaches of international humanitarian law by the security forces also increased,
especially in connection with the principles of distinction, limitation and proportionality. The State
67
added roadblocks, commonly used by all armed groups, to its policies for impeding support and
supplies supposedly provided by civilians to the illegal armed groups: for example in Urrau
(south-east Antioquia) and Bahía Solano (Chocó) in September and October, and in the river
Atrato area. This approach to the problem is in fact suggested in Decree No. 2002, which says
that criminal groups are blending into the civilian population. On the other hand, the State was
clearly unable to prevent attacks by illegal armed groups or mount an adequate response to
them. As the Government itself admits, the effectiveness of its preventive mechanisms has been
limited. […]” (UNCHR, 24 February 2003, para37-58)
State of internal commotion further undermines the rule of law:
“63. The Office in Colombia, under the terms of its mandate, gave advice regarding the
compatibility of the rules and measures brought in under the state of internal commotion with the
Government’s international commitments. It expressed an opinion on some of the provisions of
Decree No. 2002 of 2002, which set up rehabilitation and consolidation zones (special public
order zones) and imposed restrictions on the rights to freedom of movement and residence, to
respect for private life and domicile, to individual freedom and to due process, in a manner
incompatible with international principles. On 26 ovember, the Constitutional Court declared
several of its provisions to be inapplicable, as described in chapters III and VIII of this report.
[…]
65. In view of the short time during which the state of emergency has been in effect, any firm
conclusions would be premature. Nevertheless, the Office of the High Commissioner wishes to
mention its concern at the abusive and indiscriminate use of force and the violations of due
process and other fundamental rights entailed by measures that are not founded on the principle
of legality and are removed from the prior and subsequent independent supervision of the courts
and the Department of Public Prosecution. The main concerns in this respect focus on the need
for adequate means of ensuring effective, independent State supervision. Moreover, the danger
that the civilian population may end up being disproportionately affected and increasingly
vulnerable, especially in the case of groups such as human rights defenders, social leaders
anddisplaced persons, must be examined prudently and responsibly.” (UNCHR, 24 February
2003, paras63, 65)
Decree No. 2002 – ruled unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court set up ‘rehabilitation
and consolidation zones’:
“68. In many of the operations, the security forces made use of the powers they had been given
under the decree (which were subsequently declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional
Court), authorizing them to perform arrests, raids and searches without a warrant; this led to the
detention of many individuals, of whom only a minority were ever brought before the courts. In
several cases, the use of hooded informers damaged the reputations of the individuals they
singled out. The arrests of some 2,000 people in Saravena (Arauca), on 12 and 13 November,
led to the prosecution of 49 of them, of whom almost 20 belonged to social or trade union
organizations. Also in Saravena, at least five relatives of informers were killed by guerrilla groups.
In addition, grave abuses by the Army were reported, including executions, especially in
Arauquita, where similar problems had already arisen prior to the establishment of the zone.
69. At the same time as the security forces intensified their counter-insurgency operations in the
rehabilitation zones, which cover areas traditionally under guerrilla control, paramilitary groups
penetrated some places, as in the town of Sincelejo and other municipalities in Sucre, such as
Chalán and Ovejas. In other places, such as Arauca, they maintained their presence despite the
military operations.” (UNCHR, 24 February 2003, paras 68-69)
68
Collusion between Colombian security forces and paramilitary groups aggravate the
problem of displacement
•
Collusion between the armed forces and paramilitary groups and widespread impunity are
factors seriously aggravating the situation of displacement
•
Reports indicate that paramilitaries consolidated their presence in areas where the army had
conducted counter-insurgency operations like in Arauca, the ‘former demilitarized zone’, Valle
del Cauca, Guaviare and El Catatumbo
•
76% of violations committed by ‘unknown’ agents are allegedly attributed to State agents, 5%
of which directly and 71% indirectly according to the Colombian Commission of Jurists (2002)
•
Paramilitaries are de facto assuming state functions by imposing codes of conduct on the
population and imposing that public resources be channeled through organizations under
their control (2002-3)
•
Colombians have recurrently identified members of the military forces among the
paramilitaries and often soldiers wear no kind of identification
•
Paramilitary and armed forces joint operations are to blame for the massacre of El Limón and
the theft of WFP supplies according to UNHCHR
•
The great majority of paramilitaries and public officials linked to them enjoy impunity for the
crimes they commit
"The Colombian Commission of Jurists (CCJ) and other local and international human rights
organizations charge that the government is responsible for many of the abuses committed
against civilians, including forced displacement, because it supports or tolerates the actions of the
paramilitary groups. According to the CCJ, ‘In many of the crimes committed by the
paramilitaries, there is active or passive participation of government forces.’
The Colombian government continued to deny accusations that it supports or colludes with
paramilitary groups. A December 2000 report on paramilitary groups issued by the vicepresidents office said that the findings of a government study on this issue ‘disproved accusations
that the government finances, organizes, or plans joint operations with ‘self defence’ [paramilitary]
groups.’ The report noted, however, ‘That does not mean that some of its [the government’s]
agents do not have an attitude towards these organizations [paramilitaries] that is sympathetic, or
even supportive." (USCR June 2001).
"Collusion between the Colombian security forces, particularly the army, and paramilitary groups
continued and, indeed, strengthened. Instances of collaboration included the sharing of
intelligence information, the transfer of prisoners, the provision of ammunition by the armed
forces to the paramilitary, and joint patrols and military operations in which serious human rights
violations were committed." (AI 2001)
"During 2001, the Office continued to observe that paramilitary activity was strengthening and
spreading throughout much of the country’s territory. The Office noted the limited effectiveness of
the measures taken against paramilitary groups to curb their activities, contain their advance and
respond to their aggressions, as well as the fickle commitment on the part of the State in this
struggle. The members of the paramilitary groups continued to be the main parties responsible
for the increase in human rights violations. They also greatly contributed to the deterioration in
the conflict through their systematic use of violence and terror against the civilian population in
zones under their control and in areas affected by their raids. Toleration, support and complicity
on the part of public servants, as well as non-fulfilment of their duty to safeguard rights, with
respect to several acts by these groups, mean that the State continues to bear responsibility."
(UN HCHR 28 February 2002, para. 202)
69
"Human Rights Watch has documented abundant, detailed, and compelling evidence that certain
Colombian army brigades and police detachments continue to promote, work with, support, profit
from, and tolerate paramilitary groups, treating them as a force allied to and compatible with their
own.
At their most brazen, the relationships […] involve active coordination during military operations
between government and paramilitary units; communication via radios, cellular telephones, and
beepers; the sharing of intelligence, including the names of suspected guerrilla collaborators; the
sharing of fighters, including active-duty soldiers serving in paramilitary units and paramilitary
commanders lodging on military bases; the sharing of vehicles, including army trucks used to
transport paramilitary fighters; coordination of army roadblocks, which routinely let heavily-armed
paramilitary fighters pass; and payments made from paramilitaries to military officers for their
support.
In the words of one Colombian municipal official, the relationship between Colombian military
units, particularly the army, and paramilitaries is a “marriage.”" (HRW September 2001)
"A wide-ranging pattern of collusion between the national police, the army and paramilitary forces
in the area of Puerto Asís, Putumayo department, was revealed to the authorities by a member of
the national police and the local human rights ombudsman. According to their sworn testimonies,
paramilitary groups consorted openly with army personnel and police in the town of Puerto Asís.
On the outskirts of the town they maintained a base, where people who had been abducted were
taken to be tortured and killed. The base was only a few hundred metres from the headquarters
of the army’s 24th Brigade and a base of the 25th Battalion. Army officers held regular meetings
with paramilitary leaders in the base." (AI Annual Report 2001)
“The office (of the High Commissioner for Human Rights) noted that “disciplinary and judicial
investigations reveal that direct links between some members of the Armed Forces and
paramilitary groups persist” and described the government’s efforts to break those links as
virtually nonexistent.” (HRW World Report 2001)
“[…] Colombian human rights groups submitted a list of five massacres carried out by
paramilitaries in 2001 and January of 2002 in which there is credible evidence that
Colombian military units either took direct part or allowed the killings to take place and the
perpetrators to escape. Separately, Human Rights Watch received recent, credible, and detailed
reports of continued collaboration between the Colombian military and paramilitary groups in the
Middle Magdalena region, […] the southern Pacific coast, […] the department of Putumayo, […]
the Urabá region, […] and the department of Antioquia. These are not isolated incidents, but
rather widespread patterns of behavior and collusion.” (AI, HRW, WOLA, February 2002)
“Approximately 76% of the homicides of political and socially marginalized individuals and of
forced disappearances, in which the generic perpetrator is known, are allegedly attributed to
State agents. Five percent (5%) are attributed directly (127 victims), while 71% (1,882 victims),
indirectly, because of omission, tolerance, acquiescence, or support to the violations committed
by paramilitary groups. 24% (628 victims) of the cases were allegedly attributed to guerrillas.”
(Asemblea Permanente de la Sociedad Civil por la Paz, etc…)
“38. It is worth noting that several times the paramilitaries moved into and stationed troops in
areas of the country where the security forces had previously conducted counter- insurgency
operations. This occurred, for instance, in the municipalities of Mesetas, Vistahermosa and San
Vicente del Caguán (the former demilitarized zone), in the province of Ocaña (Norte de
Santander), in Curillo (Caquetá), and in Cravo Norte, Puerto Rondón and Tame (Arauca), and in
Medellín.
[…]
59. The critical human rights and humanitarian law situation, combined with the worsening armed
conflict, has aggravated problems with governability and the rule of law. The problems are also
due to indiscriminate action by illegal armed groups and the lack of a Government presence in
70
several areas of the country. The paramilitaries have continued with their strategy of usurping
functions that properly belong to the State, aking advantage of the tolerance or passive attitude of
the authorities and of some sectors of society. The expansion and consolidation of paramilitary
forces in several areas under their control have enabled them to infiltrate the State system as part
of their strategy, going so far in several regions as to set up a kind of parallel State, at great
implicit risk to the continued enforcement of the rule of law. Perhaps the most blatant public sign
of this de facto assumption of State functions, though by no means the only one, is the way they
have imposed codes of conduct on the whole population. The Office inColombia has received
complaints of municipal or departmental decisions having to be approve by paramilitary chiefs,
and of pressure being brought to bear on the choice of recipients of funds, with indications of
where and how funds should be invested, or requiring public resources to be channelled through
organizations under the paramilitaries’ control.
[…]
75. Concerns are partly due to the frequent failure to act in response to reiterated complaints and
public awareness of the existence of permanent paramilitary bases, checkpoints and operations.
The Office in Colombia has received reports of the security forces themselves announcing the
impending arrival of paramilitary groups, and even of cases where local inhabitants recognized
members of the military forces among paramilitary contingents. This coordination between the
two is also indicated by the fact that paramilitary incursions have occurred either immediately
before or after major military operations, such as in Arauca, the former “demilitarized zone”, Valle
del Cauca, Guaviare and El Catatumbo. Further doubts are raised by the fact that soldiers
sometimes wear no kind of identification to distinguish them from other armed groups. One
reported example of failure to act concerns the events in Bojayá, which were preceded by
paramilitary boats coming along the river Atrato from Turbo, thus having to pass several security
force control posts. In some cases, the reports were not only of the security forces tolerating or
failing to respond to paramilitary activities, but also of complicity or direct involvement by the
security forces in such activities, such as the massacre in El Limón (Guajira) on 31 August, the
theft of World Food Programme (WFP) food supplies in July in Cesar (blamed on paramilitaries
but recovered by the Army, which said that it had confiscated the supplies from the guerrilla
forces), and the meetings between commandos or members of AUC and the Armed Forces in
Vigía el Fuerte (Antioquia) on 9 and 10 May.” (UNCHR, 24 February 2003, paras38,58,75)
Impunity:
“Officers implicated in serious abuses remained on active duty, and only in exceptional cases
were they suspended. Military judges generally continued to ignore a 1997 Constitutional Court
decision requiring that cases involving soldiers accused of gross human rights violations be
prosecuted in civilian courts.” (HRW World Report 2001)
“Despite some prosecutions and convictions, the authorities rarely brought higher-ranking officers
of the security forces and the police charged with human rights offenses to justice. Members of
the security forces collaborated with paramilitary groups that committed abuses, in some
instances allowing such groups to pass through roadblocks, sharing information, or providing
them with supplies or ammunition. Despite increased government efforts to combat and capture
members of paramilitary groups, security forces also often failed to take action to prevent
paramilitary attacks. Paramilitary forces still find support among the military and police, as well as
among local civilian populations in many areas.” (U.S. Department of State, March 2002)
“The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, which visited Colombia in December 2001,
said that it remained striking that “the confessed perpetrators of crimes against humanity, with
pending orders of arrest against them, move throughout Colombia while giving press interviews.”
The Commission also concluded that paramilitaries continue to depend on the active coordination
with and the tolerance of units within the security forces.” (AI, HRW, WOLA, February 2002)
71
"Members of the Colombian military continued to accuse government investigators, agencies, and
nongovernmental organizations of having been infiltrated by opposition guerrillas, and questioned
the legitimacy of investigations." (HRW 2001)
“77. The fact that the great majority of these cases go unpunished and public officials are never
held criminally liable for their links with paramilitary groups and operations, is one of the more
questionable aspects of the commitment to oppose such situations. Furthermore, the transfer of
several such cases to the military courts, as mentioned in the following section, detracts from the
independence of investigations and limits their effectiveness. These factors undermine the
maintenance and construction of an institutional base which is both democratic and respectful of
the rule of law, and confirm the impression that paramilitarism is tolerated, even accepted, among
certain sectors of the population.” (UNCHR, 24 February 2003, para.77)
Displacements caused by fumigations and Plan Colombia (2006)
•
The US supported plan Colombia causes cross-border movements to Ecuador, Venezuela,
Costa Rica and Panama (February 2006)
•
Since 2000 the US gave US$ 3 billion mostly in counter-narcotics military aid to Colombia
(end 2003)
•
Indigenous communities are concerned that areas where illegal crops are grown have turned
into dangerous war zones due to the war on drugs
•
Nearly 80% of the aid will be for military anti-narcotic efforts in the Caquetá and Putumayo
region, in southern Colombia
•
US government officials admit that as many as 150,000 people might be displaced as a result
of the US financed counter narcotics activities in Colombia
•
More than US$ 490 million in military aid is planned for 2003 by President Bush, for the
"counter-insurgency war", with complete disregard for the already noted increase in violence
and paramilitaries' human right abuses
•
The Bush administration removed all restrictions on U.S. military aid to Colombia notably
those imposing human rights standards
•
Farmers whose land had been fumigated said fruit trees and vegetable crops were destroyed,
leaving the soil totally infertile for food-crops – ironically coca can grow on infertile land
•
Local authorities demands to central government to consider manual eradication of coca
have been ignored and fumigations in La Gabarra are displacing coca cultivation to
indigenous reserves
•
Farmers are willing to substitute coca crops with other crops but government policy of no
assistance before ‘total eradication’ leaves farmers in hunger and destitution, and only shifts
coca cultivation to other impoverished remote areas
•
Irregular armed actors have undermined manual eradication of coca, they impose taxation on
coca products and enforce roadblocks making legal agricultural production unviable and
weakening social structures
•
Operation Holocaust to combat insurgents and their war economy launched in September
2003 displaced many families in North of Santander
For background of the the "Plan Colombia", click here.
"Su director [de ACNUR]dijo en Quito [en Febrero 2006]que las víctimas causadas por la lucha
contra la guerrilla y el narcotráfico se han desplazado hacia Ecuador y Venezuela.
72
"Diría que desde (que empezó a aplicarse el) Plan Colombia, los refugiados se han elevado.
Colombia dice que ha disminuido, pero la realidad es otra. El problema continúa", afirmó Philippe
Lavanchy, director de la Oficina de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados en América (Acnur),
en conferencia de prensa en Quito.
Según el delegado internacional, la ofensiva antidrogas ha obligado a miles de personas a
buscar refugio en países vecinos, generando una situación "dramática".
"Colombia tiene la situación de refugiados mas dramática del hemisferio", enfatizó, y agregó que
la misma ha afectado a las naciones que a diario reciben a los desplazados por la violencia
colombiana.
En ese sentido, precisó que Ecuador, con 250.000 solicitudes de refugio, encabeza la lista de los
países que más siente el impacto del conflicto armado en su país vecino desde 2000.
Le siguen Venezuela (200.000), Panamá (40.000) y Costa Rica (20.000), sin contar con los
desplazados dentro de territorio colombiano, donde son cerca de 2 millones, precisó.
Lavanchy detalló que sólo Acnur ha atendido a 25.000 refugiados en Ecuador y aclaró que el
desfase con el total de afectados se debe a que la mayoría teme o ignora que puede pedir ayuda
al organismo."(El Tiempo, 9 February 2006)
Eradication policies
"The Commission also examined the conditions surrounding the implementation of illicit-crop
eradication programs by the military in zones allegedly under guerilla control. The aim of such
programs is to destroy coca plantations using chemicals like tebuthiuron, which is classed as one
of the most harmful to humans and future crops. Reports from several sources allege that military
forces have caused the displacement of coca growers using these methods, as well as extreme
violence against persons they alleged were connected with insurgents." (IACHR 1999, chapter VI,
para. 71)
“The Office has received evidence that fumigations on land inhabited by indigenous and AfroColombian communities affect the environment and the food security of the local inhabitants by
destroying crops and impoverishing the soil. This has happened in the departments of Cauca,
Norte de Santander and Putumayo.” (UNCHR, 24 February 2003, para.100)
Plan Colombia
“Since 2000, Washington has provided approximately U.S.$3 billion in support of Plan Colombia,
largely aimed at semming the production and flow of drugs to the U.S. For FY2004, the aid flow –
mostly military – to its closest South American ally in the “global war on terrorism” is expected to
continue. [...] The U.S. plans to appropriate approximately U.S.$424 million in military and police
assistance and U.S.$150 million in social and economic aid through the Andean Counter-Drug
Initiative (ACI). An additional U.S.$108 million would be provided by the defence department in
foreign military assistance.” (ICG, 13 November 2003, p.12)
"On January 11th [2000] the Clinton Administration announced an aid package to Colombia for
more than $1 billion over the next two years. This will be in addition to the more that $300 million
in the current budget. Nearly 80% of the aid will be for antinarcotic efforts in the Caqueta and
Putumayo region, in southern Colombia. Included are funds to buy military equipment ($400
million to buy Blackhawk helicopters), to train two antinarcotic battalions, carry out drug traffic
interdiction, and equipment for crop eradication. The remaining 20% will go for alternative
development programs, strengthening of the judicial system, and human rights protection. Given
73
the dangerous, marginalized lives displaced Colombians already endure, it is particularly
egregious that the Administration's proposed aid package encourages and funds a military
offensive into southern Colombia that it anticipates will displace thousands more civilians from
their homes. The aid package language demonstrates this by calling for funds to "provide shelter
and employment to the Colombian people who will be displaced"by the offensive. According to
Ruiz, "It is shocking that instead of helping alleviate the plight of displaced Colombians, the
United States plans to help swell their ranks." (USCR February 14, 2000)
"Since August 2000, there has been a noticeable deepening in the humanitarian crisis and a
deterioration in security conditions, which adversely affect the protection of the civilian population.
Moreover, the Colombia Plan has led to the increasing polarization of Colombian society.." (GTD
19 January 2001)
“To end curbs on aid to Colombia the Bush administration announced plans, on Friday 15th
March, to ask Congress to remove all restrictions on U.S. military aid to Colombia, including those
that limit assistance to counter-narcotics efforts, impose human rights standards on the
Colombian military and cap the number of U.S. military personnel in the country. The
administration will also seek permission for U.S.-trained brigades, along with U.S. equipment and
ammunition, to be used in military operations against the Armed Revolutionary Forces of
Colombia (FARC). The proposal, which also aims to prevent restrictions on any future aid, will be
included in legislation for additional funds for global and domestic anti-terrorism efforts this year.
The Pentagon recently proposed including Colombia in the global war on terrorism.” (US Office
on Colombia, 18 March 2002)
“El 80% de los ingresos de la guerrilla vienen del narcotráfico ya que es más seguro que el
secuestro. Aunque los paramilitares también está altamente involucrados en ele negocio, en
particular en la Gabarra. Los cultivos ya están bajando más cerca de los grupos de población,
hacia Ocaña, Convención y Sardinata.”(PCS, 8 November 2002)
“During late May and most of June 2003, spray planes flew over the southern part of the
department of Bolivar in the heart of Colombia, indiscriminately fumigating vast jungles, grazing
land, rural dwellings and both licit and illicit crops with the chemical glyphosate.
[…]
The main obstacle to successful coca eradication is that the government’s carrot and stick
approaches of fumigation and alternative development programs do not respond to the
complexity of local situations, with their extremely bad infrastructure, the presence of armed
groups – FARC, ELN and AUC – that often impose economic and food blockades on the local
population, and a historically weak state presence: Geographical remoteness is a problem. It is
difficult to reach rural areas given the poor road conditions and high transport costs. Among other
factors, the lack of passable roads makes some rural areas extremely inhospitable for legal cash
crops. For example, the cost of transporting a truckload of cassava to the nearby urban centre of
San Pablo – just 30 km away from Virgencita - is 20,000 pesos while the cassava itself would
only bring 30,000 pesos on the market, leaving the family with 10,000 pesos or approx US$3
(without including cultivation and harvesting costs). While traditional agricultural products cost too
much to produce and hardly yield any profit, coca paste is easily transportable and pays enough
to earn a living. The presence of irregular armed actors has a number of consequences: (1) they
undermine manual eradication of coca crops, (2) impose taxation on coca leaves and paste and
enforce roadblocks, and (3) weaken social structures. Armed actors have adopted a hostile
stance toward crop substitution and rural development. Local farmers told the mission that they
had received threats and were advised not to agree to manual eradication, which would secure
alternative development in the region. Armed actors stigmatize and exploit farmers, impose
taxation on coca leaves and paste, engage in the looting of livestock and food and increasingly
impose economic and food blockades. Indeed, frequent restrictions on movement and trade
means that commerce is almost impossible in the region.
74
[…]
Intensifying restrictions on trade and migrations have dissuaded farmers from investing in
traditional activities such as cattle ranching and instead encourage coca cultivation. Furthermore,
the presence of the paramilitary and guerrilla groupings has weakened social structures.
Community leaders in particular have been subjected to systematic disappearances, massacres
and forced displacements. The lack of welfare and basic service provision has pushed many
farmers to opt for the coca economy. Local community leaders have continuously insisted on
funds for road improvements, employment schemes, schools and health care, but so far
regionalauthorities have not responded to their needs, according to peasant leaders of rural San
Pablo. Peasant communities feel criminalized by the state, which depicts them as guerrilla
supporters and coca producers. Aerial fumigation and lack of socio-economic investment, far
from eliminating coca crops, are fuelling anti-government sentiments, particularly in
guerrillacontrolled areas.
[…]
Most families of Agualinda have lost both their coca and food crops, but no one has received any
aid to date. Families are now running out of food.
[…]
In spite of these controversies, President Uribe restarted fumigation in October 2002, following a
temporary halt because of the Ombudsman’s appeal to investigate Plan Colombia’s impact on
public health. Uribe intends to target all areas where coca is being cultivated in order to stamp out
drug production and trafficking by 2006; the government’s determination is outlined in the latest
‘Plan de Seguridad Democrática’ […]. This year’s target is the fumigation of a 200,000-hectare
area, twice the amount of existing crops […], and Uribe is now frantically fumigating to meet his
goal. The Magdalena Media region has an estimated 30,000 hectares of coca land, of which
10,000 hectares are to be sprayed during the course of the year. Spraying has also become an
instrument to combat insurgents groups – the war on drugs and terrorism are interlinked,
according to the US and Colombian governments – in order to re-establish state control over its
regions and take charge of its economic resources again. To meet the objective of total
eradication, the government designed a multifaceted strategy that combines aerial fumigation, the
apprehension of drug trafficking networks, socio-economic investment and alternative
development programs. The plan states that farmers wishing to benefit from drug substitution
projects must commit to a total eradication of illicit crops (Política de Defensa y Seguridad
Democrática, 2003) The problem is that unless alternative rural development programs are
implemented – at a national level - prior to eradicating the coca, illicit crops will keep moving to
other impoverished rural areas throughout Colombia and the Andean region. While the
government has Plan Colombia funds available for social programs that seek to facilitate and
promote the eradication of illicit crops (i.e. funds for emergency aid and alternative development
programs), nothing has to date been invested in the way of assisting locals of rural San Pablo.
Consequences and impacts of fumigation
Aerial fumigation has exacerbated economic hardship, inflicted a humanitarian crisis and also
meant that many had to leave the area. Fumigation policies in general have long raised questions
about the impact on food security, the environment and health, as well as its relation to forced
displacement. Although the impact of aerial fumigation has been studied widely […] such
evaluations have not been taken into account by the US and Colombian governments.” (PCS, 28
August 2003)
“The Colombian Government has presented to the international community an aid package
known as “Plan Colombia”. Plan Colombia is based on a drug-focussed analysis of the roots of
the conflict and the human rights crisis, which completely ignores the Colombian state’s own
historical and current responsibility. It also ignores deep-rooted causes of the conflict and the
human rights crisis. The Plan proposes a principally military strategy (in the US component of
Plan Colombia) to tackle illicit drug cultivation and trafficking through substantial military
assistance to the Colombian armed forces and police. Social development and humanitarian
75
assistance programs included in the Plan cannot disuise its essentially military character. […]
Humanitarian assistance programs for internally displaced perons fail to address the causes of
displacement and are merely designed to mitigate its consequences and thereby reduce the
visibility of the internally displaced, including those people displaced as a consequence of the
Plan’s military operations.” (AI, 10 July 2000)
“Como indicado en el anterior informe del GTD, las Naciones Unidas [...] admiten la erradicación
forzada y la fumigación, siempre y cuando se haga en el respeto de los derechos humanos y
fundamentales (en los cuales se incluye la salud humana) la protección de medio ambiente y el
respeto de los usos tradicionales de la hoja de coca. Esto significa que la fumigación se aplique
como última instancia – cuando no haya posibilidades de lograr formas de erradicación
voluntaria y substitución de cultivos, y que de toda manera no se fumiguen áreas de pequeños
cultivos de menos de 3 hectáreas y áreas de comunidades indígenas.” (GTD, 23November 2002,
p.26)
“In the region of Catatumbo, Norte de Santander, fumigation of illicit crops continues and is
producing displacement of farmers from rural areas to the urban centers. In order to tackle the
rising problem, regional authorities are asking the central government to consider the manual
eradication of coca plants instead of chemical fumigations.” (WFP, 16 October 2003)
"USCR travelled to Putumayo in June. Farmers whose land had already been fumigated said that
the fumigation had destroyed fruit trees and vegetable crops, leaving the soil so contaminated
that they were not able to re-plant their food crops, and that contamination of streams and ponds
has resulted in widespread deaths of fish and farm animals. The mayor of Puerto Asis
municipality said that fumigation ‘will not end coca production. That will just move deeper into the
jungle.’ Many farmers said that they would be glad to substitute other crops for coca, but the
government would have to help them." (USCR June 2001)
“En Norte de Santander si bien se han dado fumigaciones este año desde el mes de enero, ha
sido en el mes de septiembre [2003] en el que más se ha visto afectada la población. La
operación militar Holocausto que acompañó las fumigaciones en el mes de septiembre genero
entre otras cosas el desplazamiento forzado de población desde la Gabarra hacia otras regiones
del departamento y hacia el otro lado de la frontera.” (CODHES, 2 January 2004)
“Otro factor que está afectando las condiciones para permanecer en esta zona es la inseguridad
alimentaria, como consecuencia del inicio de las fumigaciones en la zona del bajo Putumayo
hace dos meses. Según los habitantes de la región, esta estrategia sigueaplicándose de forma
indiscriminada33 y ha afectado la zona de Gallinazo (36 veredas), corregimiento del municipio de
Puerto Guzmán sobre el río Caquetá, muy cercade la base de Tres Esquinas. Incluso el
gobierno, a través del vice-ministro de Defensa reconoce el impacto de esta estrategia de
seguridad sobre la situación alimentariade economías campesinas basadas en el cultivo de a
coca: “hay un serio problema de desabastecimiento por las incautaciones del Ejército y porque
sin la pasta decoca no tienen cómo pagar la comida” […] Hasta el momento, esta estrategia de
seguridad no cuenta con el apoyo gubernamental para otras opciones sostenibles y viablesque
permitan la sustitución de cultivos ilícitos de forma gradual y garanticen el sustento de estas
familias que dependen de la economía de la coca.” (CODHES, December 2004)
For further information on the consequences of the aerial spraying; click here
Displacement induced by drug trafficking (2005)
76
•
Colombian territory has one of the largest illicit drugs cultivation areas in the world which
generates high levels of violence and corruption
•
Colombian potential cocaine production has increased at over 150% since 1995
•
Colombian authorities found evidence of the existence of a network of 162 new Colombian
drug groups, directly involving at least 4,060 persons, which in turn are connected to more
than 40 international criminal organisations (2002)
•
Displacement of indigenous populations from their territories is also a result of the growing
invasion of settlers involved in growing coca (often with the support of the paramilitaries),
guerrilla activities and the repression of those activities
•
The Colombian border zones worst affected by armed conflict in recent years have been
areas of illicit drugs cultivation and of strategic interest for the illicit traffic of arms and drugs
•
Leaders of indigenous communities have been disproportionately killed and displaced
because their communities live in areas of strategic importance or where there is potential for
drug production
•
200 Kankuamo leaders have been killed between 2002-2005
"Despite its anti-drug campaigns, including record fumigations of drug crops in 1997, Colombian
territory produces one of the largest illicit drug crops in the world. According to Colombian
National Police statistics, 50,000 hectares of Colombian land support coca crops. Other estimates
are even higher. The drug trade is inherently violent, because it involves activities outside of the
boundaries of the law which include the handling of large amounts of money. Because the norms
and mechanisms of the law do not apply to these activities, the disputes which inevitably arise are
also resolved illegally, usually with violence. In addition, those involved in the drug trade must
constantly seek to protect themselves and their business from the scrutiny of the law. They use
their capacity to commit acts of violence as the primary means of obtaining this end. At the same
time, using the threat of violence, they engage in acts of bribery and extortion of public officials,
introducing extreme levels of corruption into the State entities which must deal with the trade.
Thus, the State is affected, either through violence against its agents or through their corruption.
In this way, drug trafficking agents and the business itself bring levels of violence and corruption
which are intolerable and which threaten the very social, political and economic fabric of the
country. In addition, the money which the State must place into the fight against drugs might
otherwise be used to strengthen State programs addressing the needs of the poor. The diversion
of these funds contributes to the situation of social and economic inequality which, in turn, often
leads to additional violence." (IACHR 1999, chapter I, paras. 48-51)
"Colombian potential cocaine production has increased at over 150% since 1995." (U.S. DOS, 16
May 2001)
“According to the CIA, the illegal crops increased with 25% last year. 170,000 hectares of the
country are covered with coca crops.” (El Tiempo, 24 March 2002)
"Las autoridades colombianas tienen evidencias sobre la conformación de cerca de 162 nuevos
grupos de narcos que involucran directamente a por lo menos 4.060 personas en el país y que
están conectados con más de 40 organizaciones delictivas internacionales. […]
Como en la décadas de los ochenta y los noventa, los narcotraficantes están tratando de infiltrar
organismos de seguridad y cuerpos colegiados, coinciden oficiales colombianos de inteligencia.
[…]
La arremetida de la mafia también se detecta en la creciente conformación de pequeños
carteles. […] "Prácticamente ya no existe un gran cartel como tal. Ahora, hay organizaciones que
se concentran en una etapa del negocio y luego se asocian. La estrategia es no ser detectadas
fácilmente por las autoridades y tener rendimientos económicos más seguros y con menos
riesgo", dice otro investigador de la Policía. […]
77
Hechos de violencia ligados con la mafia […] son otras alertas." (El Tiempo, 24 March 2002)
“En síntesis, la frontera colombo-venezolana presenta dos dinámicas de conflicto asociadas
alincremento del desplazamiento: una de confrontación armada por el control de las
áreascultivadas de coca y los corredores para el tráfico ilegal de armas y drogas en Norte
deSantander, Guajira y Cesar. Otra de traslado de estos cultivos, repliegue de la guerrilla y
avanzada paramilitar más “silenciosa” y menos visible mediante siembra de minas y bloqueos,
hacia la orinoquía y amazonía, con alto riesgo de convertirse en escenario de confrontación.
[…]
El traslado de cultivos desde el sur, en el departamento de Nariño por toda la costa pacíficahasta
el Chocó, constituye un factor de riesgo para la población civil de esta región, para la seguridad
alimentaria y para la sostenibilidad ambiental ante un posible inicio de las fumigaciones en esta
zona con más alto nivel de biodiversidad en el mundo. Además, con el incremento de los cultivos
de coca en la zona se agudiza el conflicto y se intensifica la guerra.
[…]
La información presentada en esta sección muestra que durante los últimos tres meses en las
zonas de frontera hay una intensificación y expansión del conflicto hacia los países vecinos.
Estadinámica está directamente relacionada con la disputa territorial entre grupos armados
irregulares, asociada al control del negocio de las drogas y del tráfico ilegal de armas (control de
corredores estratégicos, mano de obra, recursos). La política de erradicación forzada de cultivos
de uso ilícito implementada por el gobierno nacional y promovida por el gobierno de Estados
Unidos, no ha dado resultados en el sentido de desarticular las redes del narcotráfico de grupos
armados al margen de la ley […].
La combinación de esta estrategia con el componente militar para expulsar de sus zonas
decontrol a las FARC, sin un componente de ayuda económica para que la erradicación
voluntaria sea posible, sin un componente de ayuda social para atender el desplazamiento y
lainseguridad alimentaria, sin un proyecto de fortalecimiento de la gobernabilidad democrática
enestas regiones; está generando nuevos desplazamientos, confinamientos y masacres de
civiles no combatientes.” (CODHES, 1 December 2004)
Illegal crops and indigenous populations
"For the indigenous peoples of Colombia, law enforcement activities against illicit crops
(especially coca, poppy, and marijuana) and their trafficking has special consequences entailing
increased violence, invasion of indigenous territories by settlers who grow coca, and the loss of
cultural identity and deterioration of their unique organizations and authorities. The impact is
accentuated in Colombia, as the production of illicit crops is not an extension of ancestral
indigenous commercial practices, but rather a relatively new phenomenon. The Commission has
received information indicating that although some indigenous persons appear to be involved
directly with illicit crops (e.g. poppy in Cauca, coca in the Orinoco basin and middle Amazon
region), in other cases the drug trade affects them more than it involves them. One study [C.S.
Perafan-Simmonds, Impacto de cultivos ilícitos en Pueblos Indígenas de Colombia, Indigenous
Peoples and Community Development Unit, Department of Social Programs and Sustainable
Development, Inter-American Development Bank, November 17, 1997] found that '41.12% of the
[Colombian] indigenous are affected by such crops, and in some cases involved in them.' A total
of 17.01% of the illicit crops in Colombia are located in indigenous resguardos or reservas, i.e.
within legally-recognized indigenous territories: 18.95% of the poppy crops; 71.43% of the
marijuana crops; and 10.8% of the coca crops." (IACHR 1999, chapter X, paras. 50-51)
"The Commission also received a situation report from the Regional Indigenous Organization for
Putumayo (Organización Zonal Indígena de Putumayo - 'OZIP') that included the same types of
complaints as those noted by the indigenous in the rest of the country, but in addition reflected
the particularly severe internal displacement of the indigenous population to other areas, due to
the growing invasion of settlers, especially those involved in growing illicit crops, guerrilla
activities and the repression against those activities." (IACHR 1999, chapter X, para. 55)
78
"[W]ith anti communist propaganda and a land expansion agenda, the drug traffickers and their
paramilitary alliances have obtained extensive property by killing or threatening the local
population and forcing them to sell their land cheaply or abandon it altogether. Through this
method they have managed to “cleanse” entire areas of the country and repopulate them with
those who are more receptive to their economic and political agenda. This would explain why
drug traffickers are directly responsible for only 2 to 4 percent of the displacement but indirectly,
through their alliances, for much more." (Obregon and Stavropoulou 1998, p. 414-415)
"En los últimos años, algunas regiones fronterizas colombianas se han visto afectadas de
manera creciente por el conflicto armado interno. Las zonas más afectadas son aquellas en
donde hay cultivos ilícitos, recursos naturales estratégicos y condiciones favorables para el
tráfico de armamento y de productos ilícitos, como las regiones con Ecuador ; y el Tapón del
Darién, que limita con Panamá." (RSS, February 2001)
“Indigenous communities in Colombia, who are amongst the most vulnerable groups, have made
strenuous efforts to resist being co-opted by armed actors. However, the fact that they live in
areas of strategic importance or where there is potential for drug production has made them
vulnerable to fierce territorial disputes between armed actors. Consequently, a disproportional
number of indigenous persons have been assassinated or displaced, as for example in the
mountainous area of Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta on the Caribbean coast. The leader of the
Wiwas community in this area was assassinated the night before he was due to meet the
mission. Representatives of the Kankuamos told the mission that over 200 of their leaders had
been killed over the last three years. The killings of Kankuamos continue despite the issuance of
special protection measures by the Inter-American Commission and the Inter-American Court.
OHCHR is monitoring the human rights situation of these indigenous communities, but has no
permanent presence in this region.” (IDD, 9 February 2005)
Displacement rooted in territorial and resource interests
•
Increasingly paramilitary groups are launching incursions into rural areas in order to regain
control of traditionally guerrilla areas while they previously mainly controlled urban areas
•
Drug dealers controlled more than 4 million hectars of land as of 2000, much of it seized from
IDPs
•
Distribution of land is at the root of the social violence: 3 percent of landowners own more
that 70 percent of the arable land as a result of the state's failure to implement a
comprehensive agrarian reform
•
Displacement is significantly more pronounced in areas where political violence coincides
with violence associated with land ownership
•
Colombian strategy of war is closely linked to strategies of re/depopulation of areas aiming at
transforming land and property-ownership
•
Deliberate displacement for control over resources, strategic territories and political loyalties
is changing the population and socio-cultural map of Colombia
•
Catatumbo is very rich in oil and carbon resources and Colombia’s economic policies are
aimed at attracting foreign capital in the area
•
Bari indigenous people have been granted territorial autonomy in the Catatumbo-Bari
Reserve in 1978 and stand in the way of multinational exploitation
•
Many indigenous people opposed to encroachment on their land argue that armed actors
forcibly displace them to suit national and multinational economic interests
79
"La agudización y expansión territorial de la violencia han propiciado procesos de apropiación de
la tierra, reflejados hoy en una alta concentración de la misma y en el control de diversos
territorios por parte de diferentes actores inmerso en el conflicto armado. La presión ejercida
sobre la población civil para desalojar los territorios está asociada a factores como: i) la
existencia de disputas sobre el territorio y/o las tierras; ii) el control territorial como un objetivo de
quienes agencian la disputa, por su interés de controlar corredores para tráfico de armas,
movilizar y refugiar combatientes; dominar recursos naturales y disponer de tierras para el
cultivo, procesamiento y tráfico de ilícitos; o incidir sobre poderes locales para garantizar su
lealtad a uno u otro grupo armado ilegal. Así, campesinos, colonos, indígenas y negros con
asiento en diversos territorios han sufrido la expulsión violenta y el despojo de sus tierras
mediante la expropiación directa o la venta forzada de sus predios a menores precios, lo que ha
confi gurado el abandono de tierras en una escala que parece ser signifi cativa peroque carece
de información suficiente y confiable. La Contraloría General de la Nación afi rmó que en 2000
los narcotraficantes poseían 4,4 millones de hectáreas y que la compra de las tierras“equivale a
una contrarreforma agraria o, mejor aún, a una reforma agraria a la inversa”."(UNDP, 20 April
2006)
“Un tercer factor que contribuye al desplazamiento es el temor por la inminente
confrontaciónarmada que se avecina entre guerrilla y fuerza pública, guerrilla y paramilitares, en
un intento por “recuperar” el control de estos territorios estratégicos para el abastecimiento al
otro lado de la frontera y para el tráfico de armas, drogas y precursores químicos. Las
nuevasdinámicas del conflicto muestran que los grupos paramilitares están incursionando en las
zonas rurales, para enfrentar a la guerrilla, cambiando la estrategia utilizada hasta el momento,
es decir, mantenerse en los cascos urbanos.” (CODHES, 1 December 2004)
“The Government has assured the Special Rapporteur of its determination to deal effectively with
the social and economic problems that face more than 700,000 indigenous people in Colombia.
The Special Rapporteur considers certain urgent issues to be of vital importance, including the
internal forced displacement of numerous indigenous people, the exploitation of the natural
resources on their lands, the spraying operations that are part of the campaign against illicit crops
and prior consultation on matters that affect them, notably in the area of economic development.
[…]
The Embera-Katio people of Alto Sinú have been subjected to murder, forced disappearances
and displacements, intimidation and destruction of their property because of their opposition to
the construction of the Urrá hydroelectric dam on their land. The precautionary measures called
for on their behalf by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights have still not been
implemented.” (UN CHR, 10 November 2004)
“Analizando las crisis humanitarias en todos el mundo, en África, en Medio Oriente, en Asia pero
la magnitud del desplazamiento interno en Colombia es uno de los peores del mundo, y tal vez
no se ha dedicado suficiente atención a la crisis humanitaria tan grave que hay en Colombia. [y
luego agregó] Lo que me ha impresionado fuertemente es que en Colombia la población civil no
sólo está atrapada dentro del fuego cruzado sino que son directamente el objetivo de los
ataques, como parte de una estrategia para controlar tierras y accesos a rutas y territorios”.”
(CODHES, 6 October 2004)
“La ubicación estratégica y el correlativo control de territorios en disputa abarcan corredores de
tránsito, zonas de retaguardia o avanzada de los actores armados. Pero desde una lectura
complementaria al registro de la confrontación armada, la disputa por recursos no menos
estratégicos relacionados con la oferta biofísica: biodiversidad, agua dulce, yacimientos de
hidrocarburos, carbón, gas natural, oro, platino, la existencia o posibilidad de expansión de
cultivos de uso ilícito, entre otros recursos, hacen parte de los motivos por los cuales se expulsan
de sus territorios a indígenas, afrocolombianos y campesinos.
[…]
80
El Gobierno colombiano reconoce claramente la superposición de formas de gobernabilidad
indígena expresada en el gobierno propio y la autonomía territorial, el desarrollo de la guerra e
intereses económicos: ". . . el mapa de los territorios indígenas en el país coincide, en parte, con
el de grandes proyectos de infraestructura, con el de una gran biodiversidad, con el de riquezas
del subsuelo, con el de cultivos ilícitos y con el de la lucha armada" Los análisis que convergen
en esta misma dirección señalan que "Esta situación ha dado lugar a conflictos que se traducen
en el desconocimiento de la posesión indígena de su territorio; la concentración de fuerzas e
intereses; la violencia física, en especial contra los líderes y dirigentes; el desplazamiento
[forzado] de la población; la integración acelerada a la sociedad nacional y, paulatinamente, su
arrinconamiento geográfico y cultural". Todo lo anterior, en relación con que aproximadamente el
28% del territorio colombiano ha sido declarado constitucionalmente 'territorio colectivo', con
carácter inalienable, imprescriptible e inembargable para 91 pueblos indígenas cuya población
asciende a aproximadamente 800.000 habitantes, y para cerca de cuatro millones y medio de
afrocolombianos » (Harvey, 8 January 2003)
Issue of land distribution as the root cause for violence:
The issue of distribution of land is at the heart of the social conflicts in Colombia. According to
one report, 3 per cent of the landowners own more than 70 per cent of the arable land in the
country. / Asociación SETA, Colombia: Misión de Identificación de Derechos Humanos en
Colombia, Informe de Misión at 7./ However, in the last 35 years the number of very large land
properties has decreased somewhat. / See CPDIA report at 14-15./ As one government official
said, effective action by the State in this field has never been possible; for instance, the first
agrarian reform in the 1930s was restricted to defining the ownership titles of the coffee
haciendas south of Bogotá. Another one, in the 1960s, was phased out in 1971 due to opposition
by the landowners. A third one, in the 1980s, originating in the demobilized guerrillas, was also
partial. Another commentator suggested that because agrarian reform implies a change in the
land rights and in politics, Governments have never engaged in it seriously.[…] Thus, invasions
and conflicts associated with them have never been avoided, since peasants have had to resort
to occupation and, as is the case in Meta, have subsequently been forced out by wealthier
landowners. One government official, describing this process as 'colonization' and calling it
absurd, noted that in areas where land distribution has been carried out, settlements tend to be
more peaceful. Colonization also affects the environment, as it often entails clearing the jungle to
establish a field or a pasture. (CHR 3 October 1994, para. 30)
"For its part, the study by Dr. Alejandro Reyes, a political analyst, states that displacement is
significantly more pronounced in areas where political violence coincides with violence associated
with land ownership (Atlantic Coast, Chocó and the Urabá region of Antioquia) than in areas
where, despite the level of political violence, the incidence of land disputes is less (Northeast,
Central Andean Region, Southwest). Dr. Reyes believes that, 'in local wartime conditions it is not
only impossible to put forward social demands, but the problem becomes one of how to
safeguard the stability of the population in their territory, since the territory acquires strategic
value for the opposing sides. Displacement occurs when threats force a dilemma between
property and life and the State is incapable of providing protection for the population.' [Alejandro
Reyes Posada, El problema territorial del desplazamiento forzoso, annexed to Final Report on
the on-site technical assistance mission on internal displacement in Colombia of the Permanent
Consultation on Internal Displacement in the Americas (CPDIA), Technical Secretariat, InterAmerican Institute of Human Rights, 1997]. This analysis and the Commission’s own
confirmations during its on-site visit, satisfy it in the conviction that there is a close connection
between social injustice, particularly land takeovers, and internal displacement, the prime causes
of which predate the current armed conflict. (IACHR 1999, chapter VI, para. 22)
Economic interests:
The Commission has received information stating that 65% of heads of displaced households
who owned land had to abandon it as a result of the acts of violence that forced them to flee. This
81
statistic tends to confirm once more that, concealed behind the phenomena of violence and
armed confrontation, are economic interests associated with the so-called agrarian counterreform that affects small and medium-scale landowners." (IACHR 1999, chapter VI, para. 23)
"While some 30 million hectares of indigenous lands have been recognized, these claims and
even the possession of lands already recognized are hindered and opposed in some cases by
threats, harassment, and violence. Various actors are responsible for these acts of violence and
threats, but frequently they are carried out by large landowners acting in cooperation with
paramilitary groups and, in many cases, members or units of the Colombian State public security
forces." (IACHR 1999, chapter X, para. 23)
Displacement is also a way of gaining possession of land. The existence of natural resources
and/or the implementation of large-scale economic projects tend to create pressures which force
small-scale farmers to leave their land. The Office has received reports of compulsory sales of
land at far below market values. (CHR 16 March 1999, para. 97)
Land and illicit cultivations:
"Wealthy drug traffikers have pushed their own process of 'conteragrarian reform' through several
years of buying or appropriating land abandoned by peasants who fled from paramilitary groups
or by landowners exhausted from guerrilla pressures. This process has shifted the concentration
of land from the traditional elites to the emerging narco-businessmen." (Obregon and
Stavropoulou 1998, pp. 408-409)
"This trend continues, with drug traffickers buying huge tracts abandoned by fleeing families.
'Land-buying by drug traffickers changes the war's course, because these new land owners
become part of the paramilitary structure,' commented Alejandro Reyes, a sociologist who has
studied political violence, in an interview with Human Rights Watch. 'It is then that the traffickers
begin to defend themselves territorially.'" (HRW October 1999, chapter IV)
De/Re-population strategies :
« Nuevamente es necesario llamar la atención sobre la necesidad de analizar la complejidad de
este problema en Colombia. Además de los rigores de la guerra, muchas veces el
desplazamiento obedece también a estrategias de repoblamiento con propósitos destinados a la
transformación drástica y vertiginosa de la tenencia y la propiedad en Colombia, del control del
acceso a recursos y territorios estratégicos. El destierro como estrategia intencional modifica el
mapa poblacional y sociocultural del país, las posibilidades reales de participación y movilización
social, así como la reivindicación de derechos y garantías democráticas. El desarraigo violento
está reconfigurando la territorialidad del poder y el control político, económico y cultural en los
ámbitos locales y regionales; los responsables del desplazamiento y quienes los apoyan,
intentan moldear las lealtades y solidaridades de la población en beneficio de sus proyectos. »
(CODHES, 18 November 2002)
The example of Catatumbo:
“The interesting question for the purpose of holistically viewing the rational behind regional armed
conflict is how the apertura economica based on attracting foreign capital to modernize the
Colombian economy, within the context of a regional free trade agreement supported by mega
projects is fuelling this war economy dynamic further? The Catatumbo’s abundant supply of
natural resources coupled with a cheap supply of labor and a favorable geo-strategic position has
it that the region attracts multinational and national companies eager to extract oil and carbon.
Big parts of these resources lay in the northeastern territory of the Catatumbo, the 158,000
square km National Park of the Catatumbo-Bari. Under the 1978 law, the indigenous people of
Bari were granted autonomy over this territory, and this has remained a stumbling block in
multinationals exploiting the zone. Indigenous are refusing exploitations. In the light of this, many
have argued that armed actors are inducing displacement in order for multinational or national
82
companies to explore these territories. There is a need for researchers to further explore the
development of the war economy, within the context of armed elites competing for control of
Colombia’s natural resources.” (PCS, 11 February 2003)
Background
Discussion on the government's use of indicators to measure progress on IDP
response (July 2007)
•
The Constitutional Court determines indicators to measure enjoyment of IDP rights
•
The Attorney General's Office says government's indicators to measure IDPs response fail to
contain guidance on how to apply them
•
Government indicators fail to specify which institutions are responsible to comply with the IDP
policies
•
With new indicators, the government will have to specify how many IDP pupils attend school,
not only how many places have been created
Attorney General's Office, 19 July 2007
"De manera preliminar y antes de estudiar uno a uno los indicadores propuestos, la Procuraduría
observa algunas falencias comunes a todos los indicadores presentados, consistentes en: (i) los
indicadores de goce efectivo de derechos no contienen ninguna fórmula para su aplicación, lo
cual impide determinar el grado de avance en la superación del estado de cosas inconstitucional;
(ii) aunque el Gobierno señala que los porcentajes para medir los avances se encuentran en los
indicadores complementarios, la Procuraduría encuentra que no todos éstos se corresponden
con los indicadores de goce efectivo de derechos, observaciones que se harán cuando haya
lugar; (iii) ninguno de los indicadores – de goce efectivo de derechos, complementarios y
sectoriales asociados – señalan cuáles son las entidades objeto de aplicación: en algunos es
obvia la entidad a la que se aplicarán, pero en otros, se requiere de mayor explicitud para evitar
ambigüedades en la aplicación."
Link to decision by the Constitutional Court on Government Indicators;
Semana, 13 March 2007
"Con la presentación de los indicadores de goce efectivo de derechos, los desplazados parecen
hallar una solución a sus múltiples problemas. La propuesta del gobierno para atender a esta
población es el primer paso para que se implemente una lectura de derechos humanos en las
políticas públicas.
La palabra abandono es la primera que llega a la cabeza cuando se habla de los desplazados.
La imagen de un puñado de personas saliendo con apenas lo necesario e instalándose en algún
lugar, para quedar a su suerte es una realidad.
El problema se le salió de las manos hace mucho tiempo al gobierno, y a pesar de las grandes
cantidades de dinero destinadas a la protección de los desplazados, todos los esfuerzos se han
quedado cortos para proteger a esta población. Solo hasta ahora, el gobierno se puso las pilas
en lo que tiene que ver con la situación con los desplazados.
Por lo menos esa fue la sensación de todas las organizaciones que trabajan por los casi dos
83
millones de colombianos que han tenido que huir de sus hogares, luego de la audiencia pública
celebrada la semana pasada en la Corte Constitucional.
Fue precisamente la Corte la que a través de una sentencia en 2004 declaró que todos los
derechos de los desplazados estaban siendo vulnerados y que la situación en la que se
encontraban era inconstitucional.
Dicha sentencia obligó al gobierno a replantear el modo como se evaluaban los resultados de
protección, “antes se llevaban indicadores de oferta institucional, ahora el gobierno llevará unos
indicadores en perspectiva del goce efectivo de derechos”, explicó marco Romero, presidente de
Codhes.
En el tema del desplazamiento se generan varios debates. Uno de estos es el de los recursos
destinados para su protección y el modo en como este es invertido. Todo esto quiere decir que
si antes el gobierno informaba que se abrían mil cupos escolares para los menores desplazados,
ahora tendrá que decir cuántos de esos mil muchachos, asistieron de manera estable al colegio.
Lo mismo tendrá que hacer en los ocho indicadores que escogió para comprobar que se están
garantizando todos los derechos de estas personas: vivienda, salud, educación, alimentación,
generación de ingresos, identidad, vida, integridad personal, libertad y seguridad personales y
participación e integración local.
La tarea no pinta nada fácil, eso lo saben tanto Acción Social –la entidad del gobierno
encargada del tema de los desplazados– como Acnur, Codhes y las otras organizaciones que
manejan el tema. Por eso el gobierno ha tenido que hacer varios ajustes a su política social."
2007; years of IDPs in Colombia
•
2007 marks the tenth anniversary of land mark IDP law 387
•
Despite the progressive law, around 18,000 persons forcedly displaced every month
•
UNHCR celebrates the law with 130 other organisations to highlight its achievements and
shortcomings
•
Around half of IDPs do not have access to health system and face problems with housing,
education and employment
•
Click here to access the law
UNHCR, 6 July 2007
"Este mes marca el aniversario de una ley pionera que pasó en Colombia hace 10 años, para
proteger los derechos de las personas forzosamente desplazadas dentro del país como
resultado del conflicto armado.
La Ley 387, como es conocida, fue adoptada el 18 de julio de 1997 para resaltar los derechos de
las víctimas del desplazamiento forzado a la protección del Estado, a la asistencia económica y a
soluciones a largo plazo.
"Antes de la Ley 387, los desplazados ni siquiera existían como categórica jurídica en Colombia,
aunque que había cientos de miles de ellos" dijo Julio Roberto Meier, Representante de la
agencia de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados en Colombia ACNUR.
84
"La ley fue el punto de partida para todo un proceso de construcción de políticas públicas frente
al desplazamiento forzado. Hoy sigue siendo una de las legislaciones más avanzadas del mundo
en este campo", agregó.
El ACNUR celebrará este décimo aniversario con una serie de actividades públicas como parte
de la campaña del "2007 Año de los derechos de las personas desplazadas". El punto cumbre
será en un gran evento público organizado con la Alcaldía Mayor de Bogotá programado para
finales de este mes, con el objetivo de aumentar la atención hacia el desplazamiento forzado en
Colombia.
En esta ocasión, cientos de personas desplazadas provenientes de todo el país se reunirán en la
plaza principal de la ciudad, la Plaza de Bolívar, para contar su historia. La plaza es el centro
histórico y político de la capital y será convertido en un campo rural por este día, para crear una
imagen visual de la experiencia del desplazamiento forzado.
De acuerdo con el gobierno, un promedio de 18.000 colombianos son desarraigados por la
violencia cada mes: más de 200.000 nuevos casos registrados cada año. En total, alrededor de 2
millones de personas están en los registros nacionales de desplazados, mientras otro millón
pueden haber sido víctimas del desplazamiento forzado pero no están registradas.
La campaña del "2007 Año de los derechos de las personas desplazadas" es una iniciativa del
ACNUR con el apoyo de más de 130 organizaciones y la Iglesia colombiana para llamar la
atención sobre la magnitud de esta tragedia. La campaña incluye la recolección de un millón de
firmas en solidaridad con la población desplazada. Julio también verá el lanzamiento de una
exhibición en el Museo Nacional en homenaje a las personas desplazadas, que irá a cada
municipio de Colombia en 1.098 lugares diferentes.
El ACNUR también apoya un proyecto de ley actualmente en el Congreso, después de haber
sido aprobado en el Senado, para reforzar la Ley 387. El nuevo proyecto de ley se concentra en
mecanismos concretos para la completa implementación de la Ley, así como en la reparación de
las víctimas del desplazamiento forzado.
"En la práctica, muchas personas desplazadas aún no se benefician totalmente de sus derechos,
como es definido por la ley. Cerca de la mitad de ellos, por ejemplo, no tienen acceso a un
sistema de salud y encuentran problemas para conseguir viviendas, educación y empleo," dijo el
señor Meier, llamando a la solidaridad nacional frente a la tragedia del desplazamiento forzado.
El representante del ACNUR también agregó que es de gran preocupación para la agencia que
un número importante de desplazados continúe viendo amenazado su derecho a una vida libre
de violencia como resultado del conflicto armado.
Colombia has suffered from four decades of socio-political violence (1957-2005)
•
Colombian 20th century history is marked by violent confrontations between successively
peasants and landlords, Liberals and Conservatives, guerilla movements, paramilitaries and
the army
•
In 1957 Liberal and Conservative former enemies established a bipartisan junta in defense of
its urban interests thereby excluding other political sectors and the rural poor
85
•
In the 60s context of cold war polarisation, guerrilla movements emerged and the state
involved groups of armed civilians as a counter-insurgency strategy
•
Since the 1960s and 1970s drug trafficking has given rise to new forms of criminality and
corruption
CHR 9 March 1998, para. 12:
"Colombia has historically been marked by political and social violence. In this century, the
phenomena of political, economic, social and cultural exclusion led to the peasants' campaigns of
the 1930s and 1940s, and, later on, to a long period of violence between the two traditional
parties, the Liberals and the Conservatives. In 1957, by means of a constitutional reform, a
system of alternation and parity between these parties was established. This meant that other
political sectors were deprived of any share in power. From the 1960s onwards, a guerrilla
movement came to prominence and its origins can in part be explained by the context of the
polarization and cold war prevailing at that time. In order to deal with this rebellious movement,
the State involved groups of armed civilians in its counterinsurgency activities, and with the
passage of time these groups became a new source of disturbances of law and order. In the
1970s, the drug trafficking phenomenon came to the fore and, spreading to broad sections of
Colombian society, gave rise to new forms of criminality and corruption."
EIU, 26 February 2002:
“Historically, Colombia’s bipartisan political elite has focused on the defense of its urban interests.
However, the political exclusion of the rural poor, who were also marginalized by great social
inequality, a highly concentrated pattern of land ownership and an inefficient justice system,
created the conditions for the development of autonomous political movements. Sporadic
outbreaks of inter-party strife contributed to a culture of political violence, and imported ideologies
ultimately led to the emergence of several guerrilla groups during the Frente Nacional era (195874). The two main guerrilla groups still active, the Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN) and the
Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), began operating in the mid-1960s.”
U.S. Library of Congress, Federal Research Division, December 1988:
“In the 1980s, Colombia achieved international notoriety as a major narcotics trafficking center.
[…] Nonetheless, the country's involvement with drugs was rooted farther back in history. The
real takeoff of Colombian marijuana production began in the mid- and late 1960s as a result of
the growing demand generated by the United States market. By the early 1970s, Colombia had
emerged as a major United States supplier […].The Colombian cocaine trade followed in the
footsteps of the marijuana traffickers. In the early 1970s, as demand for cocaine expanded rapidly
in the United States, the limited raw coca supplies produced in Colombia were augmented with
coca paste imported from Bolivia and Peru, refined in "kitchen laboratories" in Colombia, and
smuggled into the United States. Although Colombia had long been accustomed to extraordinarily
high levels of violence, the rise of the drug mafia provoked a qualitative change. They also
contributed significantly to the "devaluation" of life throughout Colombia and converted murder
and brutality into a regular source of income for some sectors of society.”
For an in-depth analysis of the Colombian Conflict see part one of UNDP May 2003 report
‘El Conflicto, Callejón con Salida - Informe Nacional de Desarollo Humano para Colombia
2003’[External Link]
For a chronology of recent history of Colombia, see website of the Colombia Human
Rights Network [External link]
For a detailed review of the conflict in Colombia, see paras. 18-28 in Profiles in
Displacement: Colombia by the Representative of the Secretary-General on IDPs, Mr.
86
Francis Deng [External link], and Chapter I of the Third Report on Colombia by the InterAmerican Commission on Human Rights [External link]
Conflict-induced displacements rooted in coca, oil and economic exploitation (2006)
•
Imported cheap colombian coal in Canada induces forced displacement and killings of union
leaders
•
ELN controlled the Catatumbo region since the 1960 and since 2001 AUC came to ‘cleanse’
the area from guerrilla and civilians alike
•
Paramilitaries have imposed road blocks to debilitate the guerilla which as a result has also
deprived 12,000 indigenous Bobalí people of food and medicines since January 2002
•
La Gabarra is one of the largest coca fields of Colombia cultivated since mid 1990s and
facilitated by historical absence of state
•
Catatumbo is very rich in oil and carbon resources and Colombia’s economic policies are
aimed at attracting foreign capital in the area
•
Catatumbo lies in strategic territory for trans-border routes of legal and illegal trade, disputed
by various armed actors
•
Since the 1980s farmers have grown coca in South Bolivar due to the strong presence of
armed actors who benefit from the war economy and weak state presence
•
Since 2001 both guerillas and paramilitaries dispute control over resources in Arauca, in
particular the coca economy
•
FARC often enforce coca cultivation and levy taxes on it, and AUC groups are increasingly
interested in controlling the war economy
•
In Putumayo, coca fumigations led to more municipalities cultivating less coca
St.George's University, 15 March 2006:
"Colombia has always been a dangerous place for unionists. Since 1991, more than 2,000 labour
leaders, caught up in the battle between right-wing paramilitary groups and leftist guerrillas, have
been killed, according to the National Union School in Colombia. Nowhere is the violence more
pronounced than in the energy sector -- and especially coal mining. In March 2001, two union
leaders leaving a coal mine owned by the U.S. mining company Drummond Company Inc. were
dragged from their bus and executed by paramilitary gunmen. Six months later, a third, who took
over the position of one of the murdered men, was assassinated in the same fashion. Such
widespread human rights abuses have prompted some to call the coal that comes from Colombia
"blood coal." In the past five years, it has become a main source of energy for power plants in
Eastern Canada.
For decades, coal-burning power plants were fuelled by coal mined in Cape Breton. But as the
lights faded on the local mining industry, the plants turned to South American coal. Power utilities
say it has a lower sulphur content than local coal, making it more environmentally friendly to burn.
The switch to cheaper, imported coal from places like Colombia and Venezuela has also had
economic benefits -- for instance, it saved Nova Scotia Power $19 million in 2000, according to
financial records. But it has had steep, human costs, Colombian activists and union leaders say.
"The Canadian people should not continue to allow people in Colombia to be assassinated,
massacred, and disappeared in order for new coal mines to be opened, and those already in
existence to be operated under conditions that are completely unfavourable for our nation," said
Francisco Ramirez, the head of the mining workers' union. Ramirez himself has survived seven
assassination attempts."
87
UNCHR, 24 February 2003:
Catatumbo
“10. Drug trafficking, in its various complex dimensions, continued to be one of the negative
factors bound up with the armed conflict. The production and marketing of narcotics is a
substantial source of revenue for the various illegal armed groups, while generating violence in
areas where the plants are grown and social confrontation between many communities. It also
gives rise, directly and indirectly, to many enforced displacements and is a major factor in
corruption in administrative affairs.”
PCS, 11 February 2003;
“With the arrival of the paramilitary territorial control has changed hands. Paramilitary incursions
pushed the guerilla further up into the mountain, debilitating the ELN, the historic actor who had
controlled the region since the 1960s. Paramilitary forces took until May 2002 to cleanse the
region from the guerrilla and civilians alike. Since than, the Auc have gained a strong presence in
the urban centers of Ocaña and Convención. They are also controlling the two major roads
leading to the peasant and indigenous communities of the Motilona, a zone with a strong guerrilla
presence. Roadblocks and stringent paramilitary controls of the zone are to prevent military
equipment, new troops, medicine and food from reaching the guerrilla. There is particular concern
about the fate of 12,000 people who have been trapped in the Bobalí indigenous reservations
since January 2002. Food and medicine blockades, although targeted at the guerrilla have
serious implications for the communities who remain in the region. Given that armed actors are
making no distinction between combatants and non-combatants, civilians are extremely
vulnerable.
[…]
It is no coincidence that fierce battles over territorial control are taking place in the Catatumbo.
War is generated by a particular political economy. The Catatumbo’s richness in natural
resources such as oil and carbon is also its plight. This is particularly true since Colombia’s
adoption of neoliberal policies during the early 1990s and the evolution of a globalized economy
which has simultaneously facilitated transnational connections and fuelled war economies. The
Gabarra has one of the largest coca fields in Colombia. Coca was introduced during the mid1990s and has been facilitated by the historic absence of the state, a trend to further
impoverishment of the region following the state’s adoption of the neoliberal project. Violent
conflict, the subsequent destruction of local markets and forced displacement are phenomena
that have produced an army of ‘raspuchinos’ or coca harvesters who present a potential
workforce on the coca fields. The Gabarra has become one of Plan Colombia’s main destinies for
fumigation strategies, which, some argue, may lead to the displacement of coca cultivation from
the Lower Catatumbo of the Gabarra into the regions around La Trinidad. Indeed, there are
already some indications of the coca plant having been introduced in the Upper and Central
Catatumbo. In this context, the military fears that the unblocking of the region would fuel coca
cultivation and drug trafficking in the zone.
[…]
Catatumbo shares its borders with Venezuela, an advantage that lends itself to the promotion of
transborder trade. Cocaine can easily be transported across the borders along Catatumbo river
towards the Mar de Maracaibo from which products leave Latin America for the US and Europe.
Ocaña constitutes the door to the Catatumbo, hence the interests of all armed actors to control
the city.”
PCS, 28 August 2003:
“South Bolivar’s coca industry
88
Coca first surfaced during the 1980s against the backdrop of the strong presence of armed actors
[4], a historically weak state presence and, above all, a thriving war economy (based on coca, oil,
gold and emeralds industries). Before its appearance, peasants subsisted on agricultural
production, gold washing, wood exploitation and cattle raising. Today, most farmers and their
families depend upon the income from growing coca leaves. Coca is cultivated in most of the
municipalities of the South Bolivar, but particularly in the municipalities of Cantagallo, San Pablo,
Santa Rosa, and Simití.”
Colombia Journal, 4 August 2003:
Arauca
“In 2001, however, the guerrillas' free rein in Tame was challenged by the right-wing
paramilitaries of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC). The AUC's Bloque
Vencedores de Arauca (Arauca Vanquishers' Bloc) moved about 450 of its fighters into Tame to
try to dismantle the guerrilla hold on the municipality. They coalesced with certain local ranchers
and politicians who had been victimized most by the FARC and the ELN.
[…]
The paramilitaries, meanwhile, surged into Tame in numbers not seen elsewhere in the
department. As is all too common when territory changes hands in Colombia, upon gaining
control, the paramilitaries went about eliminating those they felt had collaborated with the
guerrillas during their reign in Tame. The guerrillas responded in kind, and civilians were caught
in the middle.
[…]
This wave of selective assassinations and forced disappearances from 2001 onward have made
Tame one of the most violent municipalities -- if not the most violent -- in Colombia. In the past
two and a half years, more than 300 people have been killed in the municipality, which a few
years ago numbered 80,000 inhabitants but has dwindled to between 60,000 and 70,000 as a
result of conflict-generated displacement.
[…]
There are a number of economic factors driving the combat and displacement in the rural sector.
For starters, the flat, open areas around Tame are considered some of Colombia's finest
agricultural and grazing land. Over the years, small and medium-sized fincas have provided
decent livings to many campesinos in the Tame municipality, while ranchers have been able to
raise mass quantities of livestock. But the intensified fighting has forced thousands of peasant
families off their land, with all armed participants in the conflict causing displacement
[…]
Tame's ranchers have often had their livestock stolen by the guerrillas, who have at times turned
the animals over to peasants but more often sought to trade them for legitimate livestock and
other supplies just across the remote and uncontrolled Venezuelan border. Ranchers, too, have
been forced to flee, with many making for the relative safety of Bogotá.
[…]
Petroleum is another factor at play in the territorial warfare in Arauca. The department's oil fields
and its Caño-Limón pipeline, operated in part by U.S.-based Occidental Petroleum, generate
significant wealth -- when they are functioning.
[…]
Likewise, by bombing pipelines and oil installations, the guerrillas routinely affected oil revenues,
demonstrating a capacity to interrupt the business agenda of the Colombian state and its
multinational partners. These attacks, including 170 bombings of the Caño-Limón pipeline in
2001, were instrumental in bringing about the arrival of U.S. Special Forces troops in Saravena,
with the task of training Colombian soldiers in counterinsurgency and the protection of the oil
assets. So central to the economy of Arauca is oil that the logo of the Navos Pardo Battalion is an
oil derrick guarded by a soldier. Though Tame municipality is not at the center of the Araucan oil
fields, it borders on those areas, lending it a territorial value of its own. Another resource being
exploited by the paramilitaries and the guerrillas is coca, the plant provides the basic ingredient
for cocaine. Recent years have seen an explosion in coca cultivation in the Arauca department,
89
with the FARC considered to be the chief force behind the surge. Many peasants have been
forced by the armed groups to replant their fields with coca. Three years ago, some 978 hectares
of land were thought to be under coca cultivation in Arauca department. Estimates now put that
figure between 12,000 and 18,000 hectares,23 a direct result of Plan Colombia's fumigation
"successes" in southern Colombia leading to the displacement of coca cultivation to new areas of
Colombia, as well as across the border into Peru and Ecuador. Police commander Lt. Col. Lopéz
suggests that the paramilitaries are having a relatively easy time asserting themselves in Tame in
part because the guerrillas are retreating toward the Venezuelan border, where aside from the
black market trade in stolen livestock and other goods, they can slip vast quantities of cocaine
into Venezuela, from whence it heads north to the U.S. market. He argues that, "The advance of
the self-defense groups toward the Venezuelan border is to cut off the FARC's narcotrafficking
business. This is the war: the war between the extreme right and the left is for coca cultivation,
which is what gives these groups their highest profits."
Insecurity spreading to urban areas causes intra-urban displacements (2005)
•
Presence of armed actors in urban centers has created complex web of organised crime,
gangs, guerilla militias and paramilitary squads
•
‘Cleansing squads’ have been set up with army backing to respond to the crime wave
•
Government’s focus on counter-insurgency in rural areas has created a haven in towns
•
As of November 2002 FARC controlled 83 out of 116 municipalities in Cundinamarca
•
Since the mid-1990s paramilitaries have disputed Cundinamarca territory with guerilla groups
•
Guerilla terrorist activity in the capital has stepped up considerably
•
Increased paramilitary presence in Cundinamarca is not officially recognised
•
IDPs and community leaders are the primary victims of the urban warfare which has led to
intra-urban displacements
•
The city of Cúcuta at the border with Venezuela is the second most violent of Colombia, and
out of 2,440 homicides perpetrated between 2001-2003 only six are being investigated
PCS, 18 March 2005:
“For the past two years the NGOs Fundación Cultura Democrática and Fundación Progresar
(PCS counterpart) have been working on a study on the human rights situation in Cúcuta, Norte
de Santander Department. The book is due to be released in May. Violence in Cúcuta shot up
significantly after the AUC took control of the city in 2000. […] Between 2001 and 2003 some
2,440 homicides were perpetrated, making Cúcuta the second most violent Colombian city. In
764 homicide cases perpetrators have been identified: 92 percent the AUC were responsible, 5
percent were the FARC, and 3 percent were the state.
[…]
Most crimes result in impunity. At present only six of the 2,440 homicides are being investigated.
This is explained by two facts: First, investigators are being intimidated or even murdered. In fact,
during 2002 and the first half of 2003 two district attorneys and one CTI official were murdered.21
Second, illegal armed groups have infiltrated the Cúcuta District Attorney’s Office, the entity in
charge of investigations, says the study.”
PCS, 13 May 2004:
“Social and political leaders are regular targets of threats and intimidations, and an
unprecedented number of students, journalists, leaders of grassroots organizations and
community leaders have been murdered during the past years (24 displaced people were killed
during 2003). The urbanization of war puts Cucuta’s displaced population at huge risk,
contributing to the increase in intra-urban displacement.”
90
PCS, 31 December 2002:
“The sharp increase in levels of poverty and inequality coincide with an increase in the presence
of armed actors in and around the capital, in particular in poverty-stricken urban districts. Many
analysts believe that the combination of unemployment, social exclusion, difficulties to access
formal education and health facilities are variables that feed into urban conflict. Indeed, urban
slums such as Cazuca have become breeding grounds for youth gangs, left wing militia groups,
the paramilitary and organized crime. Urban conflict has taken on a logic that links organized
crime, human rights abuses and armed actors. Young people are particularly vulnerable and
rapidly drawn into the dynamics of urban violence. The local NGO Fedes has established how, in
the light of lack of reference points such as family life and schools, young people of the Cazuca
neighborhood are gradually swallowed up by youth gangs and subsequently paramilitary groups.
The upsurge in organized crime has sparked the creation of ‘grupos de limpieza’ consisting of
traders, merchants, shopkeepers and so on that have close links with the police and receive
protection by armed actors14. Recruitment and forced recruitment has become commonplace in
poor districts, while levels of homicides15, kidnappings, disappearances and inter-urban
displacement have also gone up. While levels of violence experienced in Bogota can not yet be
compared with those of Medellín and Cucuta, Colombia’s other major cities, in which the
presence of armed actors is strongly felt and levels of violence have increased sharply during the
last couple of years, many analysts claim that urban violence will escalate in the capital in the
month and years to come.
[…]
Indeed, the government’s focus on tightening security measures implemented in particular in rural
zones have turned large cities into relative save havens from which armed actors can more easily
operate or go underground. The guerrilla has historically had a strong presence in Cundinamarca
department, in particular areas around Sumapaz (see map). Today, the Farc has a presence in
83 out of 116 municipalities in Cundinamarca16. The paramilitary became interested in setting up
control during the mid-1990s. Zones such as Sumapaz, located south of Bogota have become a
sight of territorial dispute between right and left wing armed actors. Here the escalation of
violence has meant that government institutions have been particularly affected […].
[…]
The director of the District Planning Center believes that the guerrilla seeks to blockade the city in
order to harm the city’s economy. Recent terrorist activities18 have increased fears about a
potential escalation of urban warfare in the capital.
[…]
In spite of the increase of a paramilitary presence in Cundinamarca, their presence is not officially
recognized. According to the Colombian ombudsman, one of the dilemmas is the invisibility or
negation of the increasing presence of the Auc in southern Bogota by state authorities and the
military, which increases the state’s incapacity to provide physical security in those areas with a
high presence of armed actors. This is particularly affecting community leaders who are often a
target. Inter-urban displacement has increased as a result. What is also worrying is that
Bogotanos continue to believe that conflict is a rural problem, that doesn’t touch upon city life.
The north-south or rich-poor divide helps to sustain the invisibility of urban violence in the center
and northern part of the city, inhabited by the middle and upper classes. Given that armed actors
operate in those poor zones where most displaced settle, there physical security is constantly
being undermined.”
91
The Colombian civil conflict is spilling over its borders (2005)
•
The number of asylum seekers in Caracas doubled in 2004 compared to 2003 due to war in
Colombia’s border region
•
About 20,727 people were displaced along Colombia's borders in 2003 and 47,375 in 2002
•
Venezuelan president ordered bombing raids against Colombian irregular forces on
Venezuelan territory (Mar 2003)
•
Between 200 and 600 Venezuelan civilians and indigenous Bari fled to Rio de Oro in northwestern Venezuela following paramilitary incursions (Mar 2003)
•
Ecuador had a permanent contingent of 15,000 men along its border with Colombia (as of
Nov 2002), 3 times higher than during the war with Peru
•
Asylum policies of neighbouring countries towards Colombians seeking protection are
increasingly restrictive
•
Clashes between guerrilla and paramilitaries and attacks on civilians continue unabated
along Colombia’s borders
•
About 10% of the country’s displaced lived in border areas in 2004 or a rise of 25% compared
to the previous year
•
Over 25,000 Colombians crossed the border to seek protection in neighbouring countries in
2004
UNHCR, 30 March 2005:
“Rising numbers of refugees and asylum seekers are moving to urban Venezuela, citing security
concerns and economic difficulties in the border region. While isolated border communities
continue to be the first destination of people fleeing the Colombian conflict, UNHCR has noticed a
considerable increase in the number of individuals who seek protection in bigger cities like
Maracaibo and Caracas. In Caracas, the UN refugee agency registered more than 700 asylum
seekers last year, almost double the number registered in 2003. These asylum seekers come
from a wide range of countries, including Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, but up to 85 percent are victims of the Colombian conflict.”
CODHES, 1 February 2005:
“Una vez más las zonas de frontera son epicentro sensible de la expansión del conflictoarmado y
profundización de la crisis humanitaria. El 10% (29.984 personas) del total de población en
situación de desplazamiento reportada para el 2004 se ubicó en losmunicipios fronterizos. Esto
significa un incremento del 25,3% en el número depersonas en zonas de frontera respecto del
año 2003.
[…]
El conflicto armado interno adquiere manifestaciones transnacionales que, entre otras, se
expresan por el uso de territorios de países vecinos como plataformas de operación, zonasde
descanso, abastecimiento y retaguardia por parte de actores armados irregulares; la cooperación
entre bandas criminales y estos grupos para cometer asesinatos, secuestros y extorsiones; el
tráfico de precursores químicos, y el ingreso de armas desde territorios ecuatoriano, brasilero,
peruano y panameño. De igual manera, se ha evidenciado la presencia de jornaleros de estos
países en territorio colombiano trabajando en cultivos de uso ilícito.
[…]
Sin embargo, la cifra exacta del total de colombianos que cruzan las fronteras y que no solicitan
asilo, no está incluida en los reportes oficiales. Aproximadamente 3 de cada cuatro personas que
cruzan la frontera, no acuden a las instancias oficiales que acreditan su condición de refugiado.
Esto significa que más de 25 mil personas cruzaron las fronteras durante el 2004.”
CODHES, 2 January 2004:
92
“Durante el período correspondiente a enero- septiembre […], se desplazó una población
estimada en 20.727 personas hacia 45 municipios ubicados en zonas de frontera de Colombia
con países vecinos mientras que alrededor 15 mil connacionales buscaron protección en
Ecuador, Venezuela y Panamá. Ante esta situación los departamentos fronterizos carecen de
procesos de prevención y precarias prácticas de protección de las poblaciones campesinas,
afrodescendientes, pueblos indígenas, afectados por la crisis humanitaria de desplazamiento,
violaciones de derechos humanos e infracciones al DIH como lo muestran los siguientes datos:
Tasa Nacional de expulsión: Putumayo, Guajira, Arauca, Norte de Santander, Cesar, Chocó,
superan la tasa nacional de 342 personas por cada cien mil habitantes.
Fumigaciones: Las zonas de cultivos ilícitos son ejes de expulsión e incluyen los departamentos
fronterizos de Putumayo, Nariño, Norte de Santander y Cesar […].
Militarización: Aumento del impacto del desplazamiento en Putumayo y Arauca, departamentos
en los que se adelantan acciones militares y de fumigación en el marco del Plan Colombia.
Subregistro: en los escenarios fronterizos internos y en los países vecinos, por escepticismo
frente a la agilidad de las respuestas de los gobiernos vecinos y por las implicaciones que la
búsqueda formal de protección tiene en términos de estigmatización de los colombianos.” (
CODHES, 6 October 2004:
Border with Venezuela
“Intensificación y degradación del conflicto armado interno. (Sistemáticas violaciones a los
derechos humanos e infracciones al DIH)
En esta región se ha incrementado la confrontación armada durante el 2004 y ha estado
asociada a la disputa entre guerrillas y paramilitares (AUC) por el control de territorios aptos para
el abastecimiento de grupos al margen de la ley, y estratégicos para las economías de guerra.
En la región del Catatumbo, departamento de Norte de Santander, la confrontación armada ha
estado asociada al control de territorios propicios para el cultivo de la coca y estratégicos para la
regulación de los circuitos económicos del narcotráfico. Las masacres […], amenazas,
aprovechamiento de mano de obra (forzado y voluntario) para su vinculación a economías
ilegales y el confinamiento de comunidades, son manifestaciones características de la crisis en
esta zona. En el departamento de la Guajira […], la disputa territorial ha estado asociada al
control de economías ilegales vinculadas a la guerra, tales como el tráfico ilegal de armas, de
drogas y de mercancías. De otro lado, los ataques a infraestructura vial y energética y el robo de
otros bienes de la población civil por parte de la guerrilla en el departamento de Arauca,
constituyen infracciones al DIH permanentes en la zona.
2. Desintegración del tejido social e impunidad. […] De otro lado, el desarrollo de estrategias de
seguridad que involucran a la sociedad civil en el conflicto (soldados campesinos y red de
informantes del Ejército), especialmente en contextos de polarización política y social, desconoce
el principio de distinción. Esta situación genera fragmentación del tejido social y pone en peligro
la seguridad personal de los habitantes de regiones con presencia histórica de la guerrilla, donde
se concentran políticas de seguridad principalmente militaristas.
[…]
[Border with Venezuela, Brazil and Peru:]
La zona de orinoqiuía y amazonía, departamentos de Vichada, Guainía, Vaupés y Amazonas, se
caracteriza por el traslado de cultivos de uso ilícito desde el sur y el nororiente del país, así como
de la violencia asociada al negocio de las drogas. El control territorial del Estado en estas zonas
es difícil por sus grandes dimensiones (350.402 Kms2) y sus características geográficas que
hacen aún más complicada la comunicación con el resto del país.
[…]
93
El repliegue militar de la guerrilla de las FARC a estos departamentos desde la antigua zona de
distensión en Caquetá y Meta, desde Putumayo, desde Arauca y Norte de Santander, es un
factor que pone en riesgo a la población civil allí asentada. Primero, porque se constituye en
objeto de señalamientos por parte de la Fuerza Pública y de los paramilitares que ya están
planificando una avanzada para incursionar en esta región […]. Esto indica que hay una alta
probabilidad de intensificarse el conflicto armado y otras formas de violencia en la zona, y que se
agudice la confrontación entre paramilitares y guerrillas, y a largo plazo, con la Fuerza Pública.
Segundo, porque las estrategias utilizadas por las guerrillas para garantizar el control en esta
zona, tienen efectos indiscriminados y vulneran el derecho a la vida e integridad personal de sus
habitantes. Por último, la precaria presencia institucional del Estado y los bajos niveles de
desarrollo humano (0,755 frente a un 0,77 del país) hacen que los habitantes de esta zona
deprimida económicamente, sean susceptibles de vincularse a actividades asociadas al conflicto
armado, como el ingreso voluntario y forzado de menores a las filas de los grupos irregulares, y
la prostitución infantil en zonas donde es alta la militarización de la frontera por parte de países
(cerca de 10 mil soldados en Brasil)”
CODHES, 6 October 2004:
Panamá:
“4. Invisibilización de la situación de conflicto, cierre del espacio humanitario y desprotección de
la población civil.
La crisis humanitaria en esta zona se caracteriza por los bloqueos y confinamientos en
municipios de Bojayá, Ungía y Riosucio, afectando la región del medio y bajo Atrato. Entre tanto,
la confrontación armada se extiende al Río San Juan y al Alto Baudó, desde donde se registran
desplazamientos masivos. No es posible el libre acceso de agentes humanitarios ni de
colombianos(as) que buscan protección en Panamá. Entretanto Panamá restringe en la práctica
la posibilidad de brindar protección a solicitantes de asilo en su territorio. La oficina del Alto
Comisionado de Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos en Colombia afirmó que hay 180
mil personas en situación de confinamiento en las riveras del río Atrato en departamento de
Choco.”
Ecuador:
“Intensificación y degradación del conflicto armado interno. (Sistemáticas violaciones a los
derechos humanos e infracciones al DIH), deterioro de las condiciones de vida, bloqueos,
fragmentación del tejido social.
En los departamentos de Putumayo y Nariño las manifestaciones del conflicto armado están
asociadas a la ofensiva militar del Estado como componente principal de las estrategias
contrainsurgentes, y a las acciones de la guerrilla como mecanismo para desestabilizar el orden
público en estas zonas y presionar al gobierno nacional. Esto se traduce en paros armados,
ataques a la infraestructura petrolera, vial y energética, a bienes protegidos de la población civil y
combates permanentes, masacres, asesinatos selectivos, señalamientos, amenazas. De otro
lado, el despliegue en estos departamentos de las políticas de seguridad regional, en el marco
de la lucha contra las drogas (Plan Colombia) y contra el terrorismo (Plan Patriota), tiene efectos
indiscriminados, ya que la premisa básica es debilitar la insurgencia, atacando su apoyo ó base
social (sin importar si este es voluntario o involuntario y sin que hayan sido definidos criterios
claros para identificar dicho apoyo). Las fumigaciones indiscriminadas sobre cultivos de uso lícito
y sobre programas de desarrollo alternativo, así como las medidas de regulación -en el marco de
políticas de seguridad- al ingreso de víveres, insumos (combustibles) y medicamentos, son
estrategias que han generado inseguridad alimentaria, desabastecimiento, bloqueos a la acción
humanitaria, vulneración de los derechos colectivos y del medio ambiente, e impunidad que
impide reparar a las personas afectadas. De otro lado, el alza en los precios de los productos y
94
del transporte como consecuencia de esta situación ha contribuido a empeorar la crisis social de
regiones que dependen de la economía agrícola o de economías ilegales, cuyo desarrollo
regional no ha sido posible en medio del conflicto y del aislamiento. En síntesis, los
desplazamientos masivos internos y transfronterizos, los bloqueos y el confinamiento, el cierre
del espacio humanitario, la desprotección y la desatención, la aplicación por parte del Gobierno
de la lógica que caracteriza a la guerra contra el terrorismo, cuyas estrategias no distinguen
entre civiles y combatientes; son denominadores comunes en todas las zonas de frontera. Ahora
bien, una vez revisadas algunas de las cifras y la situación de crisis humanitaria en zonas de
frontera, consideramos necesario identificar algunos de los elementos constitutivos de la crisis
humanitaria y de derechos humanos en Colombia” (CODHES, 6 October 2004)
For more information about the regional destabilizing effects of the Colombian conclict
read ICG report: "Colombia and its Neighbours: The Tentacles of Instability", 8 April 2003
[External link]
Coal exploitation fuels conflict and displacement (2006)
•
Cheap imported coal from places like Colombia to Canada has had economic benefits for
consumers but at enormous human costs;
•
A Colombian Union leaders says "The Canadian people should not continue to allow people
in Colombia to be assassinated, massacred, and disappeared in order for new coal mines to
be opened, and those already in existence to be operated under conditions that are
completely unfavourable for our nation"
•
Ninety per cent of Colombia's human rights violations are perpetrated in mining and
petroleum exporting regions
St Georges University, 15 March 2006;
"Eastern Canada's switch to cheaper imported coal from Colombia has had economic benefits,
but possibly murderous consequences[...]
Colombia has always been a dangerous place for unionists. Since 1991, more than 2,000 labour
leaders, caught up in the battle between right-wing paramilitary groups and leftist guerrillas, have
been killed, according to the National Union School in Colombia. Nowhere is the violence more
pronounced than in the energy sector -- and especially coal mining. In March 2001, two union
leaders leaving a coal mine owned by the U.S. mining company Drummond Company Inc. were
dragged from their bus and executed by paramilitary gunmen. Six months later, a third, who took
over the position of one of the murdered men, was assassinated in the same fashion. Such
widespread human rights abuses have prompted some to call the coal that comes from Colombia
"blood coal." In the past five years, it has become a main source of energy for power plants in
Eastern Canada.
For decades, coal-burning power plants were fuelled by coal mined in Cape Breton. But as the
lights faded on the local mining industry, the plants turned to South American coal. Power utilities
say it has a lower sulphur content than local coal, making it more environmentally friendly to burn.
The switch to cheaper, imported coal from places like Colombia and Venezuela has also had
economic benefits -- for instance, it saved Nova Scotia Power $19 million in 2000, according to
financial records. But it has had steep, human costs, Colombian activists and union leaders say.
"The Canadian people should not continue to allow people in Colombia to be assassinated,
massacred, and disappeared in order for new coal mines to be opened, and those already in
95
existence to be operated under conditions that are completely unfavourable for our nation," said
Francisco Ramirez, the head of the mining workers' union. Ramirez himself has survived seven
assassination attempts."
"Ninety per cent of Colombia's human rights violations are perpetrated in mining and petroleum
exporting regions; 433 massacres in eight years, according to Amnesty International. In 2001
alone, Canadian corporations invested $869 million in the mining and petroleum sectors in
Colombia.
The Dominion, 17 April 2006;
"There are coal mining co-operatives in Colombia that have good human rights records," says
Francisco Ramirez, president of Colombia's National Mine Workers’ Union, who has found
common cause with Jose Julio Perez and other villagers displaced by the mines. "They [worker
mining co-operatives] sell coal at the world market price, so I don't know why NB Power won't
even consider switching, at least until the situation improves at Cerrejon,"
The Colombian state sentenced to compensate victims of violence (February 2006)
•
The Inter American Court on Human Rights sentenced the Colombian state to pay more than
4.5 million Euros to families of victims of a massacre in 1990 (2006)
•
This is the 6th international condemnation of the state for human rights violations
•
The state has also to recognise publicly its involvement in the massacre and ask pardon to
the families of the victims
El Tiempo, 25 February 2006:
"Así lo establece un fallo de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, sobre la
desaparición colectiva más grande en la historia del país.Esta es la sexta condena internacional
contra Colombia por violaciones a los Derechos Humanos.
El hecho que motivó la decisión del tribunal tuvo lugar hace 16 años, cuando el jefe paramilitar
Fidel Castaño ordenó desaparecer a 43 habitantes de Pueblo Bello, un caserío de Turbo (Urabá
antioqueño), luego de que guerrillros del Epl le robaron igual número de cabezas de ganado.
Castaño se vengó así del caserío que, según él, estaba lleno de colaboradores de esa guerrilla.
Unos 60 de sus hombres pasaron dos veces por retenes militares, sin tropiezos. De ida, cuando
iban por los campesinos. Y de regreso, en dos camiones repletos de víctimas.
Ademas del pago de los 12.000 millones de pesos en indemnizaciones, la Corte Interamericana
le ordenó al Gobierno de Colombia que reconozca públicamente su responsabilidad en los
hechos y que les pida perdón, a través de sus más altas autoridades, a las familias de las
víctimas.
También, que remueva "todos los obstáculos", incluso los jurídicos, para evitar que siga la
impunidad.
96
"Colombia no adoptó medidas de prevención suficientes para evitar que un grupo de
aproximadamente 60 paramilitares –dice la Corte– ingresara a Pueblo Bello en horas en las que
estaba restringida la circulación de vehículos y luego saliera de dicha zona, después de haber
detenido al menos a las 43 víctimas, quienes fueron asesinadas o desaparecidas".
El máximo tribunal de los Derechos Humanos en América (cuyas decisiones son inapelables
para los Estados) no encontró pruebas concluyentes de que, como lo sostenían las familias y las
ONG que entablaron la demanda, hubiera participación directa de miembros de la Fuerza
Pública en la masacre.
Sin embargo, basó su sentencia en un punto que puede definir el futuro de los otros procesos en
contra de la Nación: la Corte considera que como fue el propio Estado el que propició, en 1968,
la formación de grupos de autodefensas, "creó objetivamente una situación de riesgo para sus
habitantes y no adoptó medidas necesarias ni suficientes para evitar que estos (los ‘paras’)
puedan seguir cometiendo hechos como los del caso". Por eso condenó a Colombia por la
matanza, una de las 20 ocurridas en Urabá entre 1988 y 1990."()
Free Trade agreement may contribute to increased drug production (April 2006)
The Washington Post, 26 April 2006
"For 25 years, Victor Murillo has grown rice on a five-acre plot in Colombia's central farm belt. But
a new trade pact with the United States threatens his livelihood, and he's tempted to switch to a
new crop: the tall, stalky coca plant that yields cocaine.
"What choice do you have when everything you worked hard to build is destroyed overnight?" the
50-year-old farmer says as he oversees the harvest of one of his fields.
The bilateral trade deal would be Washington's biggest in the Western Hemisphere since the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994. The agreement's text has yet to be
made public, though it was signed in February, and must be approved by each country's
legislature before it takes effect next year.
Similar to eight other U.S. trade deals in the region, the pact provides immediate duty-free access
to all but a fraction of the $14.3 billion in goods traded each year between the United States and
Colombia.
President Alvaro Uribe, Washington's staunchest South American ally, claims the pact will boost
Colombia's exports by 10 percent, usher in a foreign investment bonanza and create 380,000
new jobs _ all within a few years.
But even if those optimistic targets are met, not all the benefits will be shared equally. The same
is true for the U.S.-Peru trade pact signed this month and for those Washington has reached with
Chile, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala and the Dominican Republic.
Colombia's 28,000 rice growers _ as well as corn, cereal and poultry farmers _ say the trade pact
threatens to put them out of business for good.
That's because, like farmers everywhere, many struggle to eke out an existence while their U.S.
counterparts receive generous government subsidies.
97
To lessen the impact, trade barriers for sensitive agricultural goods will be removed gradually
over a period of 12-19 years. Nevertheless, in the first year Colombians must import a 87,000-ton
quota of U.S. white rice _ representing nearly 6 percent of Colombia's annual production _ and
the quota increases by 4.5 percent every year thereafter.
In the short term, a feared flood of cheap imports could depress the price Colombian farmers get
for their rice by as much as 30 percent, says Rafael Hernandez, general manager of Fedearroz,
the country's rice growers association.
But a bigger concern is what happens if farmers, unable to compete, turn to illegal crops like coca
or poppy, the base ingredient of heroin.
Especially in the central, rice-growing province of Meta, where coca and rice grow almost side by
side, "if the government doesn't help farmers, the drug traffickers will," said Hernandez."
Unemployment of 1,4 million Colombians as a result of liberalisation policy related to
intensification of conflict, according to national research institute (December 2006)
•
The liberalisation included abandoment of national food sovereignity policy to importation of
thousands of tons of food per year
•
Colombia's productive system was seriously curtailed, with pauperisation and massive
unemployment, reinforcement of armed groups and intensification of conflict as a result
Observatorio de Multinacionales en América Latina, December 2006
"Desde mediados de la década de los ochenta, en Colombia se pusieron en marcha una serie de
medidas estructurales enmarcadas en el denominado modelo neoliberal. Todas estas reformas
se implementaron de manera acelerada bajo el mandato de César Gaviria (1990-1994) quien,
bajo el lema de "Bienvenidos al Futuro", introdujo una serie de reformas drásticas en el Estado,
en el sistema tributario y arancelario. La consecuencia es que, en menos de un lustro, se
agravaron los indicadores de empleo, pobreza y distribución del ingreso, creando a su vez el
escenario propicio para el fortalecimiento de los grupos armados irregulares y la intensificación
del conflicto armado colombiano. La aplicación de las recetas neoliberales buscaba insertar a
Colombia en la globalización. En este sentido, se trataba de internacionalizar su economía para
conseguir que el país desempeñara un nuevo papel: pasar de tener una economía de
autoabastecimiento a ser un proveedor de materias primas y servicios a nivel internacional,
dejando la mayoría de bienes para la importación de economías más competitivas8 . En efecto, la
consiguiente desindustrialización y crisis del aparato productivo colombiano dejó a más de
1.400.000 colombianos sin empleo9 . Mientras, en el campo el área cultivada se redujo en
700.000 hectáreas, lo que llevó al país a importar cerca de 8.000 millones de toneladas de
alimentos al año, lo cual años antes hubiera sido inimaginable. Además de las pérdidas del
sistema productivo, el sector bancario y financiero empezó a generar ganancias nunca vistas. En
contraste con el empobrecimiento de la sociedad colombiana en la década comprendida entre
1992 y 2002, en esos mismos años este sector registró ganancias netas por un valor superior a
1.500 millones de dólares10. Se hicieron muy comunes los cobros generalizados por todas las
transacciones bancarias y, en clara contradicción con los preceptos de la ideología neoliberal, se
otorgaron subsidios directos por parte del Estado en aquellos casos en los que las corporaciones
financieras registraron pérdidas o se declararon en quiebra por los fraudes cometidos por sus
directivas."
98
POPULATION FIGURES AND PROFILE
Overview
Diverging IDP numbers (Special report, June 2006)
There is a huge discrepancy between official and non-official IDP numbers reflecting different
approaches to durable solutions, the nature of the conflict and to what constitutes the end of
displacement. While the ongoing discussion on definitions and numbers is important, particularly
in view of the state’s obligation to compensate victims and bring the perpetrators of land grabbing
and human rights violations to justice, the Constitutional Court in its T-25 sentence of January
2004 ordered the state to grant assistance and protection to all IDPs, independently of official
recognition.
The Colombian NGO CODHES has recorded a total of 3.7 million internally displaced in
Colombia since 1985. The government's current estimate is much lower, at 1.75 million, largely
due to the fact that it started registering IDPs systematically only in 2000. CODHES registered
about 1.8 million IDPs between 1985 and 1999, whereas the government in the same period
registered only 79,000. However, from 2000, the year the government improved its registration
procedures, there is much less discrepancy. CODHES registered around 1.8 million between
2000 and October 2005, against 1.6 million recorded by the government.
The lower government figure can by explained by the reluctance of many IDPs to officially
register for fear of persecution, the rise in individual displacements less visible than mass
displacements, and the increasing number of cases rejected by the government, including intraurban displacements and people displaced by aerial spraying (CODHES, 1 April 2005; Actualidad
Colombiana, 26 May 2003). In addition, IDPs have up to one year from the event of their
displacement to declare their status and be included in the registry; as a result, the yearly
government statistics continue to rise throughout the year following displacement. The
government’s 2005 figures, standing at 160,000 as of April 2006, may therefore increase
throughout the year, as was the case in 2000 and 2003 (Accion Social, February 2006; CODHES,
26 October 2005).
There is an ongoing discussion on how to determine when internal displacement ends in the
Colombian context. According to Law 387 of 1997, displacement ends when the displaced
person’s socio-economic conditions have been re-established. Consequently, the government
argues that the IDPs should be categorised according to needs during the first three years of
displacement and gradually be excluded from the register altogether as they would no longer be
in particular need of emergency assistance or protection (El Tiempo, 26 May 2003).
This position evades the question of the state’s responsibility towards IDPs, registered and nonregistered alike, on fundamental issues such as restitution and reparation and highlights the
challenges of addressing durable solutions in the middle of an armed conflict. Similarly, it reflects
a political will to respond only to the humanitarian needs of those registered as IDPs. The
government’s reluctance to recognise a large share of the IDP population and the purely
humanitarian nature of the response to the registered IDPs raise concerns.
99
CODHES argues that to decide when displacement ends is a political question, and not so much
a problem of methodology or criteria. It is indeed hard to analytically distinguish political
motivations from methodological criteria in deciding who is an IDP. In the regions of Chocó and
Norte de Santander, for example, the government confirmed that over half of the applicants were
refused IDP status. The same is true for people arriving in Bogotá (CODHES, 1 May 2005). Local
authorities have also been suspicious of IDPs’ sincerity, claiming they give false declarations to
receive emergency assistance, whereas at the same time under-reporting out of fear of being
perceived as sympathisers with some of the armed groups is acknowledged as a major problem
by both government and non-government institutions (IDMC interviews 2 and 4 November 2005:
Contraloria General, December 2004; CODHES December 2005).
Number of IDPs (1985-2005) (Special report, June 2006)
Year
1985–94
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
Total Cumulated
CODHES
720,000
89,000
181,000
257,000
308,000
288,000
317,375
341,925
412,553
207,607
287,581
310,237
3,720,278
2006)
GoC SUR
4786
247
2,570
11,099
34,460
29,139
329,981
373,663
422,957
219,4310,414
145,99501
159,534216
(CODHES, 24 February 1,752,033 (Accion Social, 20 April
2006)
Who are the IDPs and where do they flee? (Special report, June 2006)
A majority of the IDPs flee the countryside where they were engaged in small-scale farming as
owners or as landless day-labourers. The absence of clear-cut frontlines and the presence of
armed groups nearly everywhere make it extremely difficult to escape the conflict, which is
reflected in the number of affected municipalities; 96 per cent of the country’s more than 1,000
municipalities have experienced forced displacement. But some regions are worse affected than
others. Official numbers show that between 2000 and 2003 almost 60 per cent of the displaced
originated from Antioquia, Bolívar, Magdalena, César, Sucre, Putumayo and Chocó, which as
indicated above are also regions of particular commercial interest (Contraloría General de la
Nación, 2004, p. 105).
Many IDPs are forced to flee several times, typically starting with the initial flight from their land to
the nearest municipal centre, and from there to larger provincial towns, before ending up in
100
shantytowns in regional capitals or in Bogotá, lacking food, access to health services and
adequate housing.
The regional capitals receive an estimated 39 per cent of the displaced, with Bogotá taking the
rest – almost 600,000 according to the city’s planning department. El Tiempo, 11 January 2006;
El Mundo, 28 December 2004 Medellín in the eastern Antioquia department was the second
largest recipient of IDPs with Florence, the capital of the region of Caquetá as the third in 2004.
UN CT, 31 January 2005 Other regions such as Catatumbo, Arauca and Sierra Nevada de Santa
Marta in the north were also seeing thousands of IDPs seeking protection and anonymity in the
urban centres (CODHES, 1 May 2005).
However, instead of finding safety in the cities, IDPs have been increasingly exposed to crime
and violence that forces them to flee again, notably from Medellín, Cali, Barrancabermeja,
Bogotá, Cartagena, Cúcuta and Bucaramanga. The increased presence of armed groups in
urban centres has created complex networks of organised crime and IDPs are some of the
primary victims. The principal agents of intra-urban displacement are paramilitary-backed militias
(Actualidad Colombiana, 1 January 2003). Intra-urban displacements are not recognised by the
authorities because the people affected are not considered to have fled beyond their “habitual
place of residence”. By the same token, these IDPs are denied access to humanitarian
assistance.
The IDPs in Colombia do not represent a homogenous ethnic, political or social group, though
Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities are proportionally more exposed to assassinations
and displacements than other groups (Foreign Policy Studies, 8 June 2005). Some of these
groups are at serious risk of extinction according to the UN Special Rapporteur on Indigenous
People.
Virtually all of the 84 indigenous groups living in Colombia have been affected by displacement
and over 200 Kankuamo indigenous leaders, the largest indigenous group, have been killed since
2002 (IDD, 9 February 2005). Afro-Colombian and indigenous people represent about a third of
IDPs, even though they make up only 11 per cent of the country’s total population. UNHCR,
March 2005 These communities have been repeatedly exposed to armed conflict, as they tend to
live in territories of commercial interest or where there is potential for drug production and other
illegal activities.
A survey of 2004 concluded that minority groups were also the worst affected by aerial spraying
of illicit crops: it found that in 2002 nearly half of all the municipalities affected by aerial spraying
were inhabited by indigenous and Afro-Colombian people (CODHES, 1 June 2004).
The social ties binding these communities together are strong and vulnerable at the same time;
their way of life is strongly linked to their ancestral lands and suffers irreparable damage when
they are forced to flee (UNHCHR, 10 November 2004). The most threatened peoples are Awa,
Kofan, Siona, Paez, Coreguaje, Carijona, Guayabero, Muinane-Bora, Pasto, Embera and Witoto
in the departments of Putumayo, Caqueta and Guaviare where clashes involving logging, oil
drilling and mining interests have fuelled violent repression of indigenous people.
Almost 30 per cent of indigenous IDP households are headed by women (ICRC, May 2005).
Many of the women fled after their husbands were killed by the armed groups, leaving them
particularly vulnerable to sexual violence and harassment, on top of being alone in providing food
and care for their children (Amnesty International, October 2004).
Geographical distribution
101
Displacements in the Northeastern departments of North of Santander, Magdalena and
Bolívar (2005)
•
About 800 Wiwa indigenous people fled paramilitary massacres in Guajira in January 2005
•
About 200 Awa indigenous people fled bombardments by the Colombian Air Force on their
reserve in Nariño in February 2005
•
Over 40,000 people have fled Cúcuta in the past 8 years, the second most violent city of
Colombia with a homicide rate 71% higher than the national average
•
300 Wayúu families were fled in Guajira following the massacre of 30 indigenous people in
2004
•
Catatumbo registered the highest expulsion rate in the country with 14,007 people per
100,000 inhabitants expelled during 2002
•
International agencies believed there were about 100,000 IDPs in Northern Santander as of
October 2002, due to massive under-registration in the zone, while the RSS estimated 23,000
IDPs
•
7,000 IDPs fled to Cúcuta adding to the 22,000 people already displaced in Cúcuta during
2002, most of whom from La Trinidad, according to RSS
•
At least 15,000 people were displaced by counter-insurgency paramilitary attacks in rural
zones of Convención in 2001, most of whom fled to urban centres of Convención and Ocaña
•
IDPs in the Catatumbo settle in urban areas and receive hardly any humanitarian assistance
due to the weak presence of NGOs, UN or state institutions
•
Cúcuta is one of the most violent city after Medellín with, respectively, 128/100,000 and
184/100,000 violent deaths yearly, 80% of which are due to warfare
•
IDPs from Catatumbo fall victim to paramilitary attacks as they are stigmatised as guerrilla
supporters because the zone was historically controlled by ELN
•
39,857 persons were expelled and 22,908 entered the Magdalena Medio region as of 2002
“The collective homicide of three Wiwa indigenous persons, in January in San Juan del Cesar
(Guajira), was attributed to paramilitary groups. This occurrence also led to the forced
displacement of 800 members of that community.
[…]
Bombardments on the part of the Colombian Air Force against the Awa indigenous reservation in
Ricaurte (Nariño) in February were also denounced. These bombardments caused the
displacement of 200 indigenous people.” (UN CHR, 28 February 2005)
““El asesinato sistemático de miembros de la comunidad wayúu está directamente relacionado
con el interés de los paramilitares por controlar los recursos económicos en la frontera,
especialmente el interés por el contrabando de gasolina”, denunció la Consultoría para los
Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento (CODHES) en su último análisis sobre los hechos
ocurridos en la alta Guajira colombiana. Tal como se ha venido informando a través de la página
web de CODHES, y en forma constante, la masacre wayúu que se perpetró el pasado mes de
abril, en el caserío de Bahía Portete, en la alta Guajira colombiana, en límites de Colombia con
Venezuela, dejó a más de 30 personas muertas, 300 familias desplazadas y una comunidad
arrasada.” (CODHES, 1 May 2004)
“A PCS sponsored Codhes report on the humanitarian situation in Cucuta was released in April.
The report highlights that more than 40,000 people fled their homes for Cucuta in the past eight
years, 65% from the Catatumbo5. The urbanization of war has brought a humanitarian crisis to
Cucuta. PCS is following up on the crisis.
[…]
102
Most of Cucuta’s suburbs harbor paramilitary and guerrilla militias, the report states. Irregular
armed actors have particularly permeated marginal and deprived neighborhoods, where large
numbers of urban refugees reside. Cucuta’s official homicide rate is calculated at 115 per
100,000 people, 71% higher than the national average, with 1,085 people murdered in the past
two years.” (PCS, 13 May 2004)
“Five hundred people have been displaced from their village in the region of Catatumbo,
department of Norte de Santander, driven by hunger as a result of forced blockades and intensive
fighting between government military and illegal armed groups. These people have relocated to
an area near the Venezuelan border and have not yet been reached by humanitarian aid
organizations.” (WFP, 31 October 2003)
“La tasa de expulsión de la región del Catatumbo (14.007 personas por cada 100.000
habitantes) es, con creces, la más alta del país. Cinco de sus municipios presentan las tasas de
expulsión más altas del país: El Tarra (25.953), Convención (25.542), Teorama (24.603), San
Calixto (10.639) y Tibú (9.080) sobrepasan la tasa nacional de expulsión hasta en seis veces la
tasa nacional de desplazamiento (586 personas).” (CODHES, 28 April 2003)
“La RSS estima en 23.000 el número de personas desplazadas en Norte de Santander a octubre
2002. El número de muertes violentas y selectivas, para la misma fecha, es de 1.170. La
población desplazada interna en el departamento se encuentra en Convención, Ocaña, Cúcuta y
Tibú. Ha habido retornos espontáneos hacia las zonas rurales y caseríos de Teorama (1,500
personas).
[...]
Prácticamente en todos los municipios del departamento existe presencia de actores armados.
Existen entre 10,300 y 10,800 hectáreas de cultivos ilícitos en el departamento, aunque las
UMATAS hablan de 30,000. Las AUC tienen un mayor dominio de las zonas urbanas y donde
hay mayor concentración de población. La guerrilla está replegada a las zonas rurales. El grado
de sub- registro es enorme. Existen alrededor de 100, 000 desplazados reales en el
departamento, en particular en la ciudad de Cúcuta.” (PCS, 8 November 2002)
“The 2001 invasion resulted in the exodus of at least 15,000 people, who initially moved into the
nearby urban centers of Convencion and Ocaña (Minga report), […] the Red de Solidaridad
Social (RSS) registered an influx of approx 22,000 internally displaced people into Cucuta during
2002 most of whom came from the rural zones around La Trinidad.” (PCS, 11 February 2003)
“In December 2001 the AUC initiated a counterinsurgency campaign in the rural zones of
Convención (details outlined in the previous Catatumbo report of 11 February 2003). In the logic
of decreasing the guerrilla’s base of support the paramilitary forcibly displaced at least 12,000
people from the region. No distinctions were made between combatants and non-combatants,
neither were rules of war followed. Warring parties burnt crops, leveled homes and destroyed
communities. Entire peasant communities fled to the urban centers of Ocaña, Convención and
Cucuta, leaving numerous villages disserted.
The situation of IDPs (internally displaced people) in Cúcuta
Most IDPs from the Catatumbo self-settled in the urban shanties at the margin of cities such as
Ocaña, Convención and predominantly Cucuta, which meant that they generally received little or
nothing in the way of assistance from government and NGO agencies. Getting aid to the
displaced has proved a challenge, given that there are few NGOs and grass root organizations
present in the Norte de Santander department, a consequence of years of armed incursions,
which have subsequently penetrated the entire fabric of grassroots social relations as a means of
exerting social control. According to the Red de Solidaridad Social (RSS), a government body
responsible for tackling forced displacement, during 2002 approx 7,000 internally displaced
people settled in Cucuta, bringing number of IDPs in Cucuta up to 22,000. An overwhelming
103
majority came from the Catatumbo region. Government let humanitarian assistance has proved
arbitrary and inefficient; indeed, aid has been limited to food, housing and kits. What is more,
hundreds of people are still waiting to receive the three months humanitarian assistance to which
the state has to comply with under the 387 law. Today, Cucuta has become one of the most
violent cities in Colombia. Collective violence and organized crime left more than 1,300 people
dead in 2002 (that is an average of 3.5 people per day). Cucuta’s official homicide rate is
calculated at 128 per 100,000 people, nearly as high as that of Medellin, Colombia’s most violent
city (184/100,000 people). The police estimate that approx 80% of homicides in Cucuta are linked
to violent conflict and another 20% to delinquency. The trend has been followed during 2002 in
San Cristobal, the Venezuelan frontier city just forty minutes from Cucuta. Numerous reasons
contribute to the sharp increase in violence. First, violence has been on the increase since the
early 1990s when coca cultivation in the northern region of La Gabarra was introduced,
subsequently, cultivation, production and illicit trade rose sharply. Second, as the capital of the
Norte de Santander department and frontier city, Cucuta has developed dynamics in which drug
trafficking, poverty, licit and illicit transborder trade activities, organized crime and common
delinquency are thriving. Third, the escalation of war in the Catatumbo is having an impact on
Cucuta. The paramilitaries are seeking to consolidate the entire region, including Cucuta.
Conversely, to the guerrilla urban centers such as Cucuta constitute save havens in which they
can further develop counterattacks and mobilize combatants. Urban militias (Farc, Eln, and Epl)
have a strong presence in poor shanties at the city’s periphery. At the same time, paramilitary
groups (bloques Cordoba, Uraba, Cesar) frequently patrol poor urban barrios and engage in
social cleansing. There is a clear trend by the guerrilla to move away from rural to urban warfare,
a new strategy which seeks to undermine Uribe’s security measures. The recent bombing of a
shopping center at the heart of Cucuta (on 6 March 2003), which according to local police officials
was the work of the Eln, exemplifies the overall trend of an urbanization of war.”” (PCS, 17 March
2003)
Magdalena Medio and Bolívar
“Río Viejo: Displacement of 60 families, 30 of them from the Casa de Barro township and 30
other from the surroundings. The displacement was a consequence of the achine-gun and mortar
attacks that the Marine Infantry carried out on September 21st. Civilians got hurt in the attacks.”
(UNCTC, 30 September 2003)
“A displacement of 130 persons has occurred in the Municipality of San Jacinto, Bolivar. Civilians
had to flee due to military operations in the area and the arrest of many farmers, suspected to
belong to illegal armed groups. The families have sought temporary shelter in a village church.
According to a WFP Field officer who talked to the local priest, some people have been under
arrest for six months without having been given proper judicial assistance. The Defensoría del
Pueblo (Ombudsman's Office), UNHCR and the International Committee of the Red Cross have
been alerted of the situation.” (WFP, 30 September 2003)
“As of 15 October 2002, there have been 39,857 persons expelled from the region and 22,908
received within the region, with large net expulsions from Bolívar and César departments. The
municipalities most impacted by displacement are San Pablo, Barrancabermeja and Santa Rosa.”
(GTD, 29 November 2002, Pilot MM)
"[…] Tras enfrentamientos en las estribaciones de la Sierra Nevada entre grupos armados al
margen de la ley, a mediados del mes de enero [2002] más de 11 mil campesinos fueron
desplazados hacia los corregimientos de Guachaca, Puerto Nuevo y El Calabazo de la ciudad de
Santa Marta, en el departamento del Magdalena, en plena troncal del caribe." (RSS, 12 March
2002)
104
Displacements in the regions of Medio Atrato and Urabá (2005)
•
In March 2004, 1,220 members of the Embera community fled their homes in the Middle
Atrato region following clashes between paramilitaries and guerrillas, and in July they
returned home despite UNHCR reservations about the security, dignity and sustainability of
the return
•
The returned communities and some other 2,000 indigenous people have lived under
blockades for months (April 2005)
•
In May, 1,100 Afro-Colombians from the communities of Napipi and Bojayá were driven out of
their homes bringing the number of displaced to 2,300
•
Between February and March 2005, some 2,058 Afro-Colombians fled their homes along the
Bojayá and Cuía Rivers and 7,000 more inhabitants of the municipality are at risk of
displacement as FARC and AUC are moving into the area and government armed forces
prepare an offensive
•
Most of these communities had already been displaced in the past and some had returned as
early as September 2004
•
Some 4,000 indigenous Embera are also at risk of displacement and about 150 people who
went to buy supplies have been prevented from returning to their homes by armed groups
and blockades
•
In May 2004, about 1,000 Afro-Colombians fled to Bellavista
•
1,300 subsistence farmers were displaced as a result of fighting between guerrilla and
paramilitary groups and took refuge in San Francisco Antioquia (2003)
•
The area of the Rio Atrato is a long-contested strategic zone for the control of arms and drug
trafficking
•
119 out of the 500 displaced who took refuge from the fight between FARC and paramilitary
groups in a church were killed by a hand-made explosive thrown by FARC
•
3,605 people fled to Quibdó capital of the department in (May 2002)
•
4,000 Afro-Colombians were displaced by paramilitary threats in Chocó on the 4 of June
2001 according to OHCHR
•
Up to 17,000 people fled Medio Atrato en masse during the first 4 months of 1997 due to
military and paramilitary counter-insurgency tactics
Medio Atrato
“In March 2004, approximately 1,220 members of the Embera community fled their homes along
the Opogadó and Napipi Rivers in the Middle Atrato region following combat between
paramilitaries and guerrillas. Another 1,100 Afro-Colombian peasants from the communities of
Napipi and Bojayá were driven out of their homes in May 2004 following further violent clashes,
bringing the number of displaced to 2,300. The 1,220 indigenous people returned home in July
2004, with the Dioceses accompanying their return in spite of UNHCR concerns regarding the
security, dignity and sustainability of the return. Between February and March 2005 some 2,058
Afro-Colombians fled their homes along the Bojayá and Cuía Rivers, heading for Bellavista and
Vigía del Fuerte out of fear of a resurgence of violence, including combat. All of the AfroColombian hamlets along those two rivers have been totally abandoned. 24 indigenous
communities (3,200 people) from along the Bojayá River remain confined in their territory since
February 2005. Some of them are the indigenous people who returned in July 2004.” (PCS, 21
April 2005)
“A UNHCR team is returning today from a mission to the north-western Colombian town of
Bellavista, where hundreds more people sought refuge over the weekend from fighting between
irregular armed groups. The latest arrivals bring the total number displaced in recent weeks in the
105
Bojaya municipality of Choco Province to more than 2,000. Roughly 7,000 people live in the
municipality, and a majority of them could be at direct risk of displacement, according to local
authorities.
[…]
Some 4,000 indigenous people belonging to the Embera and Wounaan communities along the
Cuia and Bojaya rivers are also at grave risk of becoming internally displaced by severe hardship
and insecurity caused by the presence of irregular armed groups on their land. Indigenous people
have told UNHCR field officers that irregular armed groups operating in the area have imposed a
blockade and prevented food, medicine and other vital supplies from reaching their villages.
Some 150 indigenous people who travelled to Bellavista recently to obtain supplies are unable to
return to their homes because of the blockade. Others have suffered harassment and intimidation
from the armed groups who fired shots in the air and threatened to kill the men and rape the
women. The more than 2,000 displaced people in Bellavista are living in crowded conditions, with
some houses hosting as many as 45 people. With the exception of the newly displaced from
Pogue, they have received emergency assistance but have limited access to health services and
no access to education at the moment. Many have been living in the local school, which has
disrupted classes for local children since mid-February. People displaced from Pogue received
food from the municipality upon their arrival.” (UNHCR, 5 April 2005)
“The team said guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and rightwing
paramilitaries of the United Self Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) are reported to be moving to
the Bojayá River area, while the Colombian Army is preparing an offensive in the zone. Afraid
that fighting could break out between these armed forces, the Afro-Colombian communities of La
Loma, Piedra Candela and Caimanero fled their homes earlier this week. The inhabitants of
Piedra Candela have already been uprooted by fighting in the past and only returned to their
homes in September. Fighting has also previously displaced residents of Caimanero. The
displaced people are now in Bellavista, the main village in the area. The Bojayá municipal
authorities are providing them with emergency food and shelter but have warned that the
infrastructure in the village of Bellavista is insufficient to accommodate such a large number of
people. Roughly 7,000 people live in the municipality of Bojayá, and some 5,000 of them could be
at direct risk of displacement, according to the local authorities. Last November, UNHCR warned
that the increased presence of irregular armed groups in this area could spark a wave of mass
displacement. Colombia's Ombudsman's office issued an early warning about the region only last
month. The region is known for the May 2002 massacre, when 119 people taking refuge in the
church at Bellavista were killed by a mortar during fighting between FARC guerrillas and AUC
paramilitaries. Thousands of people left the area after the massacre, and hundreds of them have
still not returned. Last year, clashes between various armed groups, and with the Colombian
military forces, resulted in several large-scale displacements. In March, 1,200 indigenous Embera
fled their homes along the Opogado, Napipi and Bojayá rivers following clashes between armed
groups. They later returned to their villages over the summer. In May, over 1,000 AfroColombians fled their homes and sought refuge in Bellavista following fighting between the
Colombian army and FARC guerrillas. Meanwhile, in the areas of Novita and Condoto, in the
south of Chocó, irregular armed groups are imposing blockades to prevent goods from reaching
their enemies, tightening their stranglehold on the civilian population and causing severe
hardship. Some 450 new displaced people have been registered in Condoto in recent days.
“(UNHCR, 18 February 2005)
"Situación política de la región del Medio Atrato
El municipio de Bojayá- Bellavista departamento de Chocó, y el municipio de Vigía del Fuerte,
departamento de Antioquia, están divididos por el río Atrato e integran la región conocida como
Medio Atrato; zona que cuenta con importantes recursos económicos y una estratégica ubicación
geográfica ya que hace parte del la conexión interoceánica. El río Atrato es corredor de entrada y
salida entre los departamentos de Chocó y Antioquia. Esta zona ha estado en los últimos años
sitiada por los grupos armados ilegales que transitan por el río Atrato y que se disputan la región
106
para así controlar el transporte de armas y drogas, generando confrontación entre la guerrillas y
las autodefensas ilegales. » (RSS, 30 May 2002).
“Heavy fighting between Colombian guerrillas and paramilitary groups has sent all of the area's
rural population into the town of San Francisco. Some 1,300 persons, mostly subsistence
farmers, have fled the countryside, doubling the town's population.” (UNHCR, 11 April 2003)
« Los hechos ocurridos
El 1 de mayo se iniciaron combates en Vigía del Fuerte entre paramilitares y la guerrilla de las
FARC, concentrándose posteriormente en Bojayá- Bella Vista, razón por la cual cerca de 500
habitantes se refugiaron en la iglesia. El 2 de mayo la población civil que se encontraba en la
iglesia fue afectada por una pipeta de gas que la guerrilla de las FARC disparó, causando la
muerte de 119 civiles entre ellos 45 niños, más de un centenar de heridos y el desplazamiento
de cientos de familias de la zona hacia la capital del departamento, Quibdó.
[…]
El censo de población desplazada realizado hasta el 22 de mayo indica que han llegado a
Quibdó 3.605 personas desplazadas, sin embargo, este censo no es definitivo, ya que sigue
llegando gente a declarar, con el apoyo de los Comités Comunitarios el proceso de registro
arrojará datos consolidados la próxima semana. El gran porcentaje de las familias que han
llegado a Quibdó están alojadas en casas de familiares y amigos, y el 7.7% de población
restante, en su mayoría procedente de Vigia del Fuerte y de Bellavista, está en dos albergues
temporales adecuados por la RSS , el Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar -ICBF- y la
Alcaldía Municipal.." (RSS, 30 May 2002).
“En este sentido, en su informe del año 1997 la Alta Comisionada manifestó: “Desde diciembre
de 1996 se sucedieron varios desplazamientos masivos en el departamento de El Chocó debido
a la presencia paramilitar en la zona del Bajo y Medio Atrato, a los combates entre guerrilla y
paramilitares en enero de 1997 y a los bombardeos indiscriminados efectuados por el ejército en
el marco de la "Operación Génesis" iniciada el 23 de febrero de 1997 a lo que se sumó el control
del abastecimiento de alimentos y medicamentos por parte del ejército y los paramilitares como
forma de combatir a la guerrilla. Como consecuencia de los hechos reseñados, entre 15.000 y
17.000 personas se vieron forzadas a salir de la zona, la mayor parte de las cuales en los
primeros 4 meses del año.” Véase Informe de la Alta Comisionada de las Naciones Unidas para
los Derechos Humanos, documento E/CN.4/1998/16, párrafo 103.
[...]
En su informe del año 2001, la Alta Comisionada mencionó: “Las FARC dieron muerte, entre
otros, al alcalde de Juradó (Chocó) “(véase párrafo139), así como destacó “el desplazamiento
masivo de 4.000 afro colombianos del municipio de Pie de Pato (Chocó) el 4 de junio, por
amenazas de grupos paramilitares.” Véase Informe de la Alta Comisionada de las Naciones
Unidas para los Derechos Humanos, documento E/CN.4/2002/17, párrafo 303.” (OHCHR, 20
May 2002, footnote 4)
Displacements in Cundinamarca department (2004)
•
There are between 86,000 registered IDPs in Bogotá according to the government but NGOs
estimate about 210,000 displaced people live in the capital as of the end of 2004
•
The government agency in charge of IDPs assisted about 35,000 IDPs in Bogotá between
1999 and 2002
•
The NGO CODHES estimates the arrival of about 177,000 IDPs in Bogotá between 1999 and
2002
•
CODHES estimates that 480,000 displaced people arrived in Bogotá since 1985
107
•
2,500 people fled paramilitary attacks and threats from the Peasant Self-Defence Forces of
Casanare (ACC) despite the unilateral cease-fire declared in November 2002
•
After a generation of guerrilla control in the zone, paramilitaries gave 3 days to alleged
‘guerrilla collaborators’ to ‘disappear’ or to become ‘military targets’
•
Although the army deployed 400 men and claims the zone is calm, IDPs do not trust the army
for its well-known collusion with paramilitary groups
•
Officially 17,000 displaced persons are believed to live in the shanty town of Cazuca in
Soacha municipality where the AUC is gradually taking control
•
Government estimates that out of the 363,000 people living in Soacha only 17,751 or 5.7%
are displaced by conflict (2003)
•
GOC estimates about 4 new IDPs arrive in Bogotá per hour, and 1000 monthly while NGOs
estimate 6 daily and 4500 monthly
•
65% of IDPs arriving in Bogotá end up in Soacha slums
•
Over 250,000 IDPs arrived in Altos de Cazuca since late 1980s
“Starting this week, UNHCR is establishing a regular presence in the Altos de Cazucá, south of
Bogotá, one of the main concentrations of internally displaced people in the Colombian capital
where an estimated 25,000-30,000 IDPs are sheltering.
[…]
Bogotá continues to be the main destination of the internally displaced persons fleeing violence in
the countryside, with government registration figures for IDPs at some 86,000 while NGOs
estimate the total number of IDPs in the capital is close to 210,000. The poor neighbourhoods of
Ciudad Bolivar and Altos de Cazucá are home to most of the IDPs. In the past, UNHCR and other
organisations have expressed concern at the grave human rights situation in these areas.”
(UNHCR, 3 December 2004)
« De acuerdo con las cifras del sistema de informaciÛn de la Unidad de AtenciÛn Integral a la
PoblaciÛn Desplazada -UAID- del Distrito Capital, que se fundamentan en los datos oficiales del
Sistema .nico de Registro de la Red de Solidaridad Social, entre mayo de 1999 y agosto de
2002, en Bogot· se ha orientado y atendido a 8.362 familias desplazadas, equivalentes a 35 mil
personas aproximadamente […].
No obstante, de acuerdo con los registros de la ConsultorÌa para los Derechos Humanos y el
Desplazamiento ñ CODHES ñ que datan de 1985, para esa fecha (agosto de 2002) serÌan ya
alrededor de 480.000 personas (es decir, el 23% del total de la poblaciÛn desplazada del paÌs),
las que habrÌan llegado a Bogot· huyendo del conflicto armado y de las diversas formas de
violencia polÌtica y social del territorio nacional. Desde 1999 a septiembre de 2002, el CODHES
ha contabilizado 177.000 personas. La enorme diferencia entre esta cifra y la de la UAID radica
en que muchas personas desplazadas, por seguridad (y en menor proporciÛn por
desinformaciÛn y por desconfianza), se notifican ante la Iglesia y ante la Conferencia Episcopal,
y no ante la Red de Solidaridad Social. » (UNHCR, 1 July 2003, p.23)
“Some 2,500 have fled the fields to take refuge in the town of Viota after right-wing paramilitary
fighters threatened to kill anyone who collaborated with the leftist rebels who have controlled the
area for a generation. During a swift expedition into the area, the right-wing militias hacked a
peasant to death and kidnapped eight others, including a 14-year-old girl. It all began before
dawn Saturday, when many of the peasants were heading out to the fields. Three trucks loaded
with about 30 men armed with rifles, wearing camouflage uniforms and the armband of the feared
Peasant Self-Defense Forces of Casanare, or ACC, began to roam the villages of the region. "To
all the collaborators of the guerrillas, we give you three days beginning today to disappear from
the zone, or you will be a military target," Ramiro Ramirez says he was told at gunpoint. Ramirez,
a short, stocky man of 44, believed the threat and fled to Viota with his wife, two daughters and
dozens of neighbors. The same scene was repeated in several villages.
108
[…]
"It was horrible to see Wilson that way," said a family member who was too scared to give his
name. "His wife came to my house but she doesn't want to talk of the fear." The army says it has
deployed 400 soldiers to the area. "This zone is calm; it's already occupied by troops," said Lt.
Col. Rodrigo Gonzalez. He thinks the peasants who have fled their fields are being held hostage
by rumors, since very few say they were actually approached by the ACC.
[…]
"This isn't just any zone," said political analyst Alejo Vargas. "It seems like an attempt to
challenge the established order in a region that has an important political tradition for the
communists and the FARC." The ACC incursion is surprising not only because it occurred in a
historically communist area, but because the ACC is one of three paramilitary organizations that
declared a temporary end to hostilities late last year while its leaders try to negotiate a peace deal
with the government. Whatever prompted the incursion, the results are all too familiar. Hundreds
of refugees crowded into Viota's church, sleeping outside in the town plaza, cooking over open
fires on the street, in need of the most basic assistance just to survive. The International
Committee of the Red Cross sent 10 tons of food to help the desperate villagers.
[…]
The army insists that troops have the region secured, but many here don't trust the military, which
has often been accused of collaborating with the paramilitaries.” (UNHCR, 5 April 2003)
IDPs in Bogotá
“Soacha, a grim marginal municipality bordering Bogota to the south, is Colombia’s major
reception center for internally displaced people. Approximately 17,000 displaced people live
there, according to the official register DANE, though local NGOs believe the figure may be
higher. Like other large cities in the country previously relatively unscathed by decades of war,
many of its poor neighborhoods (barrios) have become battlegrounds for irregular armed actors,
in which the paramilitary group called AUC is gradually taking control. Impoverishment, a result of
government neglect, has also made it a breeding ground for youth gangs.” (PCS, 4 December
2003)
“In Soacha in Cundinamarca a census was carried out by the Government indicating that some
363,000 people live in Soacha, 17,751 (5.7 percent) of whom are displaced due to armed conflict.
The large majority of them are "living in poverty and have difficulties to integrate into the country's
socio-economic life." WFP is present in this area with several important activities for school, and
pre-school children, nutritional recovery, mother and child projects, and others.” (WFP, 19
September 2003)
“If the 2.7 million internally displaced people (IDPs) living in Colombia more than 400,000 are
resident in Bogota. Colombia’s capital has always been and remains the highest receiver of IDPs.
A startling number given the six million residents living in Bogota, indeed, the internally displaced
population accounts for 6.7% of the capital’s total population […]. Counting the number of IDPs is
horrendously difficult, indeed, while the government says that approx four displaced people arrive
in Bogota every hour NGOs insist that the number is closer to six. According to Codhes, a nongovernmental organization (NGO) approx 4,500 people arrive in Bogota every month.
Conversely, the Social Solidarity Network (RSS) […], a government body responsible for dealing
with displacement in the country estimates that this number is closer to 1,000 […].
While in the past few years the majority of displaced settled in the urban barrios of Ciudad
Bolivar, Kennedy, Bosa and Usme […] located in the south of the city, the reduction of physical
space in many of Bogotá’s urban centers has meant that today most displaced settle for the
neighboring municipality of Soacha, bordering Bogotá’s urban slums south of Ciudad Bolivar [7].
Here, most people move into marginal areas such as the sprawling Cazuca neighborhood where
it is said that 7,000 displaced families [8] are spread over numerous hillsides with their simple
shanties of scrap lumber and recycled metal. In Soacha an overwhelming majority of the
population are IDPs (Codhes) […].
109
[Footnote 7: According to the NGO Fedes, approx 65% of IDPs arriving in Bogota eventually end
up in Soacha, specially the barrios of Altos de Cazuca.]
[Footnote 8: According to the Colombian ombudsman 7,000 displaced families arrived since
1999. However, the barrios of Altos de Cazuca received more than 250,000 displaced people
since the late 1980s.]” (PCS, 31 December 2002)
Displacements in the South-Western departments of Putumayo, Nariño and Valle del
Cauca (2005)
•
6,000 Indigenous Nasa people displaced by clashes between FARC and Colombian Armed
forces in Cauca since April 2005
•
Putumayo is the department with the highest number of people displaced by fumigations, with
la Hormiga municipality registering the highest rate of reception and expulsion
•
In Nariño, municipalities where conflicts over territories have intensified due to the expansion
of coca cultivation are most affected by displacement
•
RSS registered 20,000 IDPs in Cauca about 13,000 of whom are living in Popayán (June
2003)
•
In Bueanaventura 400 people were displaced by armed clashes between FARC and
paramilitaries in August 2003 and 20 families were displaced due to Colombian Air Force
bombings
•
Most people displaced by fumigations are not recognised or registered in official sources
•
Most IDPs of Putumayo take refuge in Mocoa town which hosts about 13,000 IDPs
•
1,000 people were displaced by worsening conflict between illegal armed groups in the
department of Guaviare
•
FARC warned civilians in the former demilitarised zone that if they stayed and were not killed
by the army or paramilitaries they would be considered as enemies and military targets
•
Most displaced people from the former demilitarised zone refuse to register as IDP as they
are stigmatised as guerrilla sympathizers, persecuted and harassed by security forces
“In the past week, fighting between the Colombian Army and guerrillas from the Revolutionary
Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) caused the displacement of an estimated 3,500 indigenous
Nasa people from the area around the village of Toribío, in the southwestern province of Cauca.
All observers on the ground agree that if fighting continues, the number of displaced Nasas could
quickly reach as many as 5,000. Today (22 April), UNHCR and other United Nations agencies are
visiting the area in order to evaluate the humanitarian needs of the population and support relief
efforts by civilian authorities. (Note: The Nasas are one of the largest indigenous groups in
Colombia, about 120,000 people.)
[…]
The Awá, who live along the border with Ecuador, have borne the brunt of the conflict in the
southern province of Nariño. They have been subjected to pressures and threats, economic
blockades, forced displacement and the murder of their leaders. Other peoples such as the
Eperara-Siapidaara, the Pasto, the Quillacinga, the Inga and the Kofan have also been affected
by the armed conflict in this part of Colombia. The Eperara-Siapidaara, along Colombia's Pacific
coast, have been victims of forced recruitment by irregular armed groups and are also at risk of
displacement.” (UNHCR, 22 April 2005)
"En el municipio de Samaná, en el departamento de Caldas, las fumigaciones de cultivos de uso
ilícito provocaron el desplazamiento de más de 3.614 campesinos de los corregimientos de
Florencia y San Dego. Las fumigaciones se iniciaron hacia el 13 de abril y los cmpesinos
110
señalaron que son indiscriminadas, afectan cultivos de pancoger, animales domésticos y están
provocando una crisis alimentaria y de salud en la zona.” (CODHES, 1 May 2005)
“Intense combats between the FARC guerrilla and the Colombian Army, beginning last April 14,
have displaced more than 6,000 persons – 57% of them children – from the municipalities of
Toribío and Jambaló, in the department of Cauca, in the southwestern Colombia. These towns
are inhabited mostly by Nasa (Paéz) Indians, the second most numerous indigenous ethnic group
in Colombia, recognized around the world as a symbol of indigenous resistance and being a
community of peace.” (UNICEF, 27 April 2005)
« El principal municipio receptor del departamento es Mocoa, que, de acuerdo con las cifras de la
Federación de Asociaciones de Desplazados del Putumayo, concentra aproximadamente el 60%
de la población desplazada..
[…]
Durante el primer semestre del año 2003 se observa la misma tendencia en el departamento de
Putumayo, es decir, la correlación de la tasa de recepción de población en situación de
desplazamiento con el número de hectáreas fumigadas. El principal cambio registrado fue el
incremento del desplazamiento en el municipio de la Hormiga, que presentó las tasas más altas
de expulsión y recepción y en donde la ma yoría de la zona rural ha sido fumigada
indiscriminadamente durante este año. En el departamento de Nariño se observa un cambio
fundamental y es la correlación significativa en casi todos los municipios (excepto Roberto Payán
y Tumaco) del número de hectáreas fumigadas con las tasas de recepción y expulsión de
población en situación de desplazamiento. Los municipios más críticos este año que muestran la
confluencia de estas tres variables son El Tablón, Barbacoas, Santa Cruz y Samaniego, es decir,
zonas donde se ha intensificado el conflicto por disputa territorial, hacia donde se han trasladado
los cultivos desde el Putumayo y en donde la presencia de instituciones civiles del Estado es
precaria. También son municipios en donde se han incrementado las agresiones y presiones por
parte de actores armados irregulares hacia la población civil.” (CODHES, 29 October 2003,
pp.26,27,30,)
Cauca
“Popayán was recently designated as the municipality with the greatest number of displaced
persons in Cauca province. The latest statistics provided by the Social Solidarity Network or SSN
(a government entity charged with assistance to IDP´s) registered 20,000 IDPs in Cauca;
approximately 13,000 are living in Popayán.” (IOM, 17 June 2003)
“VALLE DEL CAUCA
Population affected by the humanitarian crisis Buenaventura: The Interdenominational
Commission for Justice and Peace reported temporary displacements of population due to
bombings inflicted on August 25th by the Colombian Air Force in the headwaters of the Cajambre
River. According to local population, 20 families have been displaced to the lower lauds of the
area (Las Bocanas)..” (UNCTC, 30 September 2003)
“From January to the end of August 2003, this department has received a displaced population
flow of approximately 140 families per month. This figure is lower than statistics for that same
period the previous year (220 families). According to the SSN figures, as of August 21st, the
municipality with the largest numbers of displaced people are: Mocoa, Puerto Asís, and
Villagarzón, accounting for 73% of the total displaced population; followed by Orito, Puerto
Leguízamo and Sibundoy, with 16%. The main expelling municipalities are: Valle de Guamuéz,
Puerto Asís, Orito, Puerto Guzmán, San Miguel, and Puerto Caicedo.” (UNCTC, 30 August 2003)
“[…] el 6 de febrero en la Hormiga (Putumayo), cerca de 390 campesinos se desplazaron debido
a los enfrentamientos entre subversivos de las FARC y miembros de las autodefensas » (GOC,
23 July 2003)
111
« Si bien la existencia del fenómeno del destierro o desplazamiento forzado se remonta a la
década de los ochenta en el departamento de Putumayo, adquiere progresiva relevancia social
durante los últimos años fundamentalmente debido a la intensificación del conflicto armado en el
sur del país, la creciente presión que ejercen los actores armados sobre la población civil y el
incremento de los operativos de fumigación aérea (cuyas víctimas no son reconocidas como
personas desplazadas forzosamente) [1] .
[Footnote 1 : Según las organizaciones sociales del Putumayo, que las fumigaciones también
han sido una causa del desplazamiento lo expresa el seguimiento que se hizo a las familias
firmantes de los pactos de erradicación voluntaria: en promedio, 600 familias han salido de las
veredas, es decir, en promedio una familia por vereda (aproximadamente 50 mil personas).]
En efecto, según el registro oficial de la Red de Solidaridad Social, la evolución del número de
personas desterradas sigue el siguiente derrotero. Mientras durante los años 1998 y 1999,
fueron desplazadas 14 familias conformadas por 39 personas, en 2000 se produjeron
desplazamientos masivos de 735 familias, que ocurrieron principalmente durante el desarrollo
del paro armado impulsado por las FARC, y desplazamientos individuales de 374 familias.
Durante 2001, el número total de familias desplazadas se incrementa, respecto a 2000, en más
de la cuarta parte (28,76%): 389 familias se desplazaron en éxodos y 1.039 familias en forma
aislada. Hasta noviembre de 2002, el incremento del número de familias desplazadas supera las
cuatro quintas partes (82,77%): 108 familias se desplazaron en éxodos y 2.052 familias en forma
aislada.
[…]
El análisis de la dinámica del desplazamiento forzado en Putumayo permite señalar
provisionalmente: Los sectores de la población más afectados por el desplazamiento forzado son
campesinos, indígenas, docentes(2) , líderes comunales, inspectores de policía, en algunos
casos promotores de salud y miembros de las iglesias cristianas y evangélicas; en segundo
lugar, es llamativo que los períodos más críticos de desplazamientos, durante 2002, coincidieron
con los momentos previos y posteriores a las jornadas electorales de marzo y mayo; y por último,
existe una tendencia entre la población desplazada de asentarse en Mocoa porque es la ciudad
del departamento que más expectativas de trabajo y seguridad ofrece, según las mismas
personas desplazadas, y porque además ofrece a las víctimas menos dificultad para acceder a la
reclamación de sus derechos, pues allí funcionan la administración departamental y algunas
entidades encargadas de velar por la protección de los derechos humanos.
[…] A esto se suma que a nivel departamental, es claro que todos los alcaldes están
desentendidos de las personas que salieron de sus municipios y de aquellas que han arribado
como desplazadas, de modo que en los presupuestos de 2003 no están previstos recursos para
atender a las personas desplazadas. Es el caso de Mocoa que tiene más de 13 mil personas
desplazadas.
[…]
"En mayor medida que en Caquetá, el departamento ha sufrido un incremento en su
desplazamiento debido al combate entre paramilitares y guerrilla, así como entre las fuerzas
armadas y la guerrilla, además de fumigaciones a gran escala en la región. En varios municipios
de Bajo Putumayo se cree que los paramilitares tienen poder sobre las capitales municipales y
que la guerrilla domina las áreas rurales. Este fenómeno, combinado con la incidencia de
desplazamientos relacionados con fumigaciones, los cuales no se incorporan a los registros
oficiales, hace que el desplazamiento en el departamento sea difícil de cuantificar o rastrear".
Organización Internacional de Migraciones – OIM » (Actualidad Colombiana, 12 March 2003)
Guaviare department
“San José del Guaviare: Massive displacement of 1.000 persons. The habitants of neighbouring
villages to the capital had to flee as a consequence of the worsening conflict between illegal
armed groups.” (UNCTC, 30 September 2003)
Meta department
112
“In August [2003] there was a marked increase in confrontations between armed groups which
worsened the humanitarian crisis in the region. Puerto Lopez was the most affected municipality
receiving a constant flow of displaced individuals.” (UNCTC, 30 August 2003)
“The FARC are now challenging army control of the former DMZ partly by waging a war against
those it perceives as collaborating with its enemies. This has involved the violation of IHL,
including the killing of civilians; threats against members of the community, many of which have
been displaced; forced recruitment, including of minors; and cruel, inhuman and degrading
treatment. However, the scale of the problem is probably more serious than the evidence would
suggest, since many members of the community are too afraid to denounce the guerrilla to the
authorities, such as the Defensoría del Pueblo and Personería, for fear of retaliation.
[…]
The FARC warned the civilian members - who were ordinary members of the community - that if
they stayed and were not killed by the security forces or the paramilitaries, then they would
assume that they were collaborating with them. They would therefore become "legitimate military
targets". Most have been threatened and have left the area. Many have left for Bogotá where,
because they have been labelled as guerrilla sympathizers, are constantly harassed and
threatened. For the same reason, the authorities are reluctant to provide the help they are entitled
to as displaced persons.
[…]
There have been some displacements since the breakdown of the peace talks but exact figures
are difficult to obtain. Most displacement has taken place towards bordering areas and in
particular towards the capitals of the departments of Caquetá, Huila, Meta and Nariño. Since
Caquetá and Meta departments are not currently in dispute between the armed sectors to the
same degree as other regions, such as Antioquia and Bolívar, the level of displacement of the
civilian population is not as severe. However, the number of displaced persons is likely to
increase if the former DMZ becomes, as many fear, the focus of a power struggle between the
FARC and the security forces and their paramilitary allies. In the immediate aftermath of the
bombing campaign, the Red de Solidaridad, Solidarity Network, the main state body responsible
for the welfare of displaced persons, estimated that 130 people were displaced to San Vicente,
although this figure has fallen since then. According to the Defensoría del Pueblo, a total of 454
individuals have so far been displaced to San Vicente, some as a result of threats to their lives
and others because they were ordered to do so by the guerrilla. This figure is most likely a
significant underestimate, since the stigma attached to being a displaced person, especially one
from the former DMZ, has dissuaded many from registering. Many more would also like to leave
the area but are too scared to travel by road and lack the resources to travel by air. There have
also been reports of intra-rural displacement within the municipality of San Vicente del Caguán.
[…]
Many of the civilians displaced from San Vicente to Bogotá have also refused to register for fear
of being classified as guerrilla.” (AI, 16 October 2002)
Disaggregated data
15,000 forcedly displaced during first 100 days of 2007
•
Major reasons for displacement heavy fighting between the army and the guerrillas,
fumigations of illicit crops, fighting between FARC and ELN, violations by paramilitary groups
and ELN
Actualidad Etnica, 16 April 2007
113
"Muchos habitantes colombianos que ayer contaban con una parcela de tierra, donde labraron el
porvenir de sus familias, hoy son peregrinos de un destino que no les corresponde, que ellos no
buscaron; personas ajenas a su territorio utilizando la fuerza de sus armas los obligaron a
abandonar aquello que les pertenecía y tanto significaba para ellos. Ese es el drama que miles
de colombianos viven a diario a causa del conflicto armado que se vive en Colombia.
Así lo señala la Consultaría para los Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento (Codhes) que
recientemente presentó su informe sobre el desplazamiento en Colombia. Los resultados son
alarmantes: cerca de 15 mil personas se desplazaron en los primeros 100 días en este año,
declarado como el Año para los derechos de las personas desplazadas en Colombia. Dichas
cifras obligan a mirar cuidadosamente lo que está pasando y buscar medidas urgentes y
efectivas que erradiquen y mitiguen esta práctica de guerra.
Según Codhes, los éxodos se producen por varias razones: por los intensos combates entre la
Fuerza Pública (Infantería de Marina, Ejército, Fuerza Aérea, Policía) y la guerrilla de las FARC,
tal y como ocurre actualmente en la zona rural del municipio de El Charco (Nariño), o ha ocurrido
en los municipios de Urrao y Nariño (Antioquia) y en el municipio de Argelia (Cauca). Por las
fumigaciones masivas con glifosato de cultivos de uso ilícito, como ocurre en los municipios de
San Miguel (Putumayo) y Olaya Herrera en Nariño. Por enfrentamientos entre grupos de las
FARC y el ELN, como ocurre en los municipios de Santa Cruz y Samaniego en Nariño. Por
acciones de grupos paramilitares, como ocurre en la vereda Playa Bazán del municipio de El
Charco (Nariño), y en Ciénaga del Opón (Santander). Por presiones e intimidación atribuidas al
ELN, como ocurre en la zona rural del municipio de Herrán (Norte de Santander). Por amenazas
contra la población civil, falsos positivos, o temor a combates entre las partes enfrentadas."
14 per cent of the rural population displaced between 1995 and 2006
•
In Chocó, Caquetá and Putumayo, more than 30 per cent of the rural population have been
displaced since 1995
•
Other seriously affected departments are Cesar, Sucre, Bolivar, Guaviare, Magdalena, Meta
and Antioquia
Contraloria de la Nacion, 30 August 2006
"Si se supone que las personas obligadas a desplazarse pertenecen a la población rural, se
obtiene que un 14,3% de la población rural ha sido afectada entre 1995 y el 30 de junio de 2006.
En Chocó, Caquetá y Putumayo el porcentaje supera el 30%. Le siguen en importancia Cesar
con 29,7%, Sucre 29%, Bolívar 27%, Guaviare 26%, Magdalena 25%, Meta 24% y Antioquia con
20%.
Este indicador refleja la pérdida de productividad y de empleo en el campo colombiano
ocasionado, pues ello conlleva una reducción en el suministro de bienes, en especial de pan
coger."
Indigenous people and Afro-Colombians represent 40% of all IDPs (2005)
114
•
All of Colombia’s 84 indigenous groups have been affected by displacement
•
Indigenous people represent 2 or 3% of the Colombian population but they make up 8% of
IDPs
•
Indigenous groups are at risk of extinction as a result of the systematic massacre of their
leaders and forced displacement of their members
•
The rate of violence in municipalities inhabited by indigenous groups is 100% higher than the
national average with most atrocities committed by AUC (36,7%) followed by FARC (34,3%)
(UN CHR)
•
An indigenous organisation estimated that 12% of all IDPs are indigenous
•
Between 1995-2003, about 28,000 indigenous people were displaced and 12,650 were
displaced in 2002 alone
•
Six percent of IDPs are Indigenous and about 18% are Afro-Colombian
•
The expulsion rate of Afro-Colombian communities is 20% higher than the national rate
•
Indigenous and Afro-Colombians represented disproportionately 23.5% of the displaced
population in 2001 according to government sources
Procuraduria General de la Nacion, 6 March 2007
"Además de la afectación desproporcionada en medio del conflicto armado interno, que se
expresa en desplazamientos forzados, emplazamientos, desapariciones, masacres, asesinatos
selectivos, control a la movilización de personas, alimentos, medicinas y combustibles, son
victimas de la exclusión, marginalidad, racismo y discriminación racial."
“In the past week, fighting between the Colombian Army and guerrillas from the Revolutionary
Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) caused the displacement of an estimated 3,500 indigenous
Nasa people from the area around the village of Toribío, in the southwestern province of Cauca.
All observers on the ground agree that if fighting continues, the number of displaced Nasas could
quickly reach as many as 5,000. Today (22 April), UNHCR and other United Nations agencies are
visiting the area in order to evaluate the humanitarian needs of the population and support relief
efforts by civilian authorities. (Note: The Nasas are one of the largest indigenous groups in
Colombia, about 120,000 people.) Meanwhile, in the northwestern province of Choco, some
4,000 indigenous Embera people are at imminent risk of displacement because of fighting
between guerrillas and paramilitary groups in the Bojaya area. In March 2004, over 1,200 people
from five indigenous communities in this area were forced to flee their homes. Since the
beginning of this year, the irregular armed groups have increased their activities in the area,
imposing blockades to stop food, medicine, fuel and other vital supplies from reaching some
communities. The National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC), a UNHCR partner, has
reported the murder or disappearance of more than 20 indigenous leaders so far this year.
Colombia's more than 80 indigenous groups together make up a population of just under 1 million
people. Although indigenous people represent only 2 to 3 percent of Colombia's total inhabitants,
they make up as much as 8 percent of the country's internally displaced population of more than
2 million. Virtually all the indigenous groups in the country have been victims of forced
displacement or are at serious risk of being displaced from their ancestral lands. The tragedy
afflicting the indigenous peoples remains largely invisible. They often become displaced within
their remote regions of origin as they try to preserve ties to their ancestral lands, or else they flee
into other remote areas where they cannot be easily detected. Since indigenous identity and
culture are closely linked to the land, these communities suffer irreversible damage when forced
to flee. This can mean loss of traditional and cultural patterns, including language, and a dramatic
deterioration of lifestyle. In the northern region of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, some
40,000 people belonging to four indigenous groups (Wiwas, Koguis, Kankuamos and Arhuacos)
are struggling to survive and defend their culture. Caught between different armed groups fighting
for control of this strategic area, the peoples of the Sierra Nevada face threats to their lives and to
115
their heritage. The Awá, who live along the border with Ecuador, have borne the brunt of the
conflict in the southern province of Nariño. They have been subjected to pressures and threats,
economic blockades, forced displacement and the murder of their leaders. Other peoples such as
the Eperara-Siapidaara, the Pasto, the Quillacinga, the Inga and the Kofan have also been
affected by the armed conflict in this part of Colombia. The Eperara-Siapidaara, along Colombia's
Pacific coast, have been victims of forced recruitment by irregular armed groups and are also at
risk of displacement.” (UNHCR, 22 April 2005)
“According to UNHCR's estimates, 46 percent of all the victims of mass displacements in the
southern province of Nariño last year, were indigenous. This is particularly worrying since
indigenous people make up less than 8 percent of Nariño's population. Nearly half of those
indigenous persons who were victims of mass forced displacements were neither registered not
assisted by the authorities. The figure is probably higher for individual displacements.
[…]
"More than 20,000 people in the Mitú and Carurú areas of Vaupés, a province where 85 percent
of the population is indigenous, are caught in the cross-fire between the different parties to the
conflict. We warn about the serious risk of extinction of these indigenous communities," said the
Association of Traditional Authorities of Vaupés.” (UNHCR, 22 April 2005)
“There are 84 indigenous groups in Colombia. According to a national organisation of indigenous
people, virtually all of them have been affected by forced displacement and threats by irregular
armed groups.” (UNHCR, 1 March 2004)
“Según los datos del Sistema de Información sobre Desplazamiento —SISDES— de la
Consultoría para los Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento —CODHES—, la población
Afrocolombiana e Indígena constituye el sector más afectado por el conflicto armado y la
migración forzada durante el último año. Cuatro de cada diez personas internamente
desplazadas en Colombia pertenecen a estos grupos étnicos, buena parte de ellos provenientes
de comunidades que han sido objeto de las más radicales estrategias de confinamiento
aplicadas por los actores armados en confrontación. El 33% de las personas internamente
desplazadas en Colombia (83.650) pertenecen a comunidades Afrocolombianas y el 5% del total
nacional corresponde a personas de comunidades indígenas (12.649). Son 96.299 personas que
fueron forzadas a huir de sus comunidades y territorios. De igual modo, en sólo cuatro regiones
del país son más de 20 mil las personas obligadas a permanecer en situación de riesgo dentro
de sus propias localidades o lugares habituales de residencia, por lo general ubicadas en las
zonas rurales, en la desembocadura de afluentes secundarios, a la orilla de afluentes
minoritarios y/o en zonas montañosas de difícil acceso.” (CODHES, 1 March 2004)
“El balance no puede ser más incierto, el 57% de los pueblos indígenas del país está siendo
afectado directamente por el conflicto armado, además de las fumigaciones aéreas con glifosato
en el marco del Plan Patriota, de la implantación legal e ilegal de megaproyectos y de la
ausencia de políticas sociales enfocadas al fortalecimiento de la sociedad civil. El confinamiento
resulta ser el problema más grave, uno de cada 3 indígenas padece este tipo de restricciones
impuestas por los actores armados.
[…]
La información procesada muestra que 5 de cada diez de estos eventos no presenta un
responsable específico (53%). La distribución de la información señala que las AUC emerge
como el presunto autor de la mitad de las violaciones e infracciones registradas (50%), seguido
por la Fuerza Pública (34%), las Farc (15%) y el ELN con menos del 1%. Tomadas en conjunto
muestran que los departamentos más afectados son Cauca (10%), Caquetá (8,8%), Chocó
(8,6%) Valle del Cauca (8,3%), La Guajira (7,7%) y Vaupés (7,4%). Se estima que 67% de los
hechos violentos perpetrados durante el primer semestre del 2004 se concentró en 10 pueblos
indígenas, que en su orden son: Embera, Nasa, Embera Chamí, Wiwa, Embera Katío,
Kankuamo, Pijao, Guahibo, Wayú y Awa. Del conjunto sobresalen tres tipos de hechos violentos
116
que representan el 52% del total: 1. el Confinamiento (35,6%), 2. los Homicidios (8,9%) y 3. el
Desplazamiento Forzado Interno (7,6%). Este último superó en dos veces la cifra del año
anterior. La comparación general de los departamentos indica que se concentraron
principalmente en la Cuenca del Pacífico, la Amazonia, el Suroccidente y Nororiente del país.
[…]
Durante este primer semestre, el desplazamiento forzado interno registra una tendencia al
aumento respecto del año inmediatamente anterior. Se estima que 9376 personas,
pertenecientes a más de 13 pueblos indígenas se vieron obligadas a abandonar sus lugares
habituales de residencia, lo que evidencia un aumento del 50%. Esta cifra supera en un 261% el
estimativo presentado por la ONIC […] sobre el año 2003 (3583 personas). Fueron mujeres y
hombres de 35 comunidades, asentados en 23 municipios. Así mismo se presenta un incremento
de los departamentos afectados, del 25% al 35% del total.” (CODHES, 2 September 2004)
“The Special Rapporteur heard many accounts of the conflict currently gripping the country and
its devastating effects on indigenous peoples: murder and torture, mass displacement, forced
disappearance, forced recruitment of young people into combat units and rape of women, as well
as occupation of their lands by guerrilla, paramilitary and other illegal armed groups. There are
also reports of the militarization of some indigenous communities. The Special Rapporteur is
particularly concerned at the situation of some very small communities that are now on the brink
of extinction as a result of the murder of their leaders, massacres, threats and the forced
dispersal of their members.
[…]
According to the High Commissioner’s office in Colombia, numerous violations of human rights
aimed at indigenous peoples were reported in 2003. During this period, more than 100 members
and leaders of indigenous groups were murdered; one of the worst affected groups in this regard
was the Kankuamo people of Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. There is also a disturbingly high
incidence of forced displacements, whose impact on indigenous communities increased during
2003.
25. Political violence against indigenous peoples increased during the 1990s, prompting
increasing opposition to the war. Over the past 15 years, more than 2,660 cases of violations of
human rights and international humanitarian law aimed at indigenous peoples have been
reported. These acts of violence are attributable primarily to the guerrillas and AUC (paramilitary
groups which have been linked with the army and government authorities). The rate of violence in
indigenous municipalities is 100 per cent higher than the national average, the hardest hit being
the Kankuamo and Wiwa peoples of the Sierra Nevada, the Kofan people in Putumayo, the
Chimila in Magdalena, and the Korebaju, Betoye and Nasa, and the Tule and Embera-Katio in the
Urabá region.
[…]
Many indigenous communities report selective killings of their leaders and spokespersons, and of
their traditional authorities. Such killings appear to form part of a strategy to decapitate and
confuse the indigenous communities, and they certainly hasten their social and cultural
disintegration. These are truly acts of genocide and ethnocide against indigenous peoples.
Equally worrying are the murders of human rights defenders, possibly encouraged by unfounded
statements by senior government officials equating human rights organizations with terrorists.
[…]
Investigations show that the majority of these atrocities are attributable to AUC, to a lesser extent
to FARC and ELN, and in some cases to the Colombian armed forces. In the Amazon region, the
majority of murders of indigenous people are alleged to be the work of AUC (36.7 per cent),
FARC (34.3 per cent) and the armed forces (4.8 per cent). In Sierra Nevada, the home of the
Kogui, Kankuamo, Arhuaco and Wiwa peoples, the violation of the right to life most often takes
the form of massacres or multiple or individual selective killings – tantamount to extrajudicial
executions - notably by AUC.
117
31. On the western slopes of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, an area visited by the Special
Rapporteur, the Kankuamo people (3,000 families, 13,000 people and 12 communities), who live
inside the “black line” which marks the traditional boundary of their territory, are now in the
process of reclaiming their indigenous identity. Their lands have been recognized, but no reserve
has yet been established. Guerrilla groups started arriving in the 1980s and AUC set up a base
there in the 1990s, with the result that the number of kidnappings and murders escalated to a
level far above the rural and regional average, particularly from 1998 onwards. It was then that
the massacres of indigenous people, the mass displacements, the blockades and the forced
confinement of communities to their villages began. More than 300 families are reportedly still
displaced as a result of attacks and threats of various kinds. The accounts given to the Special
Rapporteur testified to the continued ethnic cleansing, genocide and ethnocide of the Kankuamo
people despite the protective and precautionary measures requested by the Ombudsman and the
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and several urgent appeals by a number of special
mechanisms of the Commission on Human Rights.
[…]
Forced displacements have swelled the flows of Colombian indigenous refugees into
neighbouring countries such as Brazil, Ecuador, Panama, Peru and Venezuela. A number of
shocking human rights violations have been reported, including an incursion by paramilitaries into
Panama in March 2003, which left several indigenous refugees dead.
35. The situation of displaced people is particularly dire in certain urban areas, including Bogotá.
The mayor of Valledupar informed the Special Rapporteur that there are high rates of malnutrition
among displaced indigenous people, and even cases of children dying of hunger. The
municipality does not havethe resources to meet all the needs of the displaced indigenous
population. Women heads of household and children suffer the worst consequences of
involuntary displacement; many of the women resort to begging and a large number of the
children live in the street. Yet, without reliable records, it is difficult to channel humanitarian aid
appropriately.
[…]
two massacres in 2002, in which 12 indigenous Wiwa were killed, resulted in the forced
displacement of 1,300 indigenous people and 300 others from the communities of Sabana
Grande, Potrerito, El Machínand Marocaso.
[…]
The Kankuamo people have been particularly hard hit, suffering forced displacement (300
families), manykillings of leaders and others, restrictions on freedom of movement and other
violations. In 2003, 44 murders of indigenous Kankuamo were reported to the Office of the
Ombudsman, as well as the indiscriminate bombing of the hamlet of Potrerito, in the Wiwa
indigenous reserve, which resulted in the destruction of 50 dwellings and the forced displacement
of 25 families. Office of the Ombudsman resolution 24/2002, upholding the human rights of the
indigenous peoples of the Sierra, has still not been implemented.” (UN CHR, 10 November 2004)
“It is estimated that six percent of the IDPs are Indigenous and 18% is Afro-Colombian—in other
words one-fourth of the displaced population, even though they represent only 11% of the total
population.” (ICRC, WFP, 27 December 2004, p,7)
“The latest report of the National Indigenous Organisation of Colombia (ONIC), released before
the International Day of Indigenous Peoples (August 9), paints a grim picture of the situation of
Colombia's indigenous communities. According to the figures, virtually all of the 84 indigenous
groups present on Colombian territory have victims of forced displacement or are threatened by
it. According to ONIC, nearly 13,000 indigenous persons fled their original homelands in the years
2001 and 2002. During the first half of 2003, over 50 indigenous persons have been murdered
and as many as 3,000 have had to leave their homes in fear for their lives.” (UNHCR, 8 August
2003)
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“El 2002 representó para la población afrocolombiana el año más trágico en cuanto a
desplazamiento, violencia, desintegración de comunidades, y pérdida de territorio y cultura. Al
menos el 33% del total de la población expulsada en Colombia, es decir, 83.650 personas,
corresponden a este grupo étnico, sobre el cual se han ensañado los actores armados. La tasa
de expulsión de las comunidades afrodescendientes es un 20% mayor que la del resto del país:
mientras el nivel nacional registra 586 personas expulsadas por cada cien mil habitantes, la de
comunidades afrocolombianas alcanza 736 por cada cien mil. En este orden de ideas, en 2002 el
Chocó —con el 73.4% de su población compuesta por comunidades afrocolombianas—, es el
primer departamento expulsor (4.498/100.000 habitantes) y receptor de población
(3.678/100.000 habitantes). El Atrato, con una tasa de expulsión superior a la departamental
(6.648/ 100.000 habitantes), es la segunda región del país con mayor tasa de expulsión, luego
del Catatumbo (14.007/100.000 habitantes).
[...]
“Durante el 2002 aproximadamente 12.649 indígenas tuvieron que abandonar sus territorios
ancestrales por presión de los grupos armados. Esta cifra representa el 1.75% del total de la
población indígena del país, y corresponde al 5% del total de desplazados en Colombia. La
situación más crítica la vivieron los pueblos Embera, en los departamentos del Chocó y Córdoba;
los pueblos Kamtzá, Huitoto, Siona, Inga, Embera, Awá y Pasto, en los departamentos de
Caquetá y Putumayo; y los pueblos Kankuamos, Wiwa, Kogui, Arhuacos y Yukpas de la Sierra
Nevada de Santa Marta y Serranía de Perijá.” (CODHES, 28 April 2003)
“96. Of particular concern is the situation of the Afro-Colombian community, which is considered
to be one of the poorest in the country. According to the Office of the Ombudsman, 98 per cent of
the Afro-Colombian population lack basic public services, while 80 per cent of their housing is
marginal and overcrowded. In the department of Chocó, where 90 per cent of the population is
Afro-Colombian, the basic needs of 82 per cent are not being met.
97. Violations of the civil and political rights of indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities are
aggravated, moreover, by problems stemming from efforts by the illegal armed groups to maintain
control over their territories. They are often subjected to economic blockades, controls on food
and medical supplies, and restrictions on the free movement of persons, all of which merely
worsens the precarious conditions in which they live. […]98. Against this background of violence,
the indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities - and especially their leaders - continue to suffer
extrajudicial executions, massacres, death threats, enforced disappearances, and enforced
displacements and recruitments, threatening their very existence as ethnic groups and their
cultural survival. […] The Office in Colombia received reports blaming the security forces for
direct involvement, as in the case of the paramilitary massacre of 12 Wiwa indigenous persons in
El Limón and neighbouring areas (Guajira) on 31 August […]. As regards Afro-Colombians, it is
worth mentioning the fate of the inhabitants of the El Tigre area, in Tumaco (Nariño), where
between 6 and 10 bodies, presumed to have been executed by self-defence groups, were found
daily.” (UNCHR, 24 February 2003, para 95-98)
"There are approximately 80 distinct ethnic groups among the country’s more than 800,000
indigenous inhabitants. These groups are concentrated in the Andes mountains, Pacific Coast
lowlands, the Guajira peninsula, and Amazonas department. According to the National
Organization of Colombia’s Indigenous (ONIC), 93 percent of indigenous people live in rural
areas; 25 percent are on reservations, and approximately 115,000 indigenous people are without
land. According to UNHCR, approximately one-third of displaced persons are indigenous people
or blacks; these groups represent only 11 percent of the population." (U.S. DOS February 2001)
"Indigenous communities and families are particularly hard-hit by the violence afflicting Colombia.
More than 500 indigenous leaders were assassinated in the last 25 years for political reasons."
(IACHR 1999, chapter X, paras. 36-37)
119
"The Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities were among the groups most affected,
representing 23.5 per cent of those displaced during the first half of 2001, according to the
Network […]. This percentage is disproportionate in relation to their percentage of the overall
population and inconsistent with the special protection required under the Guiding Principles on
Internal Displacement and the Constitution itself. Both groups live in regions that the State has
traditionally neglected, which provides fertile ground for groups operating on the fringes of the
law. The natural resources and economic potential of some of these areas may also explain the
interest on the part of groups that would benefit from such neglect.
[…]
During the period covered by this report, the situation of ethnic groups has continued to grow
progressively and systematically worse.
[…]
The problem of displacement particularly affected the Afro-Colombian and indigenous
communities. Attention should be drawn to the massive displacement of 4,000 Afro-Colombians
from the municipality of Pie de Pato (Chocó) on 4 June [2001] following threats by paramilitary
groups. It is striking that these incidents occurred less than a month after these communities had
been granted collective title to their ancestral lands by the Government in accordance with Act
No. 70 of 1993. The Afro-Colombians of Alto Naya (Valle del Cauca and Cauca) were also
particularly badly affected by displacement. Displacement is also a problem for the Embera Katio
community (Córdoba), whose situation is already critical, as described above. In many of these
cases the influence of vested economic interests in the region cannot be discounted. For
example, the “peace community” of Nueva Esperanza, in the municipality of Carmen del Darién,
was burned to the ground by a group of paramilitaries on 2 June, shortly after the community had
been granted collective title to its ancestral land. " (UN HCHR, 28 February 2002, paras. 228,
297, 303, 371)
Indigenous People and Afro-Colombians worst affected by fumigation-induced
displacements (2005)
•
Indigenous and Afro-Colombian groups who live off the land are particularly affected by
fumigations as it endangers their subsistence and culture
•
Surveys have demonstrated that greater numbers of indigenous and Afro-Colombian
communities live in municipalities of higher fumigation levels
•
Ten new municipalities of the department of Chocó, the country’s richest territory in terms of
biodiversity and water reserves, have been included in the fumigation plans
•
Fumigations mostly affect the weakest link in the narcotraffic and production cycle, small
subsistence farmers who are forced by armed groups or survival to plant coca
•
In 2002, of the 64 total municipalities that underwent aerial eradication 30 were home to
minority communities with collective titles to the land
•
Out of the 12 departments fumigated in 2002 (Nariño, Caqueta, Putumayo, Guaviare, Meta,
Antioquia, Cesar, Tolima, Cordoba, Huila and Norte de Santander) all but Cauca had
communities with land titles living in the fumigated areas
•
In total 27,044 people were displaced in 2003 from zones where fumigations are
implemented
•
The departments most affected by fumigations in 2003 were Putumayos, Guaviare Nariño
and Caquetá
•
The departments which registered a rise in fumigations-induced displacements in 2003 were
Caquetá, Putumayo, Guaviare, Cundinamarca, Guainía, Valle, Amazonas, Vaupés
•
About 30,000 people were displaced by military operations and fumigations part of Plan
Colombia in 2003
120
•
US government officials admit that as many as 150,000 people might be displaced as a result
of the US financed counter-narcotics activities in Colombia
•
The government defines people displaced by fumigations as “voluntary migrants”
•
About 39,397 people were displaced by fumigations during 2002
•
Departments most affected by displacements caused by fumigations were North of
Santander, Caquetá, Putumayo, Guaviare, Nariño and Meta in 2002
“Some of the loudest objections come from the collective voice of indigenous and AfroColombian groups who say that, as they live off the land, the aerial eradication anti-narcotics
component of Plan Colombia particularly affects their longstanding traditions and therefore
directly threatens their way of life. In consideration of the Colombian government’s general nonadherence to agreements made with minority communities to help ameliorate the aforementioned
claims, it is often claimed that indigenous and Afro-Colombian people, as a group, suffer
disproportionately under Plan Colombia.
[…]
In every level of analysis the trend shows that greater numbers of indigenous and Afro-Colombian
communities do, in fact, live in municipalities of higher fumigation levels.
[…]
For the year 2002, of the 64 total municipalities that underwent aerial eradication, 30 (almost
half!) were home to minority communities with collective titles to the land, for a total of 127
minority communities (out of 709 total) living in these fumigated municipalities.
[…]
the total number of existing community titles in 2002, 18.3% of Indigenous titles, 16.0% of AfroColombian titles, and a total of 17.9% of community titles were located in fumigated
municipalities. This overall look at fumigation trends reveals that a significant number of minority
groups lived in fumigated areas in 2002. Breaking down the figures by department reveals that all
but one of the departments fumigated in 2002 had communities with land titles living in the
fumigated areas (the exception being Cauca). […]Those departments home to the highest
number of minority populations were Nariño (49 titles), Caqueta (29 titles), Putumayo (18 titles)
and Guaviare (17 titles). The rest of the departments fall into line as follows: Meta (5 titles),
Antioquia (2 titles), Cesar (2 titles), Tolima (2 titles), Cordoba (1 title), Huila (1 title) and Norte de
Santander (1 title).” (CODHES, 1 June 2004)
“Un total aproximado de 27.044 personas fueron desplazadas durante 2003 de zonas en las
cuales se registró fumigaciones de cultivos de uso ilícito. De hecho, durante el 2003 el
desplazamiento forzado se incrementó en las regiones donde se concentraron las fumigaciones.
Los departamentos que registraron un incremento del desplazamiento durante el 2003 frente al
2002 fueron Caquetá con una tasa de 3.165 personas desplazadas por cada 100 mil habitantes,
Putumayo con una tasa de 2.330, Guaviare con 2.302, Cundinamarca con 588, Guainía con 395,
Valle con 260, Amazonas con 78, Vaupés con 82, mientras la tasa nacional fue de 466 por cada
100 mil habitantes. De otro lado, los 20 municipios con mayor área fumigada en todo el país
están ubicados en los departamentos de Putumayo (los municipios de Orito, La Hormiga, San
Miguel, Puerto Asís), Guaviare (Calamar, Miraflores, el Retorno), Nariño (Roberto Payán,
Barbacoas, Tumaco y El Tablón) y Caquetá (Cartagena del Chairá).” (CODHES, 7 April 2004)
“Diez municipios del departamento del Chocó fueron incluidos en el plan de fumigaciones por
aspersión aérea para erradicar 2.475 hectáres de cultivos de coca, anunció hoy la Policía
Antinarcóticos, en medio de la preocupación de la comunidad por las consecuencias de esta
decisión.
[…]
"Es inminente un desastre ecológico en un territorio cuya principal característica es la
biodiversidad y los recursos hídricos y el argumento del gobierno no puede limitarse a acusar a
los sembradores de coca de dañar el ecosistema y no hacer nada para prevenir los cultivos de
121
uso ilícito" dijo otro de los promotores del Foro e integrante de grupos de defensa del medio
ambiente que prefirió el anonimato.
[…]
"Las fumigaciones pueden traer éxodo de población, inseguridad alimentaria y más violencia",
dijo en su exposición la investigadora de CODHES Marcela Ceballos tras proponer "otras
opciones para enfrentar el problema del narcotráfico de tal manera que no afecte al eslabón más
débil de la cadena, los pequeños productores, obligados por subsistencia o por imposición a
sembrar coca"” (CODHES, 16 March 2005)
“CODHES destaca en su informe la expulsión de por lo menos 29.980 personas de las zonas de
fumigación aérea de cultivos de uso ilícito, 2.831 indígenas que huyeron de sus territorios y
alrededor de 40.512 personas pertenecientes a comunidades afrocolombianas obligadas a salir
forzadamente.” (CODHES, 10 December 2003)
“Se estima que el número de familias que tuvieron que desplazarse por efectos de las
fumigaciones, desde 1999 a la fecha es de 35 mil.” (CODHES, 29 October 2003, p.26)
“En Norte de Santander si bien se han dado fumigaciones este año desde el mes de enero, ha
sido en el mes de septiembre [2003] en el que más se ha visto afectada la población. La
operación militar Holocausto que acompañó las fumigaciones en el mes de septiembre genero
entre otras cosas el desplazamiento forzado de población desde la Gabarra hacia otras regiones
del departamento y hacia el otro lado de la frontera.” (CODHES, 2 January 2004)
“Las propias autoridades estadounidenses calculan en 150 mil las personas que seran
desplazadas del sur del pais como consecuencia del plan de erradicacion de cultivos uso ilicito
que se sumarian a los desplazados por el conflicto armado de otras regiones multiplicando la
crisis humanitaria que ya vive Colombia por este problema social, demografico y de derechos
humanos” (CODHES , 22 February 2000, p.2)
“Las fumigaciones mediante aspersión aérea de cultivos de uso ilícito en zonas de conflicto
armado, desplazaron alrededor de 39.397 personas durante el año 2002, que representan el
15% del total de la población expulsada en el país. Los departamentos más afectados por
expulsión en zonas de cultivo de coca y/o amapola fueron Norte de Santander (13.571
personas), Caquetá (10.956), Putumayo (10.813), Guaviare (1.528) Nariño (1.476) y Meta
(1.053). Según fuentes de la Policía Nacional, en 2002 fueron fumigadas 129.125 hectáreas con
cultivos de coca y 3.342 hectáreas con cultivos de amapola en estos departamentos. En 2000,
cuando se inicio el Plan Colombia, el Departamento de Estado afirmó que alrededor de 150 mil
personas estaban vinculadas a los cultivos de uso ilícito, pero que las fumigaciones podían
desplazar a 15 mil personas. Sin embargo, si sumamos los desplazados en zonas de fumigación
de 2001 y 2002, alrededor de 75.597 han sido afectados por esta política. El agravante es que
estas personas no son consideradas desplazadas por el gobierno colombiano, que las califica
como “migrantes voluntarios”, desconociendo el contexto de guerra en el que se producen estas
fumigaciones.” (CODHES, 28 April 2003)
" La zona fronteriza se compone de 57 municipios que se ubican en los departamentos de
Nariño, Putumayo, Amazonas, Vaupés, Guainía, Vichada, Arauca, Boyacá, Norte de Santander,
Cesar y La Guajira. En ellos el desplazamiento es consecuencia de las fumigaciones que afectan
cultivos de consumo y la seguridad de la población civil por la presencia de actores armados, la
respuesta de militarización por parte de gobiernos de países vecinos. ." (CODHES, 15 February
2002)
"The indigenous communities have also alleged that the fight against drugs has resulted in the
militarization of many areas where illegal crops are grown and where significant indigenous
populations also reside. This militarization creates an environment propitious for violations of the
122
human rights of the indigenous inhabitants. This problem is aggravated by the fact that the
Colombian government and military associate the production and trafficking of narcotics with the
guerrilla movement. As a result, the areas where illegal crops are grown have been converted
into war zones. This situation affects negatively the indigenous persons who reside in these
areas, including those who produce narcotics as well as those who do not. These persons are
frequently accused of collaborating with armed dissident groups." (IACHR 1999, chapter X, para.
53)
“CODHES destaca en su informe la expulsión de por lo menos 29.980 personas de las zonas de
fumigación aérea de cultivos de uso ilícito, 2.831 indígenas que huyeron de sus territorios y
alrededor de 40.512 personas pertenecientes a comunidades afrocolombianas obligadas a salir
forzadamente. El 81 por ciento de los desplazamientos ocurridos en zonas de fumigación se
produjo en los departamentos de Putumayo, Caquetá, Guaviare, Norte de Santander y Cesar.”
(CODHES, 10 December 2003)
“ Norte de Santander es el tercer departamento después de Putumayo y Guaviare de
concentración de cultivos ilícito y el 4° en producción de los 23 productores del país.
[...]
Con las fumigaciones los cultivos se estima extendiendo a los territorios indígenas de Perijá y
Motilonia, porque son parques naturales y esta prohibida la fumigación. Esto puede provocar la
invasión de los territorios indígenas por los cultivadores de coca, provocando el desplazamiento
de la población indígena que vive en la región (se calculan según la ONIC que existen una 23
comunidades en la zona, (aproximadamente 4, 000 personas).”(PCS, 8 November 2002)
“CODHES destaca en su informe la expulsión de por lo menos 29.980 personas de las zonas de
fumigación aérea de cultivos de uso ilícito, 2.831 indígenas que huyeron de sus territorios y
alrededor de 40.512 personas pertenecientes a comunidades afrocolombianas obligadas a salir
forzadamente. El 81 por ciento de los desplazamientos ocurridos en zonas de fumigación se
produjo en los departamentos de Putumayo, Caquetá, Guaviare, Norte de Santander y Cesar.”
(CODHES, 10 December 2003)
Among displaced people 75 per cent are women and children (2006)
•
Women and children account for 75 per cent of the displaced population
•
UNICEF and CODHES estimate that 1,750,000 children have been displaced since 1985
•
40 per cent of IDP households are headed by women, compared to 28 per cent among the
general population
•
48 per cent of the displaced people are 18 years old or younger
•
As a result of the war one out of three families are headed by women, most of them widowed
•
In Bogotá slums 40 of the female heads of household had fled with their children following the
violent death of their husbands
•
Women represent between 49 and 58% of the total displaced population, and up to 80% of
the displaced found in urban areas
•
Displaced children are often stigmatised in school and their integration into host communities
is often difficult
•
86 per cent of all IDP households include one or more children
Sisma Mujer, 13 September 2006
“En Colombia se han desplazado un total de 3.720.428 personas, según la Consultoría para los
Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento –CODHES-, mientras que según las cifras del gobierno,
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actualmente hay 1.823.663 personas inscritas en el Sistema Único de Registro de la Agencia
Presidencial para la Acción Social y la Cooperación Internacional3, de los cuáles más del 75%
son mujeres, niñas y niños. […] La mayor vulnerabilidad a la violencia y la persistencia de la
discriminación en situaciones de afectación múltiple y masiva de los derechos humanos, es lo
que conlleva a plantear que el desplazamiento tiene un efecto desproporcionado en las mujeres,
situación que hace indispensable la implementación de medidas especiales encaminadas a
acelerar la igualdad y a eliminar la discriminación. Algunas de las situaciones de mayor
vulnerabilidad y riesgo que permiten identificar los efectos diferenciados del desplazamiento
forzado en las mujeres se pueden observar en las siguientes estadísticas:
• Entre los hogares en situación de desplazamiento el 40% de ellos tienen jefatura femenina.
Este porcentaje es más alto en los hogares de comunidades negras desplazadas donde la
jefatura de hogar femenina es del 47% y en los conformados por población desplazada indígena
donde es del 49%4. La tasa nacional de jefatura de hogar femenina es del 28% según el
Departamento Nacional de Estadística –DANE-.
• La prevalencia de la anemia en mujeres en situación de desplazamiento gestantes alcanza el
70% y el 23% de las mujeres embarazadas desplazadas tiene peso deficiente5.
• El 64% de las mujeres desplazadas por razones del conflicto armado colombiano estuvieron
expuestas antes del desplazamiento a algún tipo de intimidación por parte de los actores
armados. Así mismo, una de cada 5 de éstas mujeres fueron víctimas de violencia física y cerca
del 4% lo fue de violencia sexual6.
• El 8.1% de las mujeres desplazadas por razones del conflicto han sido violadas por una
persona diferente al cónyuge7.
• Un tercio de las adolescentes desplazadas están embarazadas o ya son madres, mientras que
a los 19 años un 63% de las mujeres han tenido al menos un hijo.”
UNHCR, 1 March 2004
“The internal displacement situation in Colombia is one of the most serious in the world. There
are over a million internally displaced persons (IDPs) registered by the Colombian Government.
NGOs estimate the total number of IDPs to be close to three million. According to official sources,
74 per cent of them are women and children. An estimated 49 per cent of IDPs are adult women.”
Colombia Journal, 23 June 2003
“According to existing research for 2000, approximately 46 percent of displaced people come
from homes consisting of a mother, father and children. Nearly 25 percent of displaced
households in Colombia do not have the husband present, of which almost 70 percent have a
female as head. There are also cases in which the household consists of relatives outside of the
nuclear family, which make up 7.33 percent of all households, homes with relatives but no
husband (13.8 percent), single-person homes (2.43 percent), and other types of households (0.93
percent). […]
[…]
The SUR registry includes 211,701 households displaced between 1995 and December 15,
2002. Of these, women headed 84,726 homes, representing 40 percent of all registered
households. This shows that, while in Colombia as a whole 24 percent of households have
female heads, this proportion doubles among families that have been displaced. It is important to
reiterate that the proportion of displaced households with female heads has increased
substantially. In 2000 a woman headed 37.5 percent of displaced households. In 2001, this
percentage rose to 42.44 percent and by December 15, 2002, women headed 44.7 percent of
displaced homes. More female-headed families have been displaced in Antioquia than any other
department with 15,956 such households since 1995, which represents 18.83 percent of all
displaced homes with women as heads of families. Bolívar comes in second place with 10,101
homes (11.92 percent), followed by Sucre with 5,510 (6.5 percent), Magdalena (5,258
households), César (4,839), Putumayo (4,735) and Caquetá (3,952). The departments that
received the highest numbers of displaced families headed by women between 1995 and
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December 15, 2002, are Antioquía (13,153 households), Sucre (8,151), Bolívar (6,852), Atlántico
(5,117), Valle del Cauca (4,584) and Bogotá (4,303).”
UNCTC, 30 September 2003
“According to a UNICEF and CODHES report, during the last 17 years (1958-2003), about
1,750,000 children and teenagers have been displaced in Colombia. The report points out that
the State has not offered the necessary assistance to this population: only 4 in 10 children and
teenagers have attended school and less than one third has received medical care. Additionally
on the minors live in overcrowding. On a national level, 36% of the heads of households are
women, while among the displaced population this percentage reaches 50%. A study conducted
in Soacha (Cundinamarca), found that 53% of the total displaced population is comprised by
children under 14 years of age and that 12% is aged 15 to 19 years.”
La Defensoría del Pueblo, March 2002
“According to the People’s Advocate (Defensoría del Pueblo) approximately 1.100.000 children
have been displaced as a consequence of the armed conflict during the last five years. The
Social Solidarity Network (RSS) estimates that 93.012 children below the age of 18 were
displaced in 2001. These children made up 48.84% of the total displaced population.”
UN CHR 11 March 2002
“It is estimated that one in three families are female-headed households; many female heads of
household are widows from rural areas who flee to the cities and have to face the harsh urban
reality. Individual displacement is often invisible as they do not register and slip into the cities in
the hope that it will provide them and their families with some protection. A study made on the
displaced population in Bogotá found that 40 per cent of the women who were heads of
households were widows who had fled with their children after their husbands died violently while
18 per cent had been abandoned after arriving in the city. Women that are separated by their
displacement -either individually or with their family - are far more vulnerable than those who flee
in the midst of a large and relatively organized group (such as in certain regions of the Middle
Magdalena and Uraba).”
UN CHR, 11 March 2002
“Estimates concerning the proportion of displaced women in Colombia range somewhere
between 49 and 58 per cent of the total displaced population. Displaced women and children
together account for 74 per cent of displaced Colombians who need special assistance. The
figure can reach 80 per cent when the displaced population found in large urban areas is
included.”
UN CHR 11 March 2002
"Of the 60,623 displaced persons registered in the Information System on Population Displaced
through Violence in Colombia (RUT) by the National Social Pastoral Secretariat, 29.683 are
women -24.392 of them of mixed race, 4.666 Afro-Colombians and 635 indigenous; 51.59 per
cent are children - 16,257 boys (52%) and 15.015 girls (48%). There are however, several
problems with the figures: they are cumulative figures, hindering any possibility of estimating
cases in which persons have been displaced more than once (displacement/return/displacement
processes are frequent among displaced persons who arrive finally in large cities); there is no
information available regarding those who return spontaneously or were relocated. And even if
the information gathered is differentiated at the source, this information is not processed to show
the different impact of displacement on men and women. Furthermore, women displaced alone or
who are heads of households are under registered because they fear informing the authorities."
UN HCHR 8 February 2001, chapter V, para. 78
"[…]The Advisory Office for Human Rights and Displacement (CODHES) reported that between
January and June, minors accounted for 54.34 per cent of the internally displaced population.
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The Office can attest that most of them have little chance to exercise their rights to health, food,
education, housing, identity before the law and so forth. It has again observed how social
cleansing by members of the security forces continues to affect minors."
CODHES 26 January 2000
"En Colombia han sido desplazados por la fuerza entre 1985 y 1999 alrededor de 392.000
hogares que integran una población aproximada de 1.900.000 personas, de las cuales 1.100.000
corresponde a menores de edad. Por los menos 450.000 niños, niñas y adolescentes vivieron el
desarraigo y la violencia entre 1985 y 1994 mientras que más de 650.000 enfrentan esta
situación desde 1995. En 1998 del total estimado de población desplazada (308.000), 172.480
corresponde a menores de 18 años. Para 1999 el desplazamiento forzado afectó a 272.000
personas, de las cuales cerca de 176.800 fueron niños, niñas y jóvenes menores de edad.
[…]El 86% del total de hogares en situación de desplazamiento forzado incluye niños, niñas y
adolescentes menores de 18 años."
Women's Commission May 1999, pp. 4-5
"Typically, a woman decides to flee her home after a husband, brother, father or son has been
kidnapped or murdered. Traumatized and terrorized, she will leave as quickly as possible--often
within hours--for a hastily chosen destination. Upon arrival in that destination, she will be lucky to
count on the help of a friend or relative for immediate, temporary shelter, whether it is a corner of
a shack in an outlying barrio or a covered corridor in a downtown building. Just as likely, she will
find no support whatsoever and will have to scramble to find a foothold in the barrios or at the
edges of smaller towns.
[…]
In scores of interviews with displaced women, the Commission heard the same themes repeated:
women were forced to leave their homes under threat of violence and death; they lost husbands,
brothers, fathers in massacres, assassinations, disappearances; they took their children and fled
for the safest place they could find, most often cities, where they could hide among the large
populations."
Global figures
Almost 4 million Colombians displaced by violence between 1985 and 2007
•
More than 200,000 people forcedly displaced in 2006, according to CODHES
•
Number of IDPs registered by the Government and IDP estimates by NGO coincide in a three
years period
•
More than 1,2 million people forcedly displaced since 2002, according to government figures
•
More than 1,4 million people forcedly displaced in the same period, according to NGO
estimate
•
CODHES argues that the apparent decrease in government figures is due to an increase of
individual displacements, less visible, a rising number of besieged communities, and underregistration due to fear or exclusion from official registries affecting notably people displaced
by fumigations, and intra-urban displacement
NEWLY DISPLACED PEOPLE IN COLOMBIA YEARLY
Year
1985–94
CODHES
720,000
GoC SUR
No info-94: 7886
126
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
Total Cumulated*
89,000
181,000
257,000
308,000
288,000
317,375
341,925
412,553
207,607
287,581
310,237
219,886
No figures as of June 2007
3,940,164
257
2,691
11,958
37,074
34,754
287,064
347,663
414,814
211,203
199,965
217,773
201,623
2214 (To 3 February 2007)
1,976,970
Sources: CODHES “Tendencias del desplazamiento en Colombia de 1985 a 2006, [External
Link].
GoC, RSS-SUR, 3 February 2007 [External Link]
*The total figures are estimations, accumulated since 1985 for CODHES and 1994 for the
government source. Therefore the figures do not reflect returns, multiple displacements
and demographic changes in the displaced population. In addition, many IDPs take refuge
in urban peripheries where they settle along other indigent communities, further blurring
their IDP-specific needs. The government registry to date does not register intra-urban and
intra-municipal displacements nor people displaced by coca-crop fumigations. The
various registration systems in Colombia have no de-registration method for people
returning or resettled. Nevertheless, Government and CODHES yearly figures have
become increasingly similar due to methodological improvements.
NGO estimates:
“The Consultoría para los Derechos Humanos y el Desplazamiento (CODHES) reported that at
least 287,581 persons (61,182 households) were displaced in Colombia during 2004, which
would be a 38.52% increase as compared to 2003. According to the Consultoría, between 1999
and 2004, there was an average of 77,692 persons displaced per quarter, or 863 persons every
day. According to CODHES, one of the characteristics of displacement during 2004 was an
increase in individual displacement, and a reduction in mass events (events with a greater impact
and increased public visibility in Colombia). In 2004, a total of 788 municipalities in 32
departments received IDPs (117 more municipalities than in 2003), which means that 70% of the
municipalities in the country were affected by displacement throughout the year. CODHES
indicated that the increase in displacement flows was particularly noticeable in areas with
increased military operations, which resulted in an increase in displacement rates in the southern
and eastern areas of the country: Vaupés, Casanare, Caquetá, Guainía, Vichada, Guaviare,
Arauca, Putumayo and Meta. Displacement also increased in some regions of La Guajira,
Antioquia, Norte de Santander and Magdalena, while on the Caribbean coast, most departments
experienced a reduction in displacement, with the exception of Bolívar. According to the
estimates of CODHES, out of the migration flows during 2004, there are at least four areas with
high rates of displacement due to the conflict: the area of influence of the Patriot Plan, eastern
Antioquia, the region of Catatumbo and the region of Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. CODHES
indicated that out of these, the highest rates were in the region of the Patriot Plan. According to
data from the NGO, Florencia, a medium-sized city and capital of the department of Caquetá, is
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the third largest receptor of IDPs following major cities such as Bogotá and Medellín, which
reflects an atypical pattern in displacement for the country.” (UN CT, 31 January 2005)
“En el periodo comprendido entre el 1 de enero de 2005 y 31 de marzo de 2005, 6.549 personas
fueron obligadas a desplazarse forzadamente para proteger sus vidas en los municipios
fronterizos, lo que epresenta el 11% del total del desplazamiento del país (61.996 personas).”
(CODHES, 1 May 2005)
“Dicha concentración de los desplazamientos entre julio y septiembre […2004] puede
estarindicando que este periodo fue crítico para las fronteras, principalmente para el sur y el
oriente del país, que presentaron la mayoría de desplazamientos. Sólo en los departamentos de
Arauca, Guajira, Cesar, Guainía, Vichada, Vaupés y Norte de Santander, ubicados en la frontera
con Venezuela y Brasil, 8.554 personas tuvieron que abandonar sus lugares de residencia por
razones violentas durante estos tres meses. Esta cifra representa más del 10% del total de
personas desplazadas durante el trimestre en el país. Al examinar el desplazamiento a nivel
departamental, Caquetá aparece durante el tercer trimestre del 2004 como el segundo con
mayor población desplazada, con 4.292 personas, después de Antioquia que reportó 9.985
personas desplazadas para el mismo periodo. Otros departamentos afectados por el fenómeno
del desplazamiento son Meta con 4.247 personas desplazadas para el tercer trimestre, Valle del
Cauca con 3.955 personas para el mismo periodo, Norte de Santander con 3.803, Bogotá con
3.609 y Nariño con 3.228 personas en situación de desplazamiento entre julio y septiembre del
presente año. En estas zonas se implementan políticas de seguridad enfocadas en la lucha
contra insurgente por vía militar (Caquetá y Meta), erradicación por fumigaciones de cultivos de
uso ilícito (Norte de Santander) y detenciones y capturas masivas como parte de la política de
seguridad democrática (Cauca) […].
[…]
Diversos factores de la coyuntura nacional pueden estar asociados a este incremento
deldesplazamiento forzado: El desarrollo del Plan Patriota en el sur del país con la consecuente
intensificación del conflicto, la radicalización de la política de seguridad democrática en
sucomponente punitivo para el departamento de Arauca, el inicio de la fase de desmovilización
en las regiones de control permanente de los grupos paramilitares (Golfo de Urabá en la frontera
conPanamá y Catatumbo en la frontera con Venezuela), la disputa real o inminente por el control
de territorios estratégicos entre los distintos grupos armados, el traslado de cultivos de coca y
amapola hacia zonas que empiezan a ser controladas por actores armados al margen de la ley,
la situación de inseguridad alimentaria derivada de las fumigaciones y de los bloqueos,
restricciones o confinamientos, los bajos niveles de integración social y de restablecimiento en
las zonas receptoras de población desplazada que están generando nuevos desplazamientos, el
desestímulopor parte de los países vecinos para iniciar el proceso de solicitud de asilo y que
obliga a la población en riesgo a buscar otros lugares de asentamiento al interior del país […]”
(CODHES, December 2004)
“La organización no gubernamental señaló que durante los primeros nueves meses de 2003 una
población aproximada de 175.270 personas se desplazó dentro del territorio nacional por
situaciones de violencia asociadas al conflicto armado, lo que representa una disminución del
49% con respecto al mismo período de 2002.
[…]
La población fue expulsada de 904 municipios, de los cuales el 91% corresponde a zonas rurales
y pequeños municipios, mientras que el 9% restante corresponde a personas expulsadas de
capitales de departamentos.
[…]
Desde 1985 Colombia vive un reacomodamiento social y demográfico cruzado por la violencia
que se manifiesta en el desplazamiento forzado de una población estimada en 3.090.123
personas, en un proceso sostenido que aumenta o disminuye de acuerdo con las dinámicas de
la guerra, con la consolidación de hegemonías político militares en las regiones o con el
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agotamiento demográfico en regiones en las que ya no hay a quien desplazar.” (CODHES, 10
December 2003)
“Although the number of new IDPs is decreasing in Santander and Huila, this appears to be
related not to an improvement in the security situation for the rural population but to the
escalating violence between the military and the armed groups, which makes escape harder for
the affected population.” (ICG, 13 November 2003,p.14)
“CODHES also warned about the increase in the number of besieged communities, which not
only influences the displacement statistics but also show an increase in serious violations of
human rights and humanitarian law. There are other simultaneous factors that may also have an
impact on forced displacement, such as changes in the dynamics of the Colombian armed
conflict, and violence and intimidation that makes displaced people reluctant to register with any
of the information systems. The negotiation process with armed groups and the reduction in
military actions by armed groups during the first half of 2003 should also be considered as they
also affect migratory trends in the interior of the country.” (UNCTC, 30 August 2003)
« Es decir, durante los primeros nueve meses de 2002, una población estimada en 353.120
personas fue desplazada en desarrollo de una estrategia de guerra que intenta imponer lealtades
políticas por la vía de la fuerza en cada vez más territorios, generando una vertiginosa
recomposición social y demográfica de impredecibles consecuencias y agravando la crisis
humanitaria y de derechos humanos en el país. La magnitud del desplazamiento en este período
refuerza la hipótesis según la cual esta estrategia de guerra se asocia con mecanismos de
repoblamiento, que responden a intereses políticos y económicos de quienes promueven la
guerra interna para controlar territorios y recursos con fines que trascienden la lógica militar. El
hecho de que un promedio diario de 1.623 personas tenga que huir de la violencia impuesta por
los actores armados, es tal vez la peor manifestación de la degradación de un conflicto que se
ensañó contra la población civil sometida, cada vez más, a una condición de indefensión y a un
estado de desprotección por la violación masiva y sistemática de sus derechos fundamentales.
[…]
En el trimestre comprendido entre julio 1 y septiembre 30 de 2002 el desplazamiento forzado
interno, ocasionado por factores de violencia, presenta un incremento significativo respecto de
las estimaciones de los últimos 17 años. En efecto, en estos tres meses el número de personas
obligadas a desplazarse alcanzó la cifra de 149.387, frente a las 90.179 y 113.554 de los dos
primeros trimestres. Es decir, un promedio de 1623 personas cada día, 67 personas cada hora, una familia cada 10 minutos" (CODHES, 18 November 2002)
“Enforced displacements increased substantially, affecting much of the country, [23] the reason
being that they are increasingly used as a war strategy.
[Endnote 23: According to the Compared Sources Estimation System (SEFC), enforced
displacements increased by 100 per cent in the first half of 2002 compared with the same period
in 2001. The main cause was generalized threats (46 per cent), followed by fighting (22 per cent)
and massacres (8 per cent). The Social Solidarity Network reported that 887 out of the total of
1,098 municipalities are affected by enforced displacements.]” (UNCHR, 24 February 2003,
para.88)
"341.925 personas fueron desplazadas durante el año 2001 porque las partes del conflicto
(contrainsurgencia legal e ilegal y guerrillas) no respetaron los derechos humanos o violaron las
normas de la guerra que excluyen a los civiles de la confrontación armada. Codhes reporta 586
municipios receptores de población en situación de desplazamiento en 2001, cifra que de alguna
manera refleja las dimensiones de esta crisis humanitaria. El año 2001 muestra un balance
dramático en cuanto a la intensificación del conflicto armado, la violación sistemática de los DH y
las infracciones del DIH. En el período analizado los distintos actores armados no cesaron de
realizar bloqueos, amenazas, reclutamientos, secuestros, asesinatos selectivos, masacres y
129
provocar el desplazamiento individual, familiar y en forma de éxodos masivos y múltiples. Estas
acciones fueron mucho más funestas y visibles en zonas rurales, particularmente en los
territorios de propiedad colectiva de comunidades afrocolombianas e indígenas.
[…]
Dichos hechos violentos produjeron el desplazamiento forzado de 68.385 familias
aproximadamente, con la consecuente ruptura de redes familiares y comunitarias. Esta cifra
corresponde a un estimativo global de 341. 925 personas, un equivalente a 39 personas por hora
o 937 personas por día; quienes arribaron al área urbana de 586 municipios ubicados en 32
departamentos del país (94% de los departamentos -tan sólo Vaupés y San Andrés y
Providencia no reportan información sobre el fenómeno-)."
(CODHES, 15 February 2002, Boletin 40)
Government estimates :
“Al comparar 2004 con el año inmediatamente anterior, se evidencia una disminución de 37% en
el número de personas desplazadas entre los dos años, al pasar de 219.469 víctimas de este
fenómeno en 2003, a 137.315 en 2004. Esta disminución responde principalmente a una
reducción del 45% en las cifras de desplazamiento masivo entre un año y el siguiente, aunque el
desplazamiento individual también se redujo de forma significativa, en 35%. Según datos del
SUR de la Red de Solidaridad Social, en 2004 se presentó una reducción en el número de
personas expulsadas en 26 de los 33 departamentos del país, mientras que el de personas
recibidas se redujo en 30 de los mismos, respecto de lo registrado en 2003. Los cinco
departamentos que mostraron las mayores reducciones en el número de personas expulsadas
fueron Valle, con una disminución del 77% al pasar de 13.491 personas expulsadas en 2003 a
3.057 en 2004; Cundinamarca (69%) pasando de 10.826 víctimas en 2003 a 3.318 en el
siguiente año; Guainía (69%) al pasar de 155 a 48 afectados de un año a otro; Guaviare (56%) al
disminuirse el número de víctimas de 5.345 en 2003 a 2.377 en 2004 y Putumayo (52%) con
7.034 menos personas expulsadas en 2004 respecto del año anterior. Otros departamentos que
presentaron disminuciones significativas en materia de desplazamiento fueron Córdoba (51%),
Norte de Santander (48%), Antioquia (44%) y Bolívar (40%). Los cinco departamentos que
presentaron en 2004 las cifras más altas de personas que huyeron de sus poblaciones por causa
de amenazas o acciones perpetradas por los grupos armados ilegales, fueron: Antioquia de
donde salieron 17.048 personas; Cesar 11.238 personas expulsadas; Caquetá
9.298;
Magdalena 8.897 y Bolívar con 8.171 personas expulsadas. Por su parte, los cinco
departamentos que recibieron el mayor número de personas durante el 2004 fueron Antioquia, a
donde llegaron 14.369 personas desplazadas por la violencia; Bogotá D.C con 13.100 personas
recibidas; Cesar con 8.734; Magdalena a donde arribaron 7.837 personas en el año y Meta que
recibió a 6.084 personas desplazadas en 2004. El Gobierno presta especial atención a los
departamentos de Vaupés, Casanare, Quindío, Chocó y La Guajira, donde se presentaron
aumentos significativos en las cifras de desplazamiento forzado durante 2004 respecto de lo
registrado el año anterior.” (GOC, 11 April 2005)
“According to the Social Solidarity Network (SSN), the Government recognized that the problem
of displacement in Colombia continues to be difficult, but highlighted that the problem continues
to recede. According to SSN, at the end of 2005, the government projects a 25.9% reduction in
displacement as compared to 2003. The projection made by the National Government of
Colombian IDPs during 2004 will be approximately 163,000. This is explained by the fact that
IDPs have one year after the event of their displacement to declare their status and be included in
the registry.
[…]
Despite the fact that displacement in absolute terms continues to be a difficult problem due to the
impact that this has on communities (the cumulative total since 1995, with a cutoff data of
December 31st, 2004, is of 1,565,765 registered Colombians in the SUR registry), the
Government registered a 48% reduction in IDP registry in 2003 as compared to 2002, and a
25.9% (projected) reduction in 2004 as compared to 2003. According to the Government, upon
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analyzing the situation throughout the country, it was clear that in 2001, the number of affected
municipalities was 887, while in 2002 there were 794, in 2003 a total of 761 and in 2004, 771.”
(UN CT, 31 January 2005)
“Both RSS and the Advisory Office for Human Rights and Displacement (CODHES) indicate the
ongoing increase in the number of displacements during the past years as well as an increase in
the number of persons displaced. According to RSS, 190,454 people were displaced during 2001.
This is 48 per cent increase in the number compared to the year 2000 and a 118 per cent
increase in the number of displacements.” (UN CHR 11 March 2002)
"Según estadísticas oficiales, entre 1995 y 2002 se han desplazado alrededor de 890.000
personas, lo que evidencia un crecimiento sostenido semestre a semestre del 45%.
[…]
Desde el punto de vista geográfico, la expansión del fenómeno también es evidente. Mientras
que 480 municipios fueron afectados en el año 2000 por eventos de recepción o expulsión de
población, en 2001 se registraron 819 y en el primer semestre de 2002, 887 municipios, con lo
cual un 87% del territorio nacional se encuentra afectado por el desplazamiento." (GTD, 23
November 2002, p.61)
Clarifications on Government and NGO IDP figures (March 2007)
•
Government agency acknowledges 3 million IDPs (March 2007)
•
Both the government and NGOs agree that under-registration reaches up to 35%
•
The Constitutional Court ruled in January 2004 that the "IDP" status is not dependant on
being included in the government's IDP registry or not
•
In 2004, 33.42 per cent of IDPs who adressed the government to be registered as such were
rejected
•
According to the government about 80% of the displaced declare their displacement within
the one year deadline
•
Between 2000 and 2003 the number of persons displaced registered by the government was
higher than the CODHES estimate
•
Under-registration is mainly due to intimidation by armed groups preventing IDPs from
registering, a rising number of cases rejected by the government (8%) and the nonregistration of people displaced by fumigations as well as intra-urban displacement
•
People assisted by ICRC or the church are not registered in the SUR registry
•
NGO IDP figures are one million and a half higher than government figures because they
began counting IDPs 10 years earlier
•
Government agency estimates IDP numbers from two sources: the Estimation System for
Contracting Sources (SEFC) and the Unique System for Registration of IDPs (SUR)
•
The SEFC collects information about the events that led to displacement and the SUR
registers physical persons who will be eligible for assistance
•
SEFC collects information from the National System for Assistance to the Displaced (located
in 35 departments) including government, NGOs, churches, and the displaced themselves
•
CODHES estimates that about 65% displacements are permanent
"El subregistro de casos de desplazamiento continúa siendo muy alto, aunque es positivo el
hecho de que la Alta
Consejería Presidencial para la Acción Social haya reconocido que la cifra total de desplazados
entre 1985 y 2005 ascendió a 3 millones de personas."
131
"Por lo anterior y como una contribución a la precisión necesaria, haremos primero un rastreo de
la obligación legal y, posteriormente, un análisis del comportamiento del desplazamiento en los
años comprendidos entre 1985 y 2000, incluido, dado que el Sistema Único de Registro –SURcomenzó a operar en 2001.
Tanto la ley 387 de 1997, como el decreto 2569 de 2000, establecen obligaciones a las
entidades que conforman el Sistema Nacional de Atención Integral a la Población Desplazada –
SNAIPD-, que van desde la prevención del desplazamiento hasta el restablecimiento definitivo
de la persona desplazada, momento en el cual Acción Social expide una resolución de cesación
de la condición de desplazado.
El decreto 250 de 2005, por medio del cual se adopta el plan nacional de atención a la población
desplazada, solo establece un cambio en el sentido de exigir al desplazado una declaración de
que se encuentra en situación de extrema urgencia, para que le sea proporcionada la ayuda
inmediata. -Debido a esa exigencia, la PGN emitió circular a todo el ministerio público pidiendo
que en toda declaración se pregunte al desplazado (por extraña que parezca esa petición,
puesto que se refiere a personas que acaban de ser obligadas a salir huyendo, dejando
abandonados todos sus bienes), si se encuentra en condiciones de extrema necesidad, con el fin
de que puedan reclamar la ayuda inmediata-.
Las personas desplazadas que presenten su declaración al ministerio público después de un año
de haberse producido el desplazamiento, conservan su derecho a un programa de generación de
ingresos.
La ley 387 en sus artículos 19 y 27, prevé la protección de los bienes de la población que se ha
visto obligada a desplazarse, sin establecer ninguna limitación en el tiempo para el ejercicio de
ese derecho. A su vez, el decreto 2569 de 2001, que reglamenta dicha ley en lo relacionado con
protección patrimonial, tampoco establece ningún límite para el ejercicio de ese derecho.
Por su parte, la Corte Constitucional, en su sentencia T-025 de 2004, declara “… la existencia de
un estado de cosas inconstitucional en la situación de la población desplazada debido a la falta
de concordancia entre la gravedad de la afectación de los derechos reconocidos
constitucionalmente y desarrollados por la ley, de un lado, y el volumen de recursos
efectivamente destinado a asegurar el goce efectivo de tales derechos y la capacidad
institucional para implementar los correspondientes mandatos constitucionales y legales, de otro
lado”.
“A pesar de estas percepciones –y de la desinformación que aún prevalece sobre el tema– la
realidad es que los datos reportados por la RSS a través del Sistema Único de Registro, SUR
[…] desde que éste se puso en funcionamiento, son superiores a los que anualmente reporta
CODHES a través de su sistema de información sobre derechos humanos y desplazamiento
forzado SISDHES. Más aún, desde que entró en operación el sistema de registro de la RSS,
éste ha ratificado –aunque un año después– la cifra de personas desplazadas que ha
presentado CODHES al cierre de cada año.
[…]
Factores actuales que incrementan el nivel de sub-registro de los distintos sistemas de
información sobre desplazamiento forzado en Colombia.
[…]
Población forzosamente desplazada que presenta su declaración ante el ministerio público y es
incluida en el SUR. (Dato oficial RSS)
2. Población que presenta declaración y a pesar de ser realmente desplazada no es incluida en
el SUR ni utiliza recursos legales de apelación.(8 % cifra CODHES)
132
3. Población atendida por el CICR que no es incluida en el SUR. (Calculable).
4. Población atendida e identificada por la iglesia, registrada en el RUT que no es incluida en el
SUR. (Calculable)
5. Población efectivamente desplazada que no tiene garantías suficientes para presentar
declaración de los hechos que generaron el desplazamiento forzado. (22% cifra CODHES)
6. Población forzosamente desplazada que se ubica en los países vecinos y se convierte en
solicitante de refugio u otras figuras de protección humanitaria.
[…]
RUT:
No incorpora información de personas que no se acercan a las parroquias a solicitar apoyo.
No se propone hacer un monitoreo de la magnitud del desplazamiento.
CICR:
o incorpora información sobre personas que no son atendidas por este organismo humanitario.
Está focalizado principalmente en personas que se desplazan en éxodos o eventos masivos, que
según los reportes oficiales constituyen apenas el 25% de las personas incluidas en el SUR.
SISDHES:
No cuenta con capacidad operativa para dar cubrimiento a todo el territorio nacional. Baja
capacidad para cubrir la población que se desplaza en forma individual o unifamiliar.
Está sujeto en forma prioritaria a la información inicial que reportan los medios de comunicación.
SUR:
Se limita al reporte de personas en situación de desplazamiento que presentan declaración ante
ministerio público y son valoradas positivamente por funcionarios de la RSS.
No incluye información de personas desplazadas por las operaciones de fumigación de cultivos
de uso ilícito ni de aquellas que retornan el corto plazo.
No siempre incluye información de personas atendidas por el CICR y valoradas como población
desplazada por esta entidad.
[…]
Situaciones que se presentan en el marco del conflicto armado colombiano y que afectan la
medición del desplazamiento forzado:
Confinamiento de población civil.[…]
Mayor interés de actores armados en invisibilizar el desplazamiento forzado interno. […]
Nuevas modalidades de desplazamiento forzado. […]
Dificultades propias de la migración forzada:
Alta movilidad. […]
Itinerarios Multi-variables. […]
Baja visibilidad.” (CODHES, 1 April 2005)
“Paradójicamente, la Red de Solidaridad Social valida hoy en su Sistema Único de Registro –
SUR- la estimación de población hecha por el Sistema de Información sobre Desplazamiento
Forzado y Derechos Humanos, SISDHES de CODHES, en los últimos cuatro años (2000-2003).
Hoy, los datos del Sistema Único de Registro, superan, año por año entre el 2000 y el 2003, las
estimaciones realizadas por CODHES[…]
Todos los sistemas de información (SUR-SISDHES-RUT DE CONFERENCIA EPISCOPAL y el
del Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja) son válidos estadísticamente. Todos los sistemas de
información sobre población desplazada en Colombia deben complementarse en el marco de un
análisis global. Todos los sistemas de información presentan metodologías diferentes
(estimación y registro) y formas diversas de acceso a los datos. Todos los sistemas de
información presentan subregistro, dado que no es posible presentar cifras absolutas sobre un
problema social y demográfico como el desplazamiento forzado. Justamente, el proceso de
monitoreo sistemático realizado por el SISDES nos permite evidenciar que los niveles de
subregistro tienden a incrementarse como consecuencia de:
1) Presiones por parte de actores armados que impiden el acceso a los sistemas de registropor
parte de las víctimas.
133
2) Incremento en el índice de rechazos por parte de la Red de Solidaridad Social a
lasdeclaraciones.
3) En algunas zonas no existen condiciones de seguridad suficientes para que las personas
desplazadas puedan declarar ó informar sobre los hechos que motivaron su salida. Por estas
circunstancias buena parte de las personas en situación de desplazamiento se invisibilizan ante
la sociedad y el Estado. Es decir, son desplazados en el limbo.
4) El desconocimiento persistente por parte del gobierno, de las fumigaciones como unacausa
del desplazamiento forzado.
[…]
Cabe aclarar que, para realizar el cálculo presupuestal, el gobierno actual sólo reconoce 82.309
personas desplazadas antes del año 2000 (según el Sistema Unico de Registro de la RSS), pese
a que en documentos oficiales anteriores instituciones estatalesconsideraban la cifra aceptada
era de 400.000 personas desplazadas hasta el año20009. Entre otros factores, la diferencia
radica en que el SUR no ha incorporado a sus bases de datos buena parte de la información
proveniente del Ministerio del Interior,entidad encargada del tema, antes de la creación de este
sistema de registro.” (CODHES, 1 February 2005)
"Así, en departamentos como el Chocó y Norte de Santander, el rechazo de solicitudes de
registro alcanza el 54%, es decir, de cada cien personas que se acercan al gobierno como
desplazados en estos departamentos en donde es evidente la crisis humanitaria, sólo 46
acceden a la certificación de la Red. Igual situación ocurre en Bogotá, epicentro de la llegada de
personas en situación de desplazamiento, que alcanza el 52%.” (CODHES, 1 May 2005)
“[…] hundreds of people continue to be displaced every day (an average of 370 per day in 2004,
according to Government figures). However, the methodologies currently used by the Colombian
Government for registering/counting IDPs are seen by many humanitarian agencies to be
unsatisfactory. There are currently 1.7 million IDPs registered by the Government, but there is
broad acceptance that there are a total of some 2 – 2.5 million IDPs, including the non-registered.
Some NGOs put the total figure at over 3 million. For security reasons, a large number of IDPs
prefer to keep a low profile and never approach the authorities in order not to draw attention to
their situation as displaced. Many applicants have their case reviewed but are refused entry into
the official registry system. In Chocó province, the mission noted that more than half of the
applicants were refused IDP status, according to the Government’s own statistics. It was also
noted that under the existing criteria, those displaced as a result of crop fumigations (amounting
to an estimated 200,000 since 1999, according to CODHES), are not registered as IDPs;
likewise, victims of intra-urban displacement (those displaced from one neighborhood to another)
are seldom registered.” (IDD, 9 February 2005)
“SSN indicated that upon analyzing the behavior of the registry in 2001, 2002 and 2003, in order
to establish the average number of persons who declare and register in the same year of the
event, it was found that 81.3% of registered IDPs declare within the year of their displacement,
while 18.7% do so during the year after their displacement. SSN data indicates that in 2002, there
were 358,132 IDPs registered in the same year, and 64,845 in the year afterwards. In 2003, there
were 185,831 persons registered in the same year, and 33,638 in 2002.” (UN CT, 31 January
2005)
“4. […] According to SSN, in 2001 the number of displaced persons increased by 48 per cent
over the previous year.
[…]
6. Increased displacement is closely linked to the worsening of the internal armed conflict.
According to the SSN System of Cross-Referenced Forced Displacement Estimates (SCRE), an
estimated 85,012 persons were displaced during the first half of 2001. During the second half of
2001, the figure increased to 105,425. A total estimated of displaced people in 2001 was
134
190,437. Data available in 2002 clearly show that the number continues to rise. It is estimated
that 173,320 persons were displaced during the first half of this year (a 102% increase over the
first quarter of 2001). The trend of increased displacement is also evident in the daily average of
displaced persons: in the first half of 2001 the number was 472, as opposed to 772 during the first
half of 2002.
[…]” (GTD, 29 November 2002, p.4-6)
“According to the System for Estimating Forced Displacement through Contrasting Sources
(SEFC), 1,351 displacing events occurred in 2000, or four displacements per day. These involved
128,843 people from 26,107 homes, which breaks down to 352 people per day or 15 people per
hour. […] The average number of displacements increased in 2001, with 5,134 more people
displaced every month than during the previous year. This works out to 539 people per day or 22
people an hour. The situation became even more drastic in 2002 when 685 people displaced
every day, almost doubling the number of daily displacements in 2000. […] In 2000, 480
municipalities registered as being affected by displacement. Of those, 158 were only affected by
expulsions, 158 by arrivals only, and 164 by both conditions.
[…]
In 2001, events related to displacement were reported in 819 municipalities. This shows that
displacement was affecting a growing proportion of Colombian territory, with 74 percent of all
municipalities affected in 2001. Of these affected municipalities, 183 were exclusively expulsions,
while 120 only received displaced populations and 516 municipalities both displaced and received
populations.
[…]
A December 15, 2002 SUR report showed an alarming increase in registered displaced families
between 1995 and 2002. In 1995, 61 families were registered as displaced, 591 in 1996, 2,233 in
1997, 8,967 in 1998, 7,210 in 1999, 57,063 in 2000, and 67,727 in 2001. Another 67,759 families
had registered by December 2002, for a total of 211,611 families since 1995. In the same time
period, displaced people had fled from 788 municipalities (71 percent of all municipalities) and
entered 454 municipalities (41 percent). […]”(Colombia Journal, 23 June 2003)
“Both RSS and the Advisory Office for Human Rights and Displacement (CODHES) indicate the
ongoing increase in the number of displacements during the past years as well as an increase in
the number of persons displaced. According to RSS, 190,454 people were displaced during 2001.
This is 48 per cent increase in the number compared to the year 2000 and a 118 percent
increase in the number of displacements.” (UN CHR 11 March 2002)
"In 2000, RSS [Social Solidarity Network] estimates that some 125,000 people were displaced.
[...]
In its document 3057 of November 1999, the National Council on Economic and Social Policy
estimated that there were 400,000 displaced persons in Colombia who needed assistance and
that, since 1996, about 25,000 families (125,000 persons) have been displaced every year. If the
RSS estimate of the number of persons displaced in the year 2000 is added to this figure, we
would have an overall official figure of some 525,000 displaced persons in need of assistance.
For their part, non-governmental organizations estimate that more than 2 million persons may
have been displaced since 1995. This total does not include displaced persons who returned to
their places of origin or resettled elsewhere. Nor does it provide information on the percentage of
persons who were displaced more than once.
[...]
It should be noted that both government and non-governmental sources agree that not only is
there a steady increase in the total number of internally displaced persons in Colombia, but also
that the phenomenon is taking on crisis proportions. Since the overall figures are going up, the
humanitarian crisis is deepening." (GTD 19 January 2001)
Methodologies to estimate the number of displaced people in Colombia
135
« Varias consideraciones distancian las cifras de las dos instituciones. En primer lugar, CODHES
incluye en sus registros un acumulado de población desplazada desde 1985, mientras que la
Red de Solidaridad tiene datos desde 1995. Este hecho marca, de comienzo una diferencia de
casi un millón y medio mas de desplazados.
[…]
«La última gran discusión se refiere al subregistro. La Red afirma que la cifra asciende a 35%,
muy similar a la opinión de CODHES, mientras que INDH asegura que el fenómeno no supera el
10 %. » (Actualidad Colombiana, 26 May 2003)
“Exact numbers of displaced persons are difficult to obtain because some persons were
displaced more than once, and many displaced persons do not register with the Government or
other entities. However, while no consensus exists regarding the exact number of internally
displaced persons (IDP's), observers agreed that there has been a significant increase in
displacements over the past 3 years.” (U.S. DOS, 4 March 2002)
"In order to quantify the dimensions of forced displacement the Report bases itself on figures
published by the NGO CODHES, which operate an information system which attempts to
estimate displacement through monitoring of information published in a national press, a
periodical sampling of institutions, and a survey of the displaced population. For the same
purpose of making global estimates of displacement, the Social Solidarity Network (RSS)
operates its system for estimates of forced displacement by contrasting sources (SEFC), based
on a regular procedure for consultation and comparison of sources which are part of the National
System for Assistance to the Displaced, among them government agencies, NGOs, the churches,
community sources and the displaced themselves, from 35 RSS information points located in the
32 departments of Colombia. ” (UN HCHR 16 March 2001)
“The Colombian Social Solidarity Network attempts to bring together information on a national
level and permanently track the displaced population using two main sources: the Estimation
System for Contrasting Sources (SEFC) and the System for Registration of the Displaced
Population (SUR). The magnitude of forced displacement in areas of expulsion, arrival, return,
and resettlement is measured through the SEFC. In order for the SEFC to accept information, the
source or displaced population itself must provide details such as an account of the events that
led to the displacement, information concerning the armed conflict, and the time frame in which
the displacement occurred. The SEFC aims to identify the source of the information provided, the
department and municipality in which the event occurred, the date, and the number of households
and people displaced. With this information, the SEFC creates a profile of the displaced
population, including age, gender, and ethnicity, which in turn leads to an understanding of
provocations and parties responsible for the displacement. This system allows for a
comprehensive estimate of the total displaced population of Colombia. […]
The SUR, on the other hand, explicitly identifies displaced individuals and provides the Attorney
General's office with notices of their displacement. This also allows for a basic characterization of
the displaced sector gaining access to benefits available under the law. While these people are
not necessarily representative of the displaced population as a whole, SUR's work helps form
policies and strategies on the amount and quality of services provided. […]” (Colombia Journal,
23 June 2003)
"The government of Colombia also compiles data on displacement [...] However, the government
estimate takes into account only new displacement in the last three to four years, and its sources
are more limited than those available to CODHES. USCR finds the CODHES figures to be more
complete and a better reflection of the actual level of displacement." (USCR June 2001)
"CODHES states that some persons have been displaced for as long as 10 years, but it is unable
to identify a typical timeframe for displacement. Some persons return to their homes within days
or weeks, others within months and some never return. Some displaced persons move several
136
times after fleeing their original home, making tracking difficult. The Government does not
consider persons to be displaced after 2 years. CODHES estimated that perhaps 65 percent of
displacement became permanent. In an attempt to determine the true scope of the problem, the
Government, in cooperation with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), developed
a computerized system for collecting data on the displaced and estimating total numbers." (U.S.
DOS February 2001)
For more information about IDP registration systems in Colombia see the section on
‘Documentation needs and citizenship of click here [Internal Link]
137
PATTERNS OF DISPLACEMENT
General
Displaced tend to move to nearby villages, then to a town, last to major urban centres
(2005)
•
40% of the registered IDPs live in Colombia’s 10 major cities
•
55% IDPs flee within their own department and 45% flee to another department
•
48% IDPs who flee to another department end up in the departmental capital
•
Between 30% and 50% of IDPs settled in medium-sized or large towns in 2002
•
The displaced flee often first to smaller administrative centres or to a nearby village where
they have some family ties and then end up in bigger urban centres
•
Most IDPs end up in the slums of Bogotá, Barranquilla, Medellín, Cali and Cartagena
•
Search for resources and assistance makes the displaced move from town to town and finally
takes them to the country's largest cities
•
Prospects for successful resettlement limited by high prices of land
“Se estima que el 40 por ciento de los 1.5 milliones de desplazados internos registrados en
Colombia viven en 10 ciudades. La mayoría de ellos no pueden o no quieren volver a sus
hogares en el campo.” (UNHCR, 28 February 2005)
“Un total de 640 municipios reportaron llegada de población desplazada, de los cuales 31
capitales de departamento recibieron el 44% (77.232 personas), mientras que el 56% restante
(98.038) se ubicó en ciudades intermedias y pequeños municipios. La población fue expulsada
de 904 municipios, de los cuales el 91% corresponde a zonas rurales y pequeños municipios,
mientras que el 9% restante corresponde a personas expulsadas de capitales de
departamentos.” (CODHES, 10 December 2003)
“According to Hernando Moreno of the Social Solidarity Network, approximately 55 percent of the
total displaced population stayed within its own department, while 24 percent fled to a department
that was not geographically adjacent to their own. The remaining 21 percent left for a neighboring
department. Of the total population displaced within their own department, 36 percent stayed
within the same municipality and 51 percent left for the capital of the department. Those that
remained within their municipality tended to have the largest families, with an average of 4.91
people. Of those who fled to a neighboring department, 48 percent went to the capital. The
average family size of this group is 4.46 people. […] All of this indicates that approximately half of
displaced people in Colombia leave their department and a similar proportion go to departmental
capitals, whether within or outside of their department of origin. The families that make up these
statistics have an average size of 4.56 people.[…]” (Colombia Journal, 23 June 2003)
“Between 30 and 50 per cent of displaced persons settled in medium-sized or large towns. There
has, so far, been little effort to gauge the impact of these displacements on the receiving
communities.” (GTD, 29 November 2002, p5)
"When there have been direct threats, they may never return out of fear. These families then
move from an administrative center in their municipality to another one in their province
(departamento) and from there to a big city. The itinerary depends on the manner in which the
138
violence develops, on how direct the threats have been, on family networks and on the
possibilities they have to access basic services or minimum conditions for survival. Depending on
the stages in their journey – the fleeing, settling and/or returning – displacements last for years.
An added difficulty to gather data on these populations is the fact that some want to keep their
anonymity and go unnoticed as they believe this to be the only way to guarantee a certain degree
of security. According to a pioneer study on forced displacement, […] carried out by the Episcopal
Conference in 1995, only 20% of the displaced had moved only once, whereas 58% had done it
twice and 23% three or more times. The factors that determine their itinerary include the search
of some security conditions to guarantee their survival and personal integrity, and the illusion to
find a socio-economic environment in which they can survive. If security and shelter in the
selected settlement become precarious, they continue on their journey. Support networks
(relatives or former neighbors) also play an important role. Big cities are the last stage of their
itinerary. There they will go in search of anonymity and basic survival conditions." (González
Bustelo, December 2001, Chapter 5)
"El desplazamiento refleja un forzado movimiento poblacional principalmente de áreas rurales
hacia zonas urbanas y semi-urbanas, causando un proceso de urbanización acelerado en el
país. La mayoría del desplazamiento se caracteriza también por ser disperso y en pequeños
grupos de familias cubriendo casi todo el territorio nacional." (WFP June 14 2001)
"Displacement basically originate in rural areas, where armed insurgents are very active and
where the State is either absent or has a very weak presence. The displaced persons move
primarily to the poor areas of the cities, aggravating the situation in shanty towns. In that regard,
the situation in the city of Bogóta, in particular, is a source of serious concern; also of concern is
the situation in Barranquilla, Medellín, Cali and Cartagena.” (GTD, 19 January 2001)
"Displacement in Colombia often takes place in stages. IDPs sometimes skip a stage or remain in
the first or second. Each of these stages presents different challenges for IDPs. Stage 1 involves
civilians fleeing from their place of origin to a nearby village or municipal centre, i.e. rural to rural
displacement. The lack of resources, employment opportunities, assistance and absorptive
capacity at the local or municipal level often obliges IDPs to leave. Stage 2 comprises
displacement from a village or municipal centre to a nearby town or small urban centre, frequently
the capital of the department, i.e. rural to urban displacement. Meagre resources, coupled with a
lack of assistance or job prospects, often cause IDPs to move and seek help elsewhere. Stage 3
involves a further displacement from small urban centres or capitals of departments to the
country's largest cities. Stage 4 is the return to the place of origin or resettlement. Return to the
place of origin is seldom achieved in Colombia because the reasons for IDPs' exodus, in
particular security, have not been resolved. Resettlement to different areas has been carried out
successfully in a few cases, but is limited because land prices are well beyond the reach of nearly
all IDPs." (WFP 8 September 1999, para. 7)
Vast majority of IDPs flee individually rather than in mass exodus (2004)
•
While events of mass displacement increased in 2001 compared with 2000, the proportion of
people displaced in mass significantly decreased compared to individual displacement
•
The Department registering the highest rate of mass displacement is North of Santander in
the Catatumbo region in 2003
•
The fact that only few mass displacements (over 50 persons) were recorded during 2002 may
be attributed to the rise of selective killings and efforts to ‘invisibilize’ the problem of
displacement
•
Government Network estimates 90% of IDPs in 2001 fled in mass exoduses while CODHES
puts that figure at 22%
139
•
The high estimates of mass displacement by the government agency shows an inadequate
coverage of individual displacements
•
18, 1% of the displaced fled in 98 mass exoduses to 67 different municipalities in 2001
according to CODHES
•
During 2000 22 percent of the people displaced fled in 39 exoduses, while during 2001, 18
percent of the people displaced fled in 98 exoduses, while the remaining majority fled
individually or by family
•
Most displaced have a rural background and flee in small groups (family) or individually but a
significant number of the displaced have fled in larger groups
According to government figures, 1,370,027 people fled individually and 35,824 fled in
mass (groups of over 50 people) during 2003. (GOC, 15 December 2003)
« Entre julio y septiembre [2002]se registraron algunos desplazamientos masivos (más de 50
personas en un sólo evento de desplazamiento) aunque en menor proporción que en periodos
anteriores. Esto se explicaría en parte por la aplicación de una estrategia que se centra en
homicidios selectivos de personas protegidas por el derecho internacional humanitario a cambio
de las masacres, con la intención de invisibilizar el desplazamiento y las violaciones a los
derechos humanos. » (CODHES, 18 November 2002)
« La frontera está caracterizada por una compleja posibilidad de respuesta a las necesidades
humanitarias, por las condiciones geográficas, contenciones legales de respuesta en Venezuela,
dificultades para los agentes humanitarios en el acceso a zonas de confinamiento. Arauca,
Cesar, La Guajira, Norte de Santander, departamentos de esta frontera, se encuentran en el
grupo de mayores tasa de expulsión […] generándose un intenso desplazamiento invisibilizado al
otro lado de la frontera.
[…]
Durante los ultimos tres años, el conflicto armado se ha ido focalizando y endureciendo en la
región del Catatumbo, a tal punto que la mayoría de los desplazamientos masivos que se han
dado en el departamento han provenido de esta región, en especial de las zonas rurales hacia
las urbanas. El principal foco urbano del conflicto ha sido Cúcuta. Las milicias urbanas de
FARC y ELN hacen presencia en los barrios periféricos de la ciudad y de igual manera hacen
presencia grupos de autodefensas de los bloques Córdoba, Urabá y Cesar que controlan los
municipios aledaños a Cúcuta. » (CODHES, 2 January 2004)
“The number of displaced people rose by 48 percent between 2000 and 2001. Massive
displacements also increased, with 403 instances reported in 2001 as opposed to 254 in 2000.
The proportion of people displaced in mass expulsions decreased, however, with 93 percent of
the population displaced during 2000 fleeing under massive displacements, and only 64 percent
expulsed under such conditions in 2001. This shows a drastic increase in individual persecutions
and selective assassinations as the catalyst for personal or familial displacement.
During 2002, 311,392 people were registered as displaced, coming from 67,759 homes. Since
1994, 966,056 people have registered as displaced, and 193,042 of these were displaced during
mass expulsions. The first mass expulsions occurred in 1997, affecting 41,071 homes that year.
[…]” (Colombia Journal, 23 June 2003)
"). [In 2001] The Network estimates that 90 per cent of these people were displaced as the result
of mass displacements, while CODHES puts that figure at around 22 per cent. This may suggest
that although the Network improved its coverage, it still had difficulties in adequately detecting
cases of individual displacement." (UN HCHR, 28 February 2002, para. 226)
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“According to the RSS-SEFC estimates, there were 1,351 events of mass displacement in the
year 2000, which displaced 128,843 individuals, forming 26,819 households. 35% of these
displacements (467) correspond to the first six months, and 65% (884) to the second six months,
an increase of 89%. The global figure of CODHES, quoted in the report (308,000 individuals in 11
months) is 58% higher than the SEFC estimate, and no account is taken of the December figures
for the Report.” (UN HCHR 16 March 2001)
«El 18.1% del total nacional estimado por CODHES, cifra equivalente a 62.043 personas, es
producto de la llegada de 98 éxodos masivos a 67 municipios del país; 46 de ellos con un solo
éxodo durante el periodo, para un total de 33.517 personas, y 21 municipios con 2 o más éxodos
durante el año, cuyo estimativo global es de 28.835 personas. Los seis (6) principales
departamentos (Antioquia, Cauca, Valle del Cauca, Bolívar, Chocó y Magdalena) receptores de
éxodos de población desplazada representan el 90.3 % del total estimado de éxodos de
población 16.3% del estimativo global de personas desplazadas correspondiente a un total de
55.862 seres humanos.
64 Municipios presentaron expulsión de población en forma de éxodo masivo con un estimativo
global de 69.959 personas durante el periodo, cifras que corresponden a 7 personas por hora,
188 personas expulsadas por día, y 940 personas expulsadas semanalmente. Los
departamentos más afectados por este fenómeno fueron Antioquia, Bolívar, Cauca, Valle del
Cauca y Chocó, con una cifra global de 54.074 personas expulsadas. » (CODHES, 15 February
2002, Boletin 40)
"Las personas en situacíon de desplazamiento fueron recepcionadas por 218 municipios, más
Bogotá, lo que compromete a 226 departamentos de todo el país. 19.323 personas - lo que
equivale al 22% del total estimado para el primer trimestre del presente año - se desplazaron en
39 éxodos masivos, que fueron recepcionados en 24 municipios del país." (CODHES 2001,
'Rostros Anonimos')
"As regards the type of displacement that took place in 2000, the largest movements were by
groups (of more than 50 persons) as opposed to individuals; that trend became more pronounced
in the second half of the year. Group displacement account for between 60 per cent (source
ICRC) and 86 percent (source RSS) of the total number of displaced population." (TGD 19
January 2001)
"El 18.1% del total nacional estimado por CODHES, cifra equivalente a 62.043 personas, es
producto de la llegada de 98 éxodos masivos a 67 municipios del país; 46 de ellos con un solo
éxodo durante el periodo, para un total de 33.517 personas, y 21 municipios con 2 o más éxodos
durante el año, cuyo estimativo global es de 28.835 personas" (CODHES, 15 February 2002,
Bulletin 40)
"The phenomenon of individual, familiar or massive displacement of population in Colombia,
originated in the internal armed conflict suffered by the country, is one of the factors that put an
increasing number of people in situation of vulnerability. […]
Forced displacement deteriorates life conditions of displaced people that were precarious in their
original place already. Families are compelled to leave their habitual places of residency and
production, this implies a rupture of familiar and community ties, and exposes affected population
to a loose of their goods that were left behind. Displaced people lack from food, basic services
and adequate lodging, and are in great risk of contract diseases. These situations is aggravated
frequently because of the lack of solidarity and even the rejection of people and authorities from
where they arrived to." (RSS 2001)
"As María Girlesa Villegas, public advocate for the department of Antioquia, told Human Rights
Watch, "The movement of masses of people is only the last step in a long process. It starts with
141
one or two families, then a group of people. Again and again, these communities see atrocities.
And when they can stand it no longer, that is when they leave.'" (HRW October 1998, chapter VII)
"Until 1995, forced displacement was characterized by individuals or families fleeing from their
place of origin and arriving in nearby villages or municipal capitals. In 1996, Colombia
experienced its first mass displacements [...]." (WFP 8 September 1999, para. 3)
Intra-urban displacement on the rise (2003)
•
For the first time a court ruling recognized that people displaced within urban areas or within
the same municipality are entitled to IDP status
•
All the inhabitants of the area “El Esfuerzo”, 100 families from commune 13 and 100 persons
from commune 1 were displaced in Medellín
•
Intra-urban displaced persons almost systematically occult their condition and do not register
partly out of deep distrust of the Colombian judiciary system
•
Main causes for fleeing are fear and threats, save their lives and armed-groups conflict
•
Children are the worst affected by the situation as they drop out of school and often are
forced to join armed groups
•
Popular militias, autodefence groups and are the main perpetrators of displacement
•
Commune 13 has 70% rate of unemployment and Medellín is the most violent Colombian city
with 3.427 violent deaths for 2002
•
Intra-urban and rural-urban displacement on the rise lead to the urbanization of the
consequences of the armed conflict
•
Most affected by the phenomenon are the cities of Medellín, Cali, Barrancabermeja, Bogotá,
Cartagena, Cúcuta and Bucaramanga
“Often the second or third displacement occurs within the receiving municipality or urban centre
and is caused by (renewed) threats from an irregular armed group. In June 2002, 65 families
were forced to leave their homes in the El Salado neighbourhood in Medellín owing to the fighting
between FARC and ELN insurgents and the army. Since they did not flee beyond their “habitual
place of residence”, that is, Medellín, but into the city, RSS rejected their petition for IDP status.
Following legal action on part of the displaced families, the Constitutional Court ruled in April
2003 that the 55 women and 165 children were entitled to government assistance under Law 387
of 1997. […] This ruling is important since it acknowledges for the first time the increasing
incidence of intra-urban or intra-municipal displacement as a result of the conflict.” (ICG, 9 July
2003, p.4)
Displacement in Colombia's second capital Medellín:
«El desplazamiento forzado intra urbano en Medellín, ha tenido tres expresiones importantes:
·
El ataque al barrio “El Esfuerzo”, ubicado en la comuna 6, al noroccidente de Medellín,
por parte de grupos de las autodefensas, quienes quemaron las viviendas ubicadas en el sector,
obligando el desplazamiento de sus habitantes hacia otros barrios de la ciudad de Medellín y
hacia el municipio vecino de Bello.
·
El desplazamiento masivo en determinados barrios de la comuna 13, producto de los
enfrentamientos y amenazas, que obligaron a más de cien familias, a convivir por cierto tiempo
en un colegio del sector.
·
El desplazamiento de familias en la comuna 1; adicionalmente, un grupo de más de cien
desplazados, se tomó las instalaciones de la Universidad de Antioquia en noviembre del 2002,
para presionar algunas soluciones a su desesperada situación.
142
[…]
el fenómeno es creciente, lo que no implica que sea nuevo, porque a diferencia de los
desplazados rurales, que buscan ayuda estatal y se reconocen en su condición de desplazados
forzados e intentan acceder a los derechos que la violencia les ha arrebatado, el desplazado
intra urbano, casi siempre oculta su condición de desplazado forzado, no le gusta aparecer
nominalmente con esa figura, y simplemente, lo asume como un cambio de residencia más, en
su transito por la ciudad, sin dimensionar muchas veces, las repercusiones negativas que ello
acarrea en las esferas personal, familiar y laboral.
[…]
Se vuelve casi una constante, que la intimidación, como son las amenazas y el miedo, tienen un
efecto casi directo en el desplazamiento intra urbano; siguen teniendo un peso importante estos
dos factores en la ponderación global de los motivos que incitan a la gente a desplazarse, con el
fin de conservar la vida. En un tercer lugar de causas o motivos que generan desplazamientos
según estas encuestas, aparecen los enfrentamientos que se viene presentando cada vez con
más frecuencia en la ciudad.
[…]
Los jóvenes y los niños, son los principales afectados por este tipo de situaciones, porque se ven
obligados a cambiar de colegio o dejar sus estudios, o en el peor de los casos, son presionados
a pertenecer de forma activa a los grupos armados (que optan por el reclutamiento a falta de
combatientes voluntarios), lo que a su vez, se convierte en una de los mayores causas del
desplazamiento, seguidas por la amenaza directa de convertir, bajo intimidación, a los miembros
de las familias en informantes, para que estas puedan permanecer en las zonas (esto, desde
una visión positiva de los derechos, ya que uno de los sujetos más invisibilizados por las
afectaciones propias de los desplazamientos intra urbanos, es el sujeto masculino, precisamente
por darse la preponderancia a los niños y las madres cabezas de hogar).
En la muestra realizada, los principales causantes del desplazamiento intra urbano, son las
milicias populares, seguidas por las autodefensas y los combos o bandas de delincuencia común
que operan y que chocan frecuentemente en diferentes sectores, como es el caso de la “banda
de Frank” y las autodefensas en la zona Noroccidental, que han chocado frecuentemente en los
dos últimos años.
En este marco, el único caso registrado y aceptado como desplazamiento intra urbano, ha sido el
del asentamiento “El Esfuerzo” del barrio París, producto de una denuncia colectiva de los
habitantes del sector. Ello les sirvió para recibir asistencia humanitaria con equipos de aseo,
alimentación y ropa. Por su parte, en el caso de la comuna 13, son muy pocas las denuncias al
respecto, y en el resto de los casos, no existen pronunciamientos formales, entre otros motivos,
por la mala percepción que tiene la gente frente a nuestro aparato de justicia y también por
miedo a las represalias que puedan venir por parte de los actores armados involucrados en el
conflicto.
[…]
Sin embargo, "la otra ciudad" no ha querido comprender lo que venía sucediendo: Medellín, ha
mantenido las tasas de desempleo más altas del país. Por ejemplo, en la comuna 13, alcanza el
70%, sobre una población de 130.000 habitantes. Por ello, la economía informal ha sido la única
salida, la cual a su vez, durante las últimas administraciones municipales, ha tenido una fuerte
represión, en especial en el centro de la ciudad.
[…]
Medellín, tiene la tasa de homicidios más alta del país: 3.445 muertes violentas en el 2001 y
12.880 en los últimos cuatro años. A noviembre 30 de 2002, se habían presentado 3.427
homicidios lo que significa un aumento del 8.1%, con relación al año anterior; de otro lado, en el
campo social, se calcula, que ”...en la calle, sin estudiar ni trabajar, hay más de 70.000 jóvenes,
siendo una ciudad en graves problemas.” (Actualidad Colombiana, 1 January 2003)
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« En este periodo continuó la diáspora del campo a la ciudad que suma a los migrantes producto
del empobrecimiento rural, las personas desarraigadas por la violencia. Creció el desplazamiento
entre ciudades y al interior de las mismas, en una dinámica ascendente de urbanización de las
consecuencias del conflicto armado, especialmente en ciudades como Medellín, Cali,
Barrancabermeja, Bogotá, Cartagena, Cúcuta y Bucaramanga. De igual manera, aumentó el
desplazamiento como consecuencia de las fumigaciones de cultivos de uso ilícito que también
han afectado cultivos básicos para la subsistencia humana. A su vez, continua una acción
sistemática de ataques a pueblos indígenas y afrocolombianos en zonas de Cauca, Sierra
Nevada de Santa Marta, Serranía del Perijá y sectores de Antioquia, Tolima, Nariño, Putumayo,
Córdoba y Chocó por parte de grupos paramilitares y guerrilleros.» (CODHES, 18 November
2002)
Intra-municipal patterns of displacement common of Afro-Colombian and indigenous
people (2003)
•
IDPs increasingly flee to more remote rural areas by fear of being attacked in rural areas
where armed groups are increasingly present
•
Displacement within their own territories deeper into the jungle or retreat in the highest
mountainous zones to escape from armed actors
•
Intra-ethnic displacement outside of their own territory but taking refuge in the same ethnic
group
•
Extraterritorial displacement to municipalities or big towns is the most problematic pattern due
to high dislocation and low integration opportunities
•
Drop by drop displacements with high dispersal usually caused by selective attacks
•
Simple and disorganized exodus or mass community displacement
•
Multiple and organized exodus when Afro-Colombians, colons and indigenous flee
•
Despite tradition of resistance indigenous people did not fled to towns however in 1999 Indian
Embera communities had seek refuge in Jurado town and villages along Truando River
•
The majority of Katío native indians fled to Panama in 1999
“The recent intensification of the armed conflict in regions such as Catatumbo (Norte de
Santander), Atrato (Chocó) and the eastern part of Antioquia has reinforced a hitherto less
common pattern of forced displacement. Since the paramilitary forces have been expanding their
control of the small and medium-sized towns, often located in strategic positions along rivers and
roads, IDPs from rural areas have become reluctant to seek shelter in urban centres. They fear
that the insurgents might indiscriminately attack the towns or the paramilitaries might persecute
and harm them, branding them guerrilla collaborators. In consequence, they flee to remote jungle
or mountain areas where they feel safer but are in fact highly vulnerable.
For example, according to ICG sources, a large number of families are trying to avoid the fighting
between paramilitaries and FARC/ELN insurgents over strategic corridors and illicit crop
plantations in the departments of Arauca and Norte de Santander. They have fled to remote rural
areas where they are forced to survive without any government or international assistance. […]
Another large intra-rural displacement occurred in the municipality of San Francisco, Antioquia,
whose residents fled to the mountains along the Río Verde in an attempt to seek shelter from
heavy fighting between six battalions of the VI Army Brigadeand FARC units in March 2003. The
civilians had no option other than the mountains because the army had taken up a battle position
on the road to the urban centre of San Francisco.” (ICG, 9 July 2003, p.4)
144
“Movilizarse dentro de los propios territorios o desplazarse a territorios de comunidades vecinas
han marcado, entre otras estrategias, experiencias históricas de resistencia indígena. La
búsqueda de condiciones de protección, permanencia y sostenibilidad socioeconómica,
sociopolítica, cultural y ecosistémica, han marcado los movimientos migratorios y los patrones de
poblamiento indígena frente a las agresiones de actores violentos (agentes externos y hace
tiempo atrás los ataques de otros pueblos). Como resultado de los procesos de investigación
precitados podemos identificar las siguientes formas y modalidades de desplazamiento indígena:
a. Desplazamientos internos dentro de los propios territorios. La estrategia consiste en no
abandonar los límites de los territorio indígenas (resguardos, territorios ancestrales,
parcialidades). Los recorridos de los desplazamientos internos intentan alejarse o reducir los
efectos del control ejercido por el o los actores armados. Internarse en la selva, retirarse a las
zonas más altas del territorio o aquellas de más difícil acceso hace parte del repertorio de formas
de movilidad de muchos de los pueblos indígenas.
b. Desplazamientos intraétnicos fuera del propio territorio. El desplazamiento como medida
preventiva se realiza hacía el territorio ocupado por una comunidad del mismo pueblo indígena
que facilita espacios y servicios comunitarios como "zonas de refugio" para las comunidades en
situación de desplazamiento. En este proceso median acuerdos políticos, culturales y
económicos con arreglo a la capacidad de absorción comunitaria y ecosistémica de la o las
comunidades receptoras y según el nivel de integración (temporal o definitiva) de las personas,
familias y comunidades acogidas. Esta estrategia se pone en marcha en respuesta al
confinamiento y las agresiones de los actores armados (amenazas, masacres, asesinatos
selectivos de líderes comunitarios locales y regionales, entre otras). El paso transfronterizo en
búsqueda de refugio en comunidades indígenas en Panamá, Ecuador, Venezuela, Brasil o Perú
también hacen parte de este tipo de desplazamientos.
c. Desplazamientos extraterritoriales. Una de las formas más problemáticas de desplazamiento
forzado indígena es la salida de los territorios indígenas hacía cabeceras municipales, ciudades
intermedias o grandes ciudades. Las tendencias predominantes en los lugares de asentamiento
extraterritorial consisten en la conformación de núcleos de personas provenientes de sectores o
pueblos comunes; o en el peor de los casos la dispersión de las familias en contextos
radicalmente ajenos y con bajas posibilidades de integración económica, política y cultural.
Frente a las dificultades de ajuste a los nuevos entornos se presentan casos de retornos en
condiciones extremas de inseguridad, desprotección y sostenibilidad.
d. Desplazamiento disperso o gota a gota. Derivado de acciones violentas selectivas,
particularmente en comunidades donde la cohesión social no es fuerte o el momento histórico de
la comunidad es frágil por su alta conflictividad interna.
e. Éxodo Simple Desorganizado. Caracterizado por la salida masiva de población indígena frente
a las agresiones sostenidas por parte de los actores armados que generan la fragmentación
sociopolítica y cultural de las comunidades.
f. Éxodo Organizado Múltiple (indígenas, colonos y afrocolombianos). Como en el caso del Naya
(Cauca) luego de la masacre perpetrada en la región del alto y bajo Naya, en el norte del Cauca
y sur occidente del Valle del Cauca, entre el 10 y 16 de abril de 2001. En este vaso la
configuración sociodemográfica del territorio es pluriétnica y la cohesión social interna fuerte
debido a las condiciones históricas de supervivencia socioeconómica y cultural.
g. La colonización y la violencia han forzado estrategias que podemos denominar
metafóricamente como "desplazamientos horizontales", migraciones en búsqueda de
ecosistemas similares a los habitados y adaptados tradicionalmente que se establecen en zonas
de contigüidad sociogeográfica o ecosistémica, en franjas altitudinales similares, o
145
desplazamientos verticales hacia sectores altos o más bajos según el caso, en los cuales es
preciso transformar los circuitos y redes de sostenibilidad alimentaria, de salud y aquellos
fundamentales en la reproducción simbólica de la comunidad, intentando mantener contacto con
las redes ancestrales y aquellas constituidas con sectores campesinos y afrocolombianos. En
otros casos se presentan desplazamientos transversales hacia lugares distantes del ecosistema
a través del contacto con redes conocidas. » (Harvey, 8 January 2003)
"Native Indian communities' displacement has not been noticed [during the second quarter of
1999] despite its magnitude, since they have search refuge in other rural communities. Given
their habits and resistance to change, they have not moved to urban areas. The Indian Embera
communities of Peñas Blancas and Wounana or Mariscal (Riosucio) are in a great majority
displaced in the town of Jurado. The great majority of Katío native indians fled to Panama. The
Emberas of Pichinche are scattered in several hamlets of the Truando river of Riosucio."
(CODHES 17 September 1999, p. 5)
146
PHYSICAL SECURITY & FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT
Physical security
The Democratic Security strategy has improved security in urban areas and
intensified the armed conflict in rural areas (January 2006)
•
Security has improved in the large cities and on the main highway
•
Official figures reveal that number of violent deaths and kidnappings have fallen since the
Uribe government came to power
•
Displacements have increased
•
Paramilitaries are held responsible for over 2,300 killings and "disappearances" since they
announced a ceasefire in December 2002
•
The guerrillas have intensified their attacks and the civilian population has been prevented
from moving freely
"The Democratic Security strategy, introduced by the government of President Alvaro Uribe, has
sought to recover territory from guerrilla control by strengthening the armed forces and increasing
the number of military and police personnel to ensure their presence in all areas of Colombia.
While it has improved security in some regions, especially in the large cities and on the main
highways, it has made other communities, notably in areas under military dispute, more
vulnerable. The intensification of the conflict as a result of the Democratic Security policy has also
increased risks for journalists, particularly for those covering stories in areas under military
dispute. In Arauca, which has been one of the areas under most intense conflict, 12 journalists
were forced to flee in April 2003 following the appearance of paramilitary and guerrilla death lists.
Official figures suggest the number of violent deaths fell by between 10.4% (National Police) and
23% (Institute of Legal Medicine) to 14,503 and 18,096, respectively. Kidnappings also fell from
1,385 in January-November 2004, to 730 in the same period in 2005. But internal displacements
rose from 205,500 in the first three quarters of 2004 to 252,800 in the same period in 2005, while
Amnesty International continues to receive reports of extra-judicial executions carried out by the
security forces, and high numbers of forced "disappearances". Despite the demobilization of
paramilitary groups which has been on-going since 2003, groups belonging to the main
paramilitary umbrella organization, the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC), Self-Defence
Forces of Colombia, have been held responsible for over 2,300 killings and "disappearances"
since they announced a ceasefire in December 2002. On 4-5 December 2005, paramilitaries
reportedly killed 22 civilians in Curumaní, Cesar.
Far from dissuading the guerrillas from committing abuses against civilians, the government’s
Democratic Security policy has exposed them to greater pressure and retaliation. Throughout
2005, civilian communities in the departments of Putumayo and Arauca suffered "economic
blockades" and energy blackouts as a result of FARC efforts to increase pressure on the security
forces in these areas under military dispute. At the end of December 2005, the FARC killed 29
soldiers in Vista Hermosa, Department of Meta, in the deadliest attack by guerrilla groups since
President Uribe came to power in August 2002."
147
Indigenous communities exposed to Human Rights violations in 2005
•
Comunities were exposed to forced displacements, acts of terrorism, threats and restrictions
on the transportation of food, medicines, fuel and persons
•
Areas inhabited by indigenous communities are particularly rich in natural resources and their
location is therefore of strategic interest for the illegal armed groups
"1.
In 2005, the humanitarian situation of various indigenous communities was seriously
affected. In diverse regions there were forced displacements, acts of terrorism, threats and
attacks against the civilian population and restrictions on the transportation of food, medicines,
fuel and persons. The indigenous communities most affected were the Paeces (Cauca), Wayús
(Guajira), Kankuamos and Koguis (Cesar), Guahíbos (Arauca) and Awas (Nariño). Similarly, it
was recorded that the humanitarian situation of the indigenous communities in the Department of
Vaupés is critical, and that the restrictions mentioned above have particularly affected the
communities of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Caquetá, Amazonía, Cauca and Chocó.
2.
Official figures up until October show a decrease in the number of indigenous people
killed (from 71 to 42). However, the Office in Colombia continued to receive information on
murders, executions and sexual violence that affected members of indigenous and AfroColombian communities. These murders have mainly been attributed to the FARC-EP and
paramilitary groups, According to the Observatory of the Vice-Presidency, the FARC-EP are
responsible for 33% of the deaths, whereas the self-defense groups are responsible for 8%.
although the massacres of Afro-Colombians in Buenaventura (Valle) have been specifically
attributed to demobilized paramilitaries. Some cases of sexual violence that were attributed to the
FARC-EP have been reported. The security forces were attributed responsibility for extra-judicial
executions and arbitrary detentions, illegal searches and accusations against indigenous
communities, particularly in Nariño, the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Cauca and Valle. There
were a number of allegations of sexual violence against indigenous women attributed to members
of the security forces.
3.
Territories inhabited by indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities have been seriously
affected, given that they are particularly rich in natural resources and considering that their
location is strategic for the illegal armed groups. A number of communities in the Chocó have
resulted seriously affected by private exploitation of collective lands. The Afro-Colombian and
mestizo communities of the Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó basins have been under pressure for the
development of African palm projects in Cacarica and the deforestation in the lower Atrato region.
A number of indigenous peoples of Amazonas, Putumayo, Caquetá and Guaviare continue to be
at risk of extinction." (UNOHCHR, 20 January 2006, p. 98)
Teachers have been targeted by all the parties to the conflict
•
Teachers have been victims of killings, kidnappings, "disappearances", extortion, written and
telephone threats
•
Orders from armed groups forbidding teachers to participate in union activities and demand
that they resign from their union
"Teachers have been targeted by all the parties to the conflict. They have been the victims of
killings, kidnappings, "disappearances", extortion by illegal armed groups, written and telephone
threats, public declarations identifying them as military targets and orders from armed groups that
forbid teachers to participate in union activities and demand that they resign from their union. As
148
of March 2003, the FARC and paramilitaries had reportedly threatened over 90 teachers in
Arauca. Around 60 of these have left the region. Teachers were also among those arrested in the
mass detention in Saravena in November 2002.
Members of the Asociación de Educadores de Arauca (ASEDAR), Teacher’s Association of
Arauca, have been threatened and killed. On 18 March 2003, Raquel Galvis, a member of
ASEDAR who lives in Arauquita, received a telephoned death threat. The caller identified himself
as a member of the AUC and warned her that if she came across a paramilitary checkpoint she
would be killed. The next day Jaime Ernesto Carrillo, president of ASEDAR, received a written
death threat: "Take care of your children or you won’t see them again". Several teachers were
killed in 2003."(AI, 20 April 2004)
Indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations more exposed to forced displacement
and other violations than other groups (March 2007)
•
FARC-EP, paramilitary groups and demobilized paramilitaries responsible for majority of
human rights violations
•
Security forces have been held responsible for extrajudicial executions, arbitrary arrests and
identifying members of indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities as guerrillas
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, 5 March 2007, pp. 39,40
"The ethnic groups, particularly the indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations, are in a situation
of great vulnerability as a result of the internal armed conflict. The FARC-EP, paramilitary groups
and demobilized paramilitaries are believed to be responsible for the murder of protected
persons, threats, stigmatization, forced displacement, hostage-taking, forced recruitment, attacks
against the civilian population, restrictions on the movement of food, medicines, fuel and people,
and accidents and deaths resulting from anti-personnel mines. For their part, the security forces
have been held responsible for extrajudicial executions, arbitrary arrests and identifying members
of indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities as guerrillas. There were complaints of the
security forces imposing restrictions on the movement of goods and persons and occupying
civilian premises such as houses and schools. Information was received about cases of
indigenous persons being arrested and not being allowed to perform their traditional practices."
Armed actors do not respect Peace Communities and the government does not
protect them (2005)
•
Eight members of the San José de Apartadó Peace Community of Antioquia were
assasinated including 4 children
•
The Constitutional Court had requested the state to protect these communities in March 2004
which engages the government to take special security measures, similarly the InterAmerican Commission of Human Rights requested special protection measures for the
community in 1997
•
Since 1997, 154 members of the San José Apartadó Peace community have been killed
•
Displaced people have organised themselves into Peace Communities committed to peaceful
civil resistance and neutrality, they reject the presence on their territory of irregular armed
groups and the army
•
The Office of the Ombudsman calls on the government to protect the IDPs who returned in
their territory in 1999 in Cacarica (Chocó)
149
•
Due to the persistence of factors which forced them to flee in 1997 the communities formed
peace communities in order not to be involved in the conflict and to refuse dialogue with any
of the armed actors
•
Paramilitaries invaded the indigenous reserve of the Cacarica River Basin accusing civilians
of being drug traffickers and guerrillas
•
The XVII Brigade of the army ignored early warnings of paramilitary incursions
•
Many returned IDPs were again victims of human rights violations and some community
leaders were killed
•
The Ombudsman is concerned about the security of the peace communities who have been
falsely accused by a general of the armed forces of harbouring FARC guerrillas
•
In Úraba, 170 heavily armed AUC paramilitaries raided the Peace Community of Pueblo
Nuevo and Puerto Lleras in the Jiguamiandó basin killing four people
Peace Communities in Apartadó
«En el primer caso, el presidente Uribe, en vez de condenar la masacre y disponer medidas de
protección, acusó a miembros de la comunidad de ser auxiliares del terrorismo y los presionó a
apoyar a la Fuerza Pública que ingresó en su territorio desconociendo su derecho a la
neutralidad, razón de ser de esta comunidad de paz. En estas circunstancias se produjo un
nuevo desplazamiento de por lo menos 500 personas de esta comunidad [San José de
Apartadó].” (CODHES, 1 May 2005)
“The UN refugee agency has strongly condemned the brutal murder of eight people, including
three children, from the peace community of San José de Apartadó in north-western Colombia,
and has urged authorities to ensure the protection of community leaders and members of
internally displaced persons' (IDP) associations throughout Colombia. The murders are the latest
in a string of attacks that the community says have left 154 of their members dead since 1997.
[…]
Local witnesses say that on February 21 unidentified armed men in military fatigues abducted a
community leader and his family. The community leader, Luis Eduardo Guerra, was the founder
of the San José de Apartadó peace community and had represented the community in
negotiations with the government.
[...]
"In the last eight years, the Colombian state has not been able to undertake sufficient measures
to protect and solve the problems faced by these communities." Peace communities were
established in the late 1990s in the Urabá region of north-western Colombia by people displaced
by the conflict who were gradually beginning to return to their communities. Peace communities
are committed to peaceful civil resistance and neutrality. They reject the presence in their territory
of irregular armed groups and the regular army. In 1997, the Inter-American Commission for
Human Rights specifically requested special protection measures on behalf of the San José de
Apartadó peace community.” (UNHCR, 1 March 2005)
“La comunidad de San José de Apartadó goza de medidas provisionales de la Corte
Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, y en marzo de 2004, la Corte Constitucional pidió
protección efectiva para esta población. Según OACNUDH, estas disposiciones obligan al
Estado Colombiano a tomar medidas especiales de seguridad en favor de la comunidad y de sus
integrantes.” (UNCT, 28 February 2005)
Peace Communities in Chocó
« La Defensoría del Pueblo solicita al Gobierno Nacional garantizar la seguridad de las
comunidades desplazadas de la cuenca del Cacarica, agrupadas en la organización comunitaria
CAVIDA, quienes en 1999, luego de permanecer dos años en el coliseo de Turbo y en la
hacienda El Cacique, en Bahía Cupica (Chocó) retornaron a su territorio, previo acuerdos entre
150
el Gobierno nacional y la comunidad, y el acompañamiento de una Comisión Mixta de
Verificación. Debido a la persistencia en la región de los factores que originaron el
desplazamiento en 1997 (Autodefensas Campesinas de Córdoba y Urabá y guerrilla de las Farc),
las comunidades agrupadas en el proceso CAVIDA decidieron voluntariamente conformar dos
asentamientos "Esperanza en Dios" y "Nueva Vida", en donde construyeron, a su alrededor, una
cerca de alambre de púas para evitar el ingreso de los actores armados a sus zonas de
habitación y cultivo, definidas como zonas humanitarias. Dentro de los acuerdos contemplados
por el Gobierno, las comunidades y la Comisión Mixta de Verificación estaba la construcción de
viviendas, un proyecto productivo, el destaponamiento de los caños y la presencia permanente
de la Defensoría del Pueblo como parte de un esquema integral de protección. La mayoría de
estos proyectos han sido ejecutados con recursos del Presupuesto Nacional y supervisados por
la Red de Solidaridad Social, el Ministerio de Transporte y el Banco Agrario, entre otros.
Asimismo, tales familias optaron por acoger un reglamento interno de convivencia en el que
establecen permanecer al margen del conflicto armado, y no dialogar con ninguno de los actores
en confrontación. No obstante, las recientes declaraciones del comandante del Ejército, general
Jorge Enrique Mora, según las cuales estos asentamientos son centros de concentración de las
Farc, preocupan a la Defensoría del Pueblo por cuanto no corresponden a la realidad y, por el
contrario, podrían poner en riesgo a las comunidades que allí habitan. Las entidades
gubernamentales que hacen parte de la Comisión Mixta (Programa Presidencial de Derechos
Humanos, Ministerio del Interior, Red de Solidaridad Social, Defensoría del Pueblo, Procuraduría
General de la Nación, representantes de entidades internacionales y ONG's, entre otras), han
visitado en varias oportunidades tales asentamientos, conocen la situación de sus habitantes y
pueden corroborar los compromisos adquiridos por las diferentes entidades del Gobierno y por la
propia comunidad.» (GOC, 10 September 2003)
“Amnesty International is seriously concerned for the safety of the Afro-Colombian civilian
communities of the Cacarica River Basin (Cuenca del Cacarica) in the department of Chocó and
the indigenous communities living in the same area, following threats received after the reported
arrival of 500 army-backed paramilitaries to the area. On 11 March, around 500 army-backed
paramilitaries who are reportedly based in La Balsa, south of the Cacarica River Basin, entered
the La Raya indigenous reserve and abducted a member of the community. They reportedly took
him to the near-by Bequerá Perancho indigenous reserve and accused the community of being
guerrilla collaborators.
[…]
The paramilitaries reportedly accused the civilian population of being drug traffickers and
guerrillas.
[…]
The Colombian authorities and security forces were reportedly informed of the latest paramilitary
incursion on 12 March. Amnesty International is concerned that by action or omission the XVII
Brigade is responsible for the actions of paramilitary groups which have threatened the AfroColombian and indigenous populations of the Cacarica River Basin.
[…]
In recent years many of the inhabitants of the communities in the Cacarica River Basin area have
returned to their lands after they were forced to flee their homes in the wake of joint paramilitarymilitary operations in the region in early 1997. During their forced displacement, the communities
of the Cacarica River Basin were frequently subjected to death threats and human rights
violations committed by army-backed paramilitaries. These often took place after they were
labeled guerrilla collaborators by the security forces and their paramilitary allies. During the
process of return, several members of the communities have been killed and "disappeared",
including community leader Freddy Gallegon […]. The communities have also faced repeated
threats made by paramilitary forces who have been able to enter the Cacarica River Basin
despite the fact the area is heavily-militarized and despite repeated alerts to the Colombian
security forces of the presence of paramilitary forces. Armed opposition groups have also been
151
responsible for threats and killings against members of returned displaced communities in Chocó
Department.” (AI, 14 March 2003)
"Desde hace 4 años y 8 meses iniciamos nuestro proceso de resistencia civil y de exigencia al
Estado por su responsabilidades en las violaciones que contra nosotros se cometieron. […] Con
el Gobierno Nacional hemos firmado unos acuerdos que han sido cumplidos solo parcialmente,
las amenazas continúan, los desplazadores siguen en nuestro territorio, entran presentándose
como paramilitares diciendo que la tierra es de ellos, que nos dispersemos a las veredas, que
sembremos palma y entran presentándose como militares diciendo que quieren vigilar y
controlar, que nadie les puede impedir que entren, que no tienen territorios prohibidos. Los
desplazadores se mueven por Urabá y por el río Atrato, están en la Balsa y no hay
investigaciones ni detenciones y son los mismos que nos desplazaron, asesinaron y
desaparecieron a nuestros hermanos. La impunidad esta metida en el alma de este estado, se
respira por todo lado ese olor que hace que tantos daños que nos han hecho no se reparen."
(Comunidades de Autodeterminación, Vida, Dignidad del Cacarica, 13 October 2001)
Peace Communities in Antioquia
"Some communities of displaced people have organized themselves into 'Peace Communities,'
demanding respect as members of the civilian population and/or submitting lists of petitions for
their return." (IACHR 1999, chapter VI, para. 60)
"The Peace Community of San José de Apartadó celebrated its fourth anniversary on March 23,
2001 in the company of international accompanies from Europe and the U.S., including two
members of the Colombia Support Network. In recent weeks, the community has received
increasing threats of military-paramilitary violence, including the threat of an impending massacre.
On March 5, plainclothes men burned 15 houses in the Peace Community and ordered everyone
to leave, saying ‘San José had better be a ghost town by tomorrow’. On March 18, Army troops
along the path from the trading post to La Union told several peasants that if the peasants were
still mad about the murder of six men last summer [in the joint paramilitary-military La Union
massacre], then it was too bad because the Army troops were on their way to do it again." (CSN
April 2001)
"They also reported frequent paramilitary roadblocks, intimidation, theft, and the restriction of
incoming food supplies." (U.S. DOS February 2001)
"Según comunicado del Centro de Investigación y Educación Pupular (CINEP), entidad a la que
PBI acompaña en Urabá, el 12 de septiembre un grupo de 170 hombres fuertemente armados,
identificados como pertenecientes a las autodenominadas Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia
(AUC), incursionaron en las comunidades de Paz de Pueblo Nuevo y Puerto Lleras en la cuenca
del río Jiguamiandó. Durante las incursiones cuatro personas fueron sacadas a la fuerza de sus
casas y posteriormente asesinadas violentamente. […]Dicha agresión se da en el contexto de
crecimiento de tensión, amenazas y señalamientos en la región." (PBI, October 2001, Focos de
Interés No. 53)
"Over 60 members of the community of San José de Apartado have been killed by the security
forces, their paramilitary auxiliaries or armed opposition groups since the community proclaimed
itself a “peace community” in March 1997”. (AI 10 July2000)
People displaced by fumigations and war in coca-producing zones totally unprotected
(2004)
152
•
Interagency mission including IOM, WFP and OCHA assessed humanitarian situation of IDPs
in Caquetá
•
Plan Patriota military offensive launched in 2004 forced armed groups to withdraw to the
Occidental mountains, these groups laid mines before leaving
•
People have fled the military offensive and many villages were deserted
•
Local authorities continue to receive threats but they have limited options to flee
•
Armed actors are constraining the movement of goods and people in the department
•
Civilians are stigmatised and accused by the armed actors of supporting the other side
•
The Caquetá department has 120,000 hectares of illicit crops and since the fumigations the
cultivation of coca shifted to small producers in the mountains
•
Indiscriminate fumigations of subsistence crops and water streams have generated skin and
respiratory diseases
•
Armed actors force small subsistence farmers to cultivate at least one hectar of coca crops
•
Florencia is the third largest receiving town (15,092 IDPs) after Bogotá and Medellín but there
are no contingency plans to deal with displacement
•
The displacements in Caquetá are “invisible” because they are mostly individual and intramunicipal
•
The government does not consider those displaced by fumigations and coca-wars as IDPs
but rather as “floating populations” therefore IDPs do not receive any assistance or very little
from the church
“Una misión interagencial compuesta por la OIM, el PMA, UNODC y OCHA visitó el
departamento de Caquetá entre el 3 y el 7 de octubre. […] El objetivo principal de la misión fue
recopilar información humanitaria de distintas fuentes y conocer lasituación humanitaria del
Departamento. Además, la misión se planteó como objetivos específicos: Realizar reuniones con
las distintas fuentes, con el fin de elaborar un diagnóstico sobre la situación humanitaria que
permita formular recomendaciones; y recoger información por medio de visitas al terreno con el
fin de dar a conocer la situación humanitaria del Departamento.
[…]
Situación General
La situación actual del departamento del Caquetá se caracteriza por una fuerte disputa territorial
entre los actores armados, lo que genera un impacto fuerte sobre la población civil,
especialmente en el incremento de los índices de desplazamiento forzado en el Departamento.
[…]
La entrada del Plan Patriota desde el 1 de enero de 2004 y la Segunda Fase puesta en marcha
recientemente, ha hecho que un grupo armado ilegal se repliegue estratégicamente haceia la
zona cordillera occidental. La población de algunos cascos urbanos y centros poblados se
desplazó como consecuencia de la ofensiva militar. Existen casos específicos como los de Unión
Peneya y Peñas Coloradas, donde los centros poblados quedaron totalmente desocupados.
La gobernabilidad local (alcaldes, concejales, presidentes de las juntas de acción comunal y
otros funcionarios del Estado), sigue siendo afectada por las amenazas de los grupos armados
ilegales. Sin embargo, la mayor presencia de Fuerza Publica ha permitido que algunas
autoridades locales despachen desde sus municipios, aun cuando las amenazas continuas no
les permiten el ejercicio de sus labores y su desplazamiento hacia las zonas rurales es muy
restringido.
Un actor armado está realizando restricciones al transporte y a la movilización de la población
civil. Existen grandes dificultades en San Vicente del Caguán y Cartagena del Chairá para
transportar alimentos, medicamentos, combustibles, precursores químicos,cemento y otros
153
materiales para construcción. En el caso específico de los alimentos, existen restricciones para
transportar remesas por un valor superior a $200.000pesos (US$90). De la misma forma, un
grupo armado también ha impuesto restricciones a la movilización de población, lo que dificulta
los desplazamientos entre la zona rural y los cascos urbanos.
Existe una fuerte estigmatización de la población civil por parte de los actores armados. En
algunos casos, la población es acusada de colaborar con los grupos armados ilegales, factor que
ha limitado la movilidad de población entre las áreas rurales y urbanas.
Según la Secretaría de Gobierno Departamental, en el departamento de Caquetá existen
120,000 hectáreas de cultivos de uso ilícito. Como consecuencia de las fumigaciones en las
zonas planas del Departamento, los cultivos comenzaron a desplazarse a pequeñoscultivadores
en la zona de cordillera, lo que a su vez ha originado el inicio de fumigaciones de cultivos de uso
ilícito en esta región. Estas fumigaciones también estánafectando los cultivos de pan coger de
uso legal y zonas hídricas, ocasionando problemas respiratorios y enfermedades en la piel. Los
grupos armados ilegales (según la ubicación de los cultivos) obligan a los finqueros de pancoger
a cultivar mínimo una hectárea de hoja de coca en sus tierras.
La estrategia de repliegue de un grupo armado ilegal se ha traducido en la multiplicación de
siembra de minas antipersonal. Tanto la Fuerza Pública como la población civil han reconocido el
incremento éstas y el aumento de artefactos explosivos abandonados. Según informaciones
recolectadas por la misión, escuelas y espacios públicos, como canchas de fútbol, también han
sido minadas. En Doncello, las autoridades reportaron dos víctimas de minas antipersonal. De la
misma forma, en San Vicente de Caguán, la Defensoría del Pueblo reportó ocho accidentes.
Ni el Departamento ni los municipios visitados cuentan con planes de contingencia para atender
desplazamientos masivos. El desplazamiento forzado ha agudizado la problemática social
existente en el Departamento en términos de desempleo, delincuencia común, consumo de
drogas, VIH, alots índices de prostitución, y embarazos infantiles y de adolescentes.
Desplazamiento, Protección y Prevención, y Comunidades en Riesgo
De acuerdo con la RSS existe un acumulado de 65,342 personas desplazadas elDepartamento,
7,488 expulsadas durante este año. En la ciudad de Florencia existe una población desplazada
acumulada desde 1998 de 26,712 personas (5,940 hogares). Según CODHES, el Departamento
ha recibido 15,092 personas. Florencia y San Vicente de Caguán son los municipios con mayor
población receptora; 7,938 y 2,517 respectivamente. Florencia cuenta, desde el inicio de este
trimestre, con dos nuevos barrios de invasión en la comuna Nororiental de la ciudad. En
Cartagena del Chairá existe un acumulado de 2,108 personas desplazadas, de las cuales 1,882
se han desplazado durante el año 2004, y 810 permanecen en el casco urbano. En el
municipiose
presenta desplazamiento individual constante. También desplazamientos
intraveredales e intramunicipales difìcilmente visibilizados.
En la actualidad, la tendencia en el Departamento es un desplazamiento individual. Diariamente
están llegando a los cascos urbanos personas desplazadas por la dinámica del conflicto y/o por
las fumigaciones. Según la Personaría de San Vicente de Caguán, durante el último año se han
desplazado aproximadamente 860 personas. Además, otras informaciones recogidas señalan
una tendencia de desplazamiento individual y silencioso.
Según pobladores de la zona, las comunidades de Remolinos del Caguán, Cartagena del Chairá
y el Medio y Bajo Caguán están en riesgo, debido a la intensificación del conflicto originado por
las operaciones militares. En esta zona, los actores armados están avanzando de acuerdo con el
Plan Patriota, y la población está temerosa deque este hecho pueda producir nuevos
desplazamientos.
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La atención de los desplazamientos masivos han sido brindada por el CICR, la Iglesia y los
municipios. Sin embargo, esta atención no es suficiente, debido a que el problema de
desplazamiento desborda las capacidades de las autoridades. La RSS manifestó que un gran
porcentaje de la población en la región es “población flotante” y por consiguiente no puede ser
considerada como población en condición de desplazamiento. En gran medida, la ayuda de esta
población recae sobre la Iglesia o no recibe atención ninguna. La oficina de ICBF en San Vicente
de Caguán fue recientemente reubicada en Puerto Rico.” (UNCT, 31 October 2004)
Protection concerns affecting displaced women (2005)
•
Women and girls account for 47% of displaced population
•
36% of internally displaced women have been forced to have sexual relations with men they
did not know according to government sources
•
Displaced women have difficulties in accessing services and many are forced to provide
sexual favours in return for services
•
Women and girls as young as 12 were victims of sexual slavery, forced birth control and
forced abortions
•
Women raped by paramilitaries were declared a “military target” by guerrillas in Cúcuta in the
North-East
•
There is no comprehensive policy on displaced women therefore their specific needs are not
addressed
•
HCHR reports women are victims of cruel punishments by paramilitary groups if they disobey
their newly imposed ‘code of conduct’ (2003)
•
Organisations defending the rights of displaced, peasant, Afro-Colombian, and indigenous
women were victims of threats
•
Under-aged women recruited by armed groups suffered disregard for their sexual and
reproductive rights according to UNHCHR
•
Displaced women suffer multiple discrimination based on gender, class and identity as many
are indigenous or Afro-Colombian
•
Widowed and separated displaced women assume multiple roles of single mothers and
breadwinners
•
Rape used as war-strategy or stemming from chaotic living conditions and socio-economic
disarray, causes dramatic rise in sexually transmitted diseases as well as psychological
disorders
•
One out of two displaced women in urban areas suffer from household violence
“Offences against personal dignity and other forms of indecent assault against women and girls
by the illegal armed groups continued to be reported in different parts of the country, generally
accompanied by hostage-taking, torture, displacement, forced nudity and other forms of physical,
sexual and psychological aggression. Sexual slavery continued to affect the rights of women and
girls, some as young as 12. Sexual slavery is generally accompanied by forced birth control and
forced abortions. These situations also imply a high risk of sexually transmitted diseases or HIV.
Cases were reported of women in Cúcuta who, after having been forced to have sexual relations
with paramilitaries, were declared “a military objective” by the guerrillas.” (UN CHR, 28 February
2005)
“Internally-displaced women are at far greater risk of being sexually abused, raped or forced into
prostitution because of their particular social, psychological and economic condition. According to
statistics from the Ministry of Social Protection (Ministerio de Protección Social), 36% of
155
internally-displaced women have been forced to have sexual relations with men they did not
know. […] For example, internally-displaced girls and teenagers in Mocoa, department of
Putumayo, who are employed as domestic servants are often sexually abused or put to work in
brothels. Similar reports were received from Puerto Asís and Puerto Leguízamo, also in the
department of Putumayo. While on the move and once they have settled elsewhere, displaced
women face serious barriers that prevent them from accessing goods and services in a climate
where they are often stigmatized and their access to resources and protection determined by
whether or not they provide sexual services.” (AI, 13 October 2004)
“22. Violence within the family has continued unabated. Women were the victims in 91 per cent of
the 43,000 cases of marital violence and 61 per cent of the 14,000 cases of domestic ill treatment
[…]. Despite legislative progress, an effort should definitely be made to improve the protection,
assistance and rehabilitation of victims of human trafficking. […]
23. Women’s rights have been particularly affected by the armed conflict. In conflict, women tend
to be treated as objects and their state of unjust inferiority and subordination to men is further
aggravated. Of particular concern is the vulnerability of displaced women and girls (who account
for 47 per cent of all displaced persons), including those from rural areas, heads of household,
indigenous women and Afro-Colombian women. Displaced women often encounter difficulties in
their dealings with the authorities owing to their lack of personal documents. Because there is no
comprehensive public policy on displaced women allowing a differentiated approach, it is difficult
to attend to their specific needs for assistance and protection, especially against violence and
sexual abuse. Also, little attention is paid to women’s mental and emotional needs during and
after displacement.
[…]
47. Women have been subjected to various kinds of violence, especially sexual violence, […] by
illegal armed groups to spread terror or demonstrate their dominance and control over a territory.
Women are also subject to cruel punishment if they do not follow the codes of conduct imposed
by paramilitary groups in various areas of the country. […] The Office of the High Commissioner
has received accounts of girls being subjected to sexual abuse by members of guerrilla and
paramilitary groups. The situation of women’s organizations has worsened this year owing to
threats against women’s lives and personal integrity, selective killings, and displacements blamed
on illegal armed groups. Some organizations have been threatened because they defended the
rights of women, particularly those of peasant, Afro-Colombian, indigenous and displaced
women. This was true of the Organización Femenina Popular (OFP), the Asociación Nacional de
Mujeres Campesinas, Indígenas y Negras de Colombia (National Association of Peasant,
Indigenous and Black Women of Colombia, ANMUCIC) and the Liga de Mujeres Desplazadas de
Bolívar (League of Displaced Women of Bolívar). […]
48. Fighting women enrolled in illegal armed groups suffer disregard for their sexual and
reproductive rights by their fighting companions. According to the Office of the Ombudsman, out
of a group of 65 under-age girls investigated in 2001, all “wore intrauterine devices, some
inserted against their will, with no information of any kind, merely because it was an order on
which their continued enrolment in the group depended”. (UNCHR 24 February 2003, para 22-23,
47-48)
"Displacement has a greater impact on women, in both psychological and social, economic and
cultural terms. Furthermore, they are discriminated against not only because they are displaced,
but also because they are women, or indigenous or Afro-Colombian. Poverty has more serious
effects on displaced women who are heads of household and resettled in marginal areas. The
Office has also received information on the overcrowded living conditions for displaced persons
and the frequent cases of sexual abuse of women, leading to an increase in sexually transmitted
diseases. The health-care services are not comprehensive and do not include, for example,
psychosocial care for women who have been sexually assaulted." (UN HCHR, 28 February 2002,
para. 127)
156
"Research on the impact of political violence on Colombians tells how the rape and murder of
women (especially pregnant ones) during the period of La Violencia [1948-1958] was used as a
symbolic demonstration of hatred toward the opposing party. In the 1970s, urban women were
more active in political and social movements and therefore became victims of selective murders
in order to eliminate political opposition. In the late 1980s, violence toward rural women
increased. Women became victims of the war between guerrilla and the military-paramilitary
group and were killed in bombings and random confrontations and were detained and tortured to
obtain information about their partners or sons. In 1997, women’s groups documented the
increase of rape and sexual abuse of women and girls in areas of former guerrilla presence as a
strategy of intimidation by paramilitary groups. (Obregon and Staropoulou 1998, p. 418)
"The human rights Ombudsman's office reported an increase in violence against women during
1997, especially in war zones. It noted that most female victims in zones of conflict chose not to
report the abuses they had suffered, in part due to a lack of confidence in the efficacy of
governmental institutions to address their problems. The Ombudsman noted that female leaders
of political and peasant organizations in the Uraba-Antioquia region were increasingly the targets
of persecution, threats, torture, and executions. According to the Ombudsman's 1997 report,
there was a substantial increase in sexual assault and murder of women that year, particularly in
Meta, Arauca, Cesar, and Sucre departments." (U.S. DOS 26 February 1999, section 1g)
"The victims of internal displacement who have suffered most from loss of their identity, even
more than men, are traditional peasant women, particularly those who have been widowed
through violence. Notwithstanding their grief, these women have to safeguard the family's
physical survival and build a new social identity in an unknown and hostile urban environment.
Displaced men on the contrary, have greater geographic mobility and more social and political
experience and are stronger in facing ruptures with their social and rural environment. Men feel
the impact of displacement through unemployment, which deprives them of the role of economic
providers. […]
The Special Rapporteur recalls that, in accordance with the Deng Principles on Internal
Displacement, article 10 of Law 387 of 1997 states the need to provide special assistance to
women and children, particularly to widows, women heads of households and orphans.
[…]
The difficult living conditions for IDPs in squatter camps on the fringes of the cities and the fact
that most of the men face unemployment have led to an increase in intra-familiar violence in
these communities. Women and children are the main victims of family violence. A survey
published by PROFAMILIA in August 2001 on the situation of displaced women indicates that one
out every two women surveyed has suffered physical abuse from her spouse and 20 per cent of
pregnant women were subjected to physical violence during their pregnancy.” (UN HCHR 11
March , 2002)
Sexual exploitation of girls:
"Although statistics on sexual exploitation of the displaced remain unavailable, evidence suggests
that it is widespread. The few girls who are able to enter school are frequently removed by
parents seeking to guard their daughters against sexual violence and early marriage. Guerrilla or
paramilitary groups often perceive village girls as girlfriends of their adversaries, and so may rape
and/or abduct the girls. Some girls choose to avoid this fate by joining a military group, thereby
becoming less vulnerable." (Women's Commission May 1999, p. 11)
“The Office has received reports of sexual abuse of girls serving in the ranks of the guerrillas,
generally by middle-ranking officers. ” (UN HCHR 8 February 2001, chapter V, para. 109)
157
“The Special Rapporteur also heard reports that women and young girls from the
IDPcommunities are vulnerable to being trafficked into forced prostitution in tourist centres in
Colombia and abroad.” (UN CHR 11 March 2002)
Protection concerns affecting displaced children (2006)
•
Widespread discrimination towards displaced children, Afro-Colombian and indigenous
children
•
Individual and mass arbitrary detentions affected the privacy and integrity of children
•
Infant mortality rate as high as 15% in the Pacific region where many IDPs are present
•
40% of displaced people are under 18 years of age according to UNCHR (2003)
•
An estimated 7000 children are in the ranks of FARC-EP, ELN and paramilitary troops
according to UNHCHR (2003)
•
An estimated 7000 children are part of urban militias according to UNHCHR (2003)
•
UNHCHR reported children being used as ‘informants’
•
Paramilitaries, the FARC and ELN continue to recruit children under 15 years of age despite
the government ban on recruiting children under 18 even with parental approval
•
At least 1 out of 3 guerrilla recruits are under 18 years old
•
Paramilitaries recruit children from IDP camps and poor neighbourhoods
•
According to UNICEF, amongst the children in the ranks of armed groups 14.28% are forcibly
recruited
•
The remaining children enrol 'voluntarily' for the following reasons: 33.3% for the sense of
worth and respect weapons and uniforms provide; 33.3% because of poverty; 16.6% because
of direct exposure to armed groups since an early age; and 8.3% on emotional grounds
UN Committe on the Rights of teh Child, 8 June 2006
"The Committee is deeply concerned that widespread discrimination exists towards certain
vulnerable groups, such as displaced children, Afro-Colombian and indigenous children and
children living in rural and remote areas. Their ability to access education and health facilities is
severely reduced by the disproportionate allocation of resources. The Committee is concerned
that such vulnerable groups are at greater risk of recruitment by the armed forces as well as of
commercial and sexual exploitation, internal displacement and trafficking. The Committee is
further concerned that the rights of girls and women continue to be violated."
UNCHR, 24 February 2003, paras25-6, 34-6 Annex
“25. According to the Office of the Ombudsman, the infant mortality rate is 3.9 per cent, a figure
which rises as high as 15 per cent in the Pacific region. In Colombia, 1,500,000 children between
the ages of 5 and 17 work; […] some 20 to 25 per cent of these perform high- isk jobs, a
percentage which rises as high as 70 per cent in the farming sector, […] where the working day
extends over 12 to 15 hours.
26. Displaced children represent a particularly vulnerable group, bearing in mind that 40 per cent
of all displaced persons are under 18 years of age.
[…]
43. Children continued to be some of the most vulnerable victims of the armed conflict, in
particular on account of displacement, recruitment, anti-personnel mines and indiscriminate
attacks by outlawed groups. For instance, 45 children died during the events in Bojayá (Chocó).
Many have been killed by guerrilla and paramilitary groups. AUC were blamed for kidnapping and
torturing three minors in Medellín, on 16 August, to obtain information about armed organizations
158
in the neighbourhoods where they lived. Two of the children were killed and the third injured. The
Office also received reports concerning several cases of minors who had fallen victim to
indiscriminate attacks during operations by the security forces such as operation Mariscal, which
took place in Medellín in May. According to the País Libre Foundation, 357 minors were taken
hostage in the first 10 months of 2002, i.e. 13 per cent of all victims of this offence.
44. The various guerrilla and paramilitary groups continued to recruit minors under 18 years of
age into their ranks. Occasionally the mere threat of recruitment led to the displacement of whole
families. The Office of the High Commissioner was informed that on 3 August, ELN troops took
22 youngsters from the district of Altamira, La Vega (Cauca), with them to join their fighting units.
In August, an announcement by FARC-EP that all youths over 12 years old would have to join up
led to the displacement of 60 families in the municipality of Cunday (Tolima). Reports were also
received of “compulsory military service” being imposed on minors by paramilitary groups.
Increasing forced recruitment by illegal armed groups of minors who had taken refuge in the
border areas of Panama, Ecuador and Venezuela was reported. […]
45. Although there are no consolidated statistics on the exact numbers of children taking direct
part in hostilities, nearly 7,000 minors are estimated to be fighting with FARC-EP, ELN and the
paramilitaries. […] Another 7,000 are believed to belong to urban militias linked to different parts
of the armed conflict. The extension of the conflict to urban areas has led to icreased ecruitment
of minors by illegal militias, as in Medellín.
46. The Office of the High Commissioner has received information about minors being used as
informers by the Army in Meta and Putumayo, sometimes with the offer of reward. […] The same
was reported when the police arrested three members of the Associación de mujeres de as
ndependencias (Las Independencias Women’s Association, AMI) in Medellín in Nvember: child
wearing a hood was said to have been used as an informer.”
UN HCHR 28 February 2002, para. 168
"Children continued to be among the main victims of the armed conflict, despite the special
protection provided them under humanitarian law. The Office received numerous complaints that
the different guerrilla and paramilitary groups have continued to recruit children under 15 years of
age. The paramilitary groups, FARC and ELN, have forcibly recruited minors for their ranks."
US DOS, March 4 2002, sect. 1.f
"In 1999 the Government announced that no one under the age of 18 could enter military service,
even with the consent of a parent; previously, individuals over 16 years of age but below age 18
could volunteer to join the military with parental permission but were barred from serving in
combat. The Ministry of the Interior reported increased recruitment of minors by illegal armed
groups during the year. The MOD reported that an increased number of minors deserted from
illegal armed groups; 93 children under the age of 18 surrendered to state security forces during
the year, compared with 72 in 2000 and 29 in 1999."
US DOS, March 4 2002, sect. 1.f
"In 1999 the FARC promised visiting Special Representative of the U.N. Secretary General on
Children in Armed Conflict Olara Otunnu that it would stop forcing children into its ranks;
however, it continued the practice, and during the year, the number of children recruited
appeared to increase. Once recruited, child guerrillas are virtual prisoners of their commanders
and subject to various forms of abuse. Sexual abuse of girls is a particular problem. Former child
guerrillas have testified to rape, mandatory use of intrauterine devices, and forced abortions.
Child soldiers, including girls, were seen in guerrilla ranks in the despeje, and reports from
various sources indicate that the guerrillas recruited at least 120 minors, but possibly many more,
in the despeje. According to press reports, at least one third of the guerrillas were under the age
of 18. The Roman Catholic Church and teachers reported that the FARC lured or forced
hundreds of children from the despeje zone into its ranks. According to press reports, families
159
from the demilitarized zone, as well as from Arauca, Valle del Cauca, and Antioquia departments
have fled their homes because guerrilla groups have tried to impress their children. In February
the FARC handed over 62 child guerrillas, ranging from 12 to 16 years of age, to the
Government. The children had been serving in the FARC for up to 3 years. According to press
reports, in August 2000, members of the FARC killed a school rector in Meta department for
criticizing the recruitment of his students."
UNICEF Colombia, 2001, 'Niños y niñas en las filas de los grupos armados
"Se estima que 6.000 niños y niñas están vinculados a los grupos armados, su mayoría entre los
15 y 17 años - aunque también hay menores de 15 años. El 14.28% de ellos los son por
vinculación forzada. Los que se vinculan “voluntariamente” lo hacen por las siguientes razones:
- 33.3% por reconocimiento el reconocimiento y respeto que las armas y uniformes les pueden
ofrecer.
- 33.3% por pobreza. La guerrilla promete protección social y salario.
-16.6% por relación cotidiana. Por haber vivido desde su nacimiento en ambientes con
presenciade grupos armados.
- 8.3% por enamoramiento o decepción amorosa; miedo de los ataques; venganza."
UNICEF, 13 June 2003
“Thanks to an agreement between UNICEF and the AUC signed on the 29th November 2002, the
40 children, aged between 14 and 17 years old, have been demobilised. According to UNICEF in
Bogota, these children are in good health but are worried about their future.
UNICEF will provide them with some counselling. One of the main activitiy will be to send them
back to school.
From March [2003] to date, about 800 children under 18 have officially left these groups
(guerrillas and paramilitaries). The Government estimates that between 30 to 40% of guerilla
members are children below 18 years, however UNICEF cannot confirm these figures.
According to UNICEF, some 7,000 children remain enrolled in illegal armed groups in the country.
Some others are engaged in urban militia groups.”
IDP leaders killed since 2002 (August 2007)
•
Las Playas community of indigenous Embera-Catío were frightened and considered fleeing
after three of their leaders were massacred with machetes by armed men in Urabá who
threatened to come back in December 2004
•
Las Playa Embera-Catío community had already been displaced in 1997
•
The New Administration accused human rights defenders of collaborating with insurgents,
these allegations further undermine their protection
•
The very fact of fleeing rises suspicion around the alleged loyalty of the displaced to a
particular armed group
•
Armed groups from all sides attack and displace civilians whom they commonly accuse of
supporting the “enemy”
•
As displaced people are often stereotyped as guerrilla fighters, including by the press, people
are reluctant to rent rooms or provide help to the displaced by fear of retaliation
•
Displaced in city outskirts have been the victims of urban death squads
•
Protection of human rights defenders continued to be inadequate and forced many to flee
160
•
Several leaders of displaced populations and other communities were murdered in 2001 and
the beginning of 2002
•
Most selective killings targeted at human rights defenders, trade unionists and indigenous or
displaced community leaders are perpetrated by paramilitary groups
List of IDP leaders killed since 2002
“Similar to human rights defenders and other rights-oriented groups, the leaders of organized IDP
communities have been the target of frequent attacks often resulting in violations of their physical
integrity and/or secondary displacement. The Ministry of Interior has now included 38 IDP leaders
in its protection programme for local authorities, human rights defenders, union and community
leaders. Protection measures for these leaders range from the issuance of communication
equipment to the use of bullet-proof vests and armored cars. NGOs pointed out that while this
may sometimes be useful, the focus on hardware rather than other types of protection is
generally ineffective and is often off-set by high-level Government officials’ public questioning of
human rights and IDP leaders’ “neutrality” in relation to the armed actors. In addition, the initiation
of judicial processes based on weak or non-existing evidence has become an increasingly
common way to silence community leaders.” (IDD, 9 February 2005)
“UNHCR team has reported that the inhabitants of the indigenous settlement of Las Playas, in
Colombia's north-western Urabá region, are extremely frightened and are considering fleeing to
the town of Apartadó following the murder of three of their leaders last week. Fear is also
spreading to other indigenous communities in the Urabá region.
[…]
The small community, which UNHCR reaches by foot through the jungle, consists of some 300
members of the Embera-Catío ethnic group. According to local witnesses, a group of armed men
entered the settlement on the evening of 6 December and asked for the three indigenous leaders
by name. They then took them to a riverbank and brutally murdered them with machetes. Before
leaving the village, the armed men threatened that they would come back. The community had
not received any specific threats from any armed group before.” (UNHCR, 14 December 2004)
“Uribe’s strong verbal attack against human rights defenders in early September, some of whom
he accused of collaboration with the insurgents, caused severe consternation in Colombia as well
as abroad” (ICG, 13 November 2003, p.2)
"Government efforts to protect threatened defenders continued to be slow, inadequate, and often
irrelevant. Even as government offices provided bullet-proof glass to threatened offices and
distributed bullet-proof vests, defenders continued to be murdered by experienced killers who
often benefited from impunity […]." (HRW 2001)
“Some government offices attempted to protect threatened defenders, supplying bodyguards,
bulletproof reinforcement for offices, and an emergency response network operated by handheld
radios. In many instances, however, the government’s response was slow, nonexistent, or
abusive.” (HRW, 15 March 2002)
"Durante el año 2000 también se multiplicaron los homicidios selectivos precedidos de amenazas
contra defensores de derechos humanos, funcionarios judiciales, periodistas, sindicalistas,
académicos, funcionarios municipales, líderes indígenas y campesinos, candidatos a cargos de
elección popular –incluyendo a miembros de la Unión Patriótica[18]—y ex combatientes
desmovilizados." (IACHR 2000, Chapter IV)
"The displaced are not receiving due protection and security guarantees from the State. In many
area of inward flow, the Office has registered threats and attacks on members of the displaced
161
population, particularly their leaders. In this sense, the shrinkage of the humanitarian spaces in
several regions is extremely alarming. The Government still has not created an adequate
programme to care for displaced people at risk, nor has it taken any measures to overcome the
discrimination and stigmatisation that the displaced have to face. Mention must be made of
Cacarica case in which three displaced individuals were killed in Turbo in March 2000 by people
thought to be paramilitaries. In September 2000 a group of displaced people who had settled
Tuluá (Valle) were threatened by paramilitaries who told them to go back home. The
Government’s reaction was to set up a high-level commission that has not yet been able to arrive
at a final answer for the individuals concerned, many of whom felt constrained to submit to the
paramilitaries’ will." (CHR, 8 February 2001, chapter VI, para. 145)
"UNHCR is increasingly conerned about the deteriorating situation in Colombia and ist impact on
innocent civilians [...] We were particularly outraged by the murders in late December [2001] of
two leaders of the Peace Communities of the Atrato River. The murdered leaders –Petrona
Sánchez and Edwin Ortega- were both dedicated to serving their community, especially children
and women, and to creating an environment in which people could live together.” (UNHCR, 11
January 2002)
“[…] the threats to physical security which the displaced flee to escape often follow them into the
communities in which they seek refuge. The very fact of having fled typically heightens suspicions
of allegiance to a particular armed actor and intensifies the risk of being targeted. Stigmatized
and fearing for their lives, many of the displaced seek safety in anonymity, attempting to blend
into communities of the urban poor. Having abandoned their homes, property and livelihood for
conditions of destitution and continued insecurity, they constitute an extremely vulnerable
segment of society.” (UN CHR, 11 March 2002)
"In Colombia, by far the most complicated civil war in Americas, paramilitary forces—under the
umbrella of the United Self-Defense Units of Colombia (AUC)—regularly label displaced persons
‘guerrilla sympathizers’. Often they denounce peasants in this way because they covet their land.
They then uproot them to enhance the holdings of large landholders for whom they work or for
their own criminal and related activities. Responsible for most of the displacement in Colombia,
they also uproot peasants to rout guerrilla forces, namely the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
Colombia (FARC) or the National Liberation Army (ELN). These insurgencies control large
swaths of land in Colombia, benefit from drug trafficking, and engage in hostage taking, forced
conscription and other criminal activities, from which peasants also flee. Whether uprooted by
AUC and government counterinsurgency drives or by the guerrilla groups, displaced persons
remain politically suspect after they have abandoned their homes and communities. The very fact
that they have fled areas of fighting provokes suspicion of them as people with an allegiance to a
particular armed actor. And in their new places of ‘refuge’, many continue to fear for their lives
and for that reason, try to blend into communities of urban poor to reduce the risk of being
targeted. Nonetheless, because they are stereotyped as guerrillas or as their relatives, ‘people
won’t rent rooms to the displaced, and the press describes IDPs in ways which support this
impression." (Cohen and Sanchez-Garzoli May 2001)
Displaced people victims of "social cleansing"
“The poor and the displaced are particularly affected by urban death squats rooming marginal
barrios. Given that the Catatumbo has historically been an Eln occupied zone, displaced people
settling in Cucuta are often stigmatized as guerrilla supporters. Consequently, many prefer not to
get onto the RSS register which would in theory guarantee a three months humanitarian
assistance, for fear of being targeted by one of the armed actors.” (PCS, 17 March 2003)
"Death threats are the mechanism that the armed groups use most frequently to get rid of people
considered “undesirable” because of their alleged collaboration with the “enemy” and to take over
their property or to motivate them to displace." (UN HCHR 28 February 2002, para. 144)
162
"In the cities, gangs known as brigadas populares attracted the support of guerrillas. Other gangs
also formed, particularly 'cleanup squads' comprised of young upper-class men seeking to rid
cities of 'undesirables' and, eventually, displaced people. These gangs had support from drug
traffickers and the young men who joined them were known as sicarios. 'Thus by the mid-1960s,'
observes Tirado-Mejía, 'violence, which had hitherto been mostly rural, also became urban.'"
(Women's Commission May 1999, pp. 3-4)
Several indigenous leaders were killed in 2001 and the beginning of 2002:
"Another worrying trend can be observed in the attacks against leaders of the displaced
population. Examples are the homicide of the president of the Fundación Solidaridad y Justicia
de las Víctimas y Desplazados por la Violencia, Darío Suárez Meneses, attributed to members of
FARC, on 11 May in the city of Neiva (Huila), and the case of Eder Enciso Sandoval, one of the
leaders of the displaced population in the township of La Reliquia, Villavicencio (Meta).
[…]
Several indigenous leaders were murdered in 2001. Attacks on these leaders particularly
weaken the internal organization and undermine the leadership of their communities and
jeopardize their very survival as communities. Furthermore, unwise decisions by regional
authorities that question or cast doubt on the integrity of indigenous individuals or their
communities do little to protect the latter or safeguard their fundamental rights.
[…]
The Embera Katio communities have been particularly affected. A typical example is the
disappearance of Kimy Pernia Domico, leader of the indigenous council of Río Verde (Alto Sinú)
on 2 June, for which paramilitary groups have been held responsible.
[…]
The Office continued to receive complaints from the indigenous communities living in the Sierra
Nevada de Santa Marta and the Perijá mountains in the jurisdiction of the departments of César,
Magdalena and La Guajira. The large number of “selective” killings (mainly attributed to the
paramilitaries) in the course of the year in the region inhabited by the Kankuamo indigenous
people is a cause for concern. Some irregularities committed by the military were also reported,
such as the excessive use of force or ill-treatment of indigenous officials and leaders. The Office
received information to the effect that on 9 May, in downtown San Juan de César (Guajira), four
soldiers from the army detained a Wiwa leader at gunpoint and forced him to the ground. The
communities living in the Sierra Nevada and the Perijá mountains have also reported instances of
pillaging of indigenous homes." (UN HCHR, 28 February 2002, paras. 279, 298, 299, 301)
"The High Commissioner has repeatedly expressed her concern at the insecurity that affects
those participating in the investigation of human rights violations as a result of impunity.
[…]
AUC launched a campaign of violence and terror against the civilian population in the region,
identifying the people and groups involved in defending human rights and humanitarian law as
potential or actual guerrilla collaborators and declaring them “military targets”." (UN HCHR, 28
February 2002, para. 42, 139, 275)
About two people are victims of a mine accident daily in Colombia (2005)
•
Between 1990 and 2005 there were 6,021 mine incidents in Colombia with a total of 3,419
victims however under-registration of cases is considered to be huge due to the lack of
systematic reporting
•
Mines litter one out of two municipalities of the Colombian territory affecting 30 out of 32
departments and 256 municipalities
•
37% of mine-victims were civilians and out of these 33% were children
163
•
Mines impeded access to services such as schools, water points and fields and returning
IDPs are particularly at risk
•
Convención, Tibú and San Calixto in the departments of North of Santander and San Carlos
and San Luis in department of Antioquia are municipalities affected by both the highest rate
of displacement in 2002 and the presence of minefields
•
According to government sources there are more than 70,000 antipersonnel mines in
Colombia
•
According to calculations of ICRC, about 2,000 persons per month or 1 every 20 minutes,
become victims of mine incidents, Arauca is the worst affected department
•
Thousand of displaced persons are unable to return to their homes due to the presence of
antipersonnel mines
•
The government of Colombia has ratified the Ottawa Convention on the Elimination of AntiPersonnel Landmines, but demining costs have been estimated at US$23 million
“Señaló sobre el particular que es especialmente grave el uso indiscriminado por parte de estos
grupos de minas antipersonal que afectan en promedio a dos colombianos cada día y el
reclutamiento intensivo y en muchos casos forzoso de niños.” (GoC, 14 February 2005)
“De acuerdo con el Observatorio de Minas Antipersonal del Programa Presidencial de Derechos
Humanos y Derecho Internacional Humanitario de Vicepresidencia de la República, durante el
año el 2005, en Colombia se han registrado 67 victimas, en promedio una por día, de las cuales
12 pertenencen a al población civil (4 son niños y 1 niña). Estas víctimas fueron causadas en 27
accidentes registrados en 10 de los 32 departamentos: Antioquia, Arauca, Bolívar, Caquetá,
Cauca, Huila, Meta, Nariño, Putumayo y Tolima. En lo referente a los incidentes, es decir,
aquellos eventos que tienen el pptencial para conducir a un accidente, se han presentado 40 de
los cuales 16 son incautaciones y 24 desminado militar. Según el Observatorio, la presencia de
las minas antipersonal y de las municiones abandonadas sin explotar, representa uno de los
problemas más graves generado por las condiciones internas que viveColombia, siendo una
amenaza de alto reiesgo para la población civil. El Observatorio de Minas Antipersonal indica
que desde el año 1990 hasta el 17 de febrero 2005, se han identificado 6,021 eventos,
encontrándose afectados parcialmente 582 municipios del total del territorio que conforma el
Estado Colombiano, es decir uno de cada dos municipios presenta eventos por minas ó
municiones abandonadas sin explotar, ubicados en 30 de los 32 departamentos. El Observatorio
ha registrado desde el año 1990 a la fecha, 3,419 víctimas en su mayoría domiciliadas en zonas
rurales, resaltando que el subregistro por efectos de la insuficiencia de reportes es importante.
Del total de víctimas registradas, el 24% ha fallecido en el lugar delaccidente. El 37% del total de
víctimas son civiles y el 33% de estas víctimas civiles son niños y niñas, de los cuales, el 49%
ha sufrido el accidente al manipular artefactos explosivos abandonados, generalmente granadas.
Las minas antipersonal están ubicadas alrededor de colegios, fuentes de agua, zonas de cultivos
de pan coger y caminos de acceso a las comunidades. De esta manera, además de amenazar la
integridad y la convivencia de la población, también impiden el acceso a los servicios y a las
entidades públicas. Las minas antipersonal también representan un obstáculo serio para las
actividades de desarrollo y las acciones humanitarias. En algunos casos, poblaciones
desplazadas que retornan sus comunidades, están en alto riesgo de constituirse en victimas de
estos artefactos mortales.” (UNCT, 31 January 2005)
“Al menos 57.898 personas salieron forzadamente en 2002 de regiones en las que, además de
las formas tradicionales de degradación de la guerra, fueron denunciadas la existencia de
campos minados. Se calcula que 28 de los 31 departamentos están afectados por el uso de
estas minas reportadas en por lo menos 256 de los 1.115 municipios del país. Antioquia, Bolívar,
Santander, Arauca, Cesar, Putumayo, Norte de Santander y Cundinamarca, están señalados
como los ocho departamentos que tienen mayor presencia de minas antipersonales […].
164
Municipios como Convención, Teorema, Tibú y San Calixto (Norte de Santander), así como San
Carlos y San Luis (Antioquia) presentan la doble condición de ser zonas minadas y tener una de
las más altas tasas de desplazamiento en el 2002.” (CODHES, 28 April 2003)
"La información reunida por el Observatorio de Minas Antipersonal permite concluir que estas
minas afectan una vasta extensión del país. Del total de 1.097 municipios de Colombia, 140,
localizados en 22 de los 31 departamentos, fueron escenario de accidentes e incidentes por
estos artefactos durante los diez primeros meses de 2001[…]. En otras palabras, se conoce que
el 12,8% de los municipios de Colombia tiene plantadas minas antipersonal. El departamento
más perjudicado es sin duda Arauca, donde no sólo se ha presentado el mayor número de
víctimas (ver más adelante), sino que cinco de sus siete municipios (71,4%) han presenciado
accidentes e incidentes por minas antipersonal. En Antioquia fueron 34 los municipios afectados,
concentrados en su mayoría en el oriente y el sur del departamento, en una franja geográfica
que se prolonga hasta los departamentos de Santander y Norte de Santander, donde se han
producido accidentes e incidentes en 13 y 11 municipios respectivamente."(Vicepresidency-DIH,
December 2001, p.7)
“20,000 antipersonnel landmines have been planted by the military; the rest by the armed
opposition groups, in particular the FARC and ELN. If we take into account that antipersonnel
mines have been used in Colombia since the era known as “La Violencia” (1940s), and that there
is evidence that indicates that the majority of the guerrilla groups have been using them ever
since, the number of landmines in the country might be much higher.” (Vicepresidency-DIH,
December 2001, p.5)
"The guerrilla groups continued to use anti-personnel mines, endangering the civilian population,
especially children, and disregarding the principle of distinction. ELN placed mines on the
highway from Quibdó to Carmen de Atrato and in central Atrato. They cited their conflict with
FARC in the region as justification." (UN HCHR, 28 February 2002, para. 182)
"Paramilitary groups on occasion used landmines and sometimes forced underage into their
ranks. [...] Guerrillas used landmines both to defend static positions (such as base camps,
cocaine laboratories, and sites at which kidnap victims were held) and as indiscriminate weapons
of terror. According to the Vice President’s office, the FARC and ELN have laid indiscriminately
50,000 mines in rural areas. Landmines planted by guerrillas or disguised as everyday items such
as soccer balls or paint cants often resulted in the killing or maiming of civilian noncombatants;
thousand of displaced persons were unable to return to their homes due to the presence of
antipersonnel mines." (U.S. DOS February 2001)
"The Colombian Government had taken a number of positive steps in the area of the rule of law,
the High Commissioner said. […] The Government also had ratified the Ottawa Convention on
the Elimination of Anti-Personnel Landmines […]." (CHR 17 April 2001)
"Colombia necesitará al menos 20 años y más de 23 millones de dólares para remover las minas
antipersonales sembradas en el país, en cumplimiento del Tratado de Otawa, que otorga a los
países firmantes diez años como plazo límite para eliminar sus inventarios de estas armas y
erradicar los campos minados en sus territorios.
[…]De acuerdo con el Tratado de Otawa, los estados firmantes deben destruir todas sus
existencias de minas en un plazo de cuatro años, y en seis más, levantar todos los campos
minados existentes en sus territorios. […]Al ratificar el Tratado, en marzo del año pasado,
Colombia se comprometió a eliminar estas armas de sus estrategias militares y a limpiar el país
de minas.[…]Estas obligaciones no son fáciles de cumplir, no sólo por el costo que puedan tener,
sino también porque el conflicto armado dificulta un trabajo efectivo frente al problema de las
minas. "Mientras no existan acuerdos humanitarios sobre este tema, la guerrilla seguirá
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sembrando, almacenando y fabricando minas y no entregará información sobre su ubicación",
concluye el estudio." (El Espectador, 24 March 2002)
Hard to separate “conflict” and “crime” in Colombia (December 2005)
•
Since 1988, close to 39,000 people have been killed in attacks and clashes between state
forces, illegal paramilitary groups, and guerrilla groups
•
Roughly 2,200 people are killed each year in violent armed conflict with a similar number
injures
•
The greatest burden of armed violence in Colombia comes not from conflict, but from
organised crime (including narco-trafficking) and petty violenc
•
Since 1979, more than 475,000 people mostly young men.have been killed in crime-related
violence
•
There are overlapping linkages with fuzzy boundaries between conflict-related violence,
narco-trafficking, gun procurement networks and corruption
•
Policy approaches for reducing crime (largely urban) and conflict (largely rural) violence are
likely to differ considerably
"The effects of the latest conflict have been no less disturbing. Since the late 1960s Colombia has
lived through a guerrilla conflict of relatively low intensity. This conflict intensified by the midnineties and peaked in 2002. Research carried out by Jorge Restrepo and Michael Spagat
suggest that since 1988, close to 39,000 people have been killed in attacks and clashes between
state forces, illegal paramilitary groups, and guerrilla groups, of which currently active are the
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the much smaller National Liberation Army
(ELN). This represents at least 10 per cent of the total conflict death toll reported by the Human
Security Report - roughly 2,200 people killed each year in violent armed conflict with a similar
number injured. A majority of these deaths and injuries are among combatants.
But as appalling as this toll is, it is not the whole story. By a wide margin the greatest burden of
armed violence in Colombia comes not from conflict, but from organised crime (including narcotrafficking) and petty violence. Since 1979, more than 475,000 people have been violently killed in
so-called “crime”, most of them young men.
In a country of around 45 million, 19,000 to 22,000 victims per year have made Colombia the
most violent country in the world for several years running. This violence is a primarily urban
phenomenon, with the large cities of Bogotá, Medellín, Cali and Barranquilla accounting for more
than a third of the total (Restrepo et al, 2005; Villaveces et al 2000). Conflict violence, on the
other hand, is overwhelmingly rural and, for this and other reasons, must be treated differently
(Restrepo et al, 2006a). The human security agenda should be broad enough to tackle both
types of violence simultaneously as we do below.
Although homicidal violence (criminal and conflict-related) still accounts for close to 18,000
deaths per year in Colombia, the situation has improved compared to the recent past. Coinciding
with President Uribe assuming office in 2002 and the controversial demobilisation of paramilitary
factions, most human security indicators, notably the homicide rate and conflict killings of
civilians, have improved substantially.
The improvement in these indicators is linked to innovative municipal urban renewal programmes,
proactive gun control policies strongly enforced in some cities, crime prevention activities and the
launch of the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of the illegal paramilitaries
166
grouped under the umbrella organisation of the AUC (United Self Defence forces of Colombia).
Although violent death rates in Colombia are still among the highest in the world, there have been
substantial gains in the last few years. However, in a worrisome development for DDR, the rate
of paramilitary killings of civilians has doubled in the first half of 2005.
Despite the distinction we have made between “conflict” and “criminal” violence, it is often
extremely difficult, if not impossible, in practice to separate “conflict” and “crime” in Colombia.
Both guerrilla and paramilitary groups engage actively in crime to fund their war against each
other and the state (for the guerrillas). There are insidious and overlapping linkages with fuzzy
boundaries between narco-trafficking, gun procurement networks and corruption. Thus, even a
war-focused human security agenda must extend its sites to criminal-conflict links as the second
human security report is expected to do.
Both criminal and conflict organizations predate resources. Colombian guerrillas fund their war
against the state with kidnapping, extortion, land and livestock theft, corruption of local budgets,
and, of course, narco-trafficking. Paramilitary groups behave similarly with relatively more
emphasis on narco-trafficking and with weaker tendencies to reinvest their earnings into the
conflict.
However, despite links between criminal and direct conflict violence, their spatial and temporal
patterns indicate that crime-related deaths outnumber direct plus indirect conflict deaths by a
wide margin (Restrepo et al 2006). The human security impact of an individual killing does not
depend on whether or not it is conflict-related; men, women and children experience real and
perceived insecurity from both conflict and crime. But policy approaches for reducing crime
(largely urban) and conflict (largely rural) violence are likely to differ considerably."(CCHS, 22
December 2005)
Freedom of movement
Warring parties prevent civilians from access to food and medicine (2007)
•
Armed groups and public security forces act like an occupying power and forcibly confine
people and prevent circulation of basic goods, fuel and medicines in order to avoid
'infiltrations' from the enemy
•
One out of three indigenous people live under armed groups’ blockades and about 180,000
indigenous and Afro-Colombian people in Chocó alone are blockaded
•
All but one department (Amazonas) in border areas are affected by blockades, affecting most
particularly indigenous Embera Chamí, Nasa, Wayúu Pijao and Awa people
•
Departments most affected by blockades were Antioquia, Norte de Santander, Chocó,
Bolívar, Santander, Arauca, Caquetá, Nariño, and Putumayo in 2004
•
Some blockaded people manage to flee, leaving belongings and land behind, and most of
those who stay are not reached by state assistance
•
Common military tactic of armed groups is to besiege communities, depriving them from
freedom of movement, and right to flee or seek humanitarian assistance
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•
Besieged communities are often indigenous or Afro-Colombians and most affected are the
regions of North of Santander, in the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta, Serranía of Prijá, Chocó
and Cauca
•
Human rights violations suffered by besieged communities are not registered and
communities are out of reach of humanitarian assistance in areas were there is no state
presence
•
Civilians in La Gabarra zone controlled by paramilitaries and guerrilla groups have been put
under siege and prevented from fleeing by the latter who need the farmers to cultivate coca
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, 5 March 2007, p. 37
"Complaints were also received by the Office regarding arbitrary restrictions imposed by army
personnel on individual freedom. On 12 July in Ricaurte (Nariño), members of No. 3 Mechanized
Cavalry Group “José María Cabal” allegedly seized over 100 people from the village of Cumbas.
They were held in a school for three days, during which they were supplied with only a limited
amount of food. 88. The civilian population has been seriously affected by clashes between illegal
armed groups. In February, in several villages within the municipality of Los Andes (Nariño),
fighting between FARC-EP guerrillas and AC-ONG paramilitaries led to the complete isolation of
the inhabitants, since for several days the warring groups did not allow them access to medicines
or food. In the same fighting, six civilians were wounded, and several houses and a school were
damaged."
PCS, 29 November 2004
“To date the magnitude of the population affected by the confinement is unknown, but it is
estimated that in the past two years situations associated with confinement of civilian populations
have occurred in some 131 municipalities of the country. […].
[…]
One can only speak of confinement of communities in resistance when the armed actors, aiming
to aggravate the people’s situation, weaken their capacity for resistance and motivate forced
displacement or violently expropriate resources and/or territories. In these cases, the research
verifies that the armed actors, mainly the public forces and paramilitary groups,8 frequently
increase perimeter control measures over the territories of these communities.
[…]
Indiscriminate confinement:
In its extreme form, the armed actors completely restrict the movement of one or various rural
communities, indiscriminately isolating entire towns or hamlets, including women, children or
people who need medical attention. This strategy tends to be used to oblige a local population to
leave the area, or to force people to stay where they are when they are considered strategic for
the military operations or economic interests of the armed actors. In this case, the civilians are
used as human shields or as a labor force for coca cultivation or other productive activities.
[…]
Selective confinement:
The armed local actors exercise sporadic—and less visible—control over the population’s
movement through this second form of confinement and impose restrictions on the transport of
certain goods or limits on the amounts of money or articles of value that a person can carry. The
above is an effort to control the movement of adversaries, trigger the enemy’s departure through
hunger or maintain social control over the communities because, according to the armed actors,
their enemies are hiding among the civilian population. The armed actors establish numerous
kinds of norms. They come to impose taxes on the commercialization of goods and products,
particularly agricultural products, fuel, medicines and the commercialization of coca. […] Through
retainers and guard posts, they also oblige local residents who circulate through the region to
register their names. In other cases, they establish codes of conduct on the population, such as
for example prohibiting men from wearing long hair, or curfews that often prevent locals from
168
leaving their villages or even their houses after a specific hour. In addition, they sometimes only
permit restricted access to certain zones. Such restrictions often affect agriculture, fishing and
hunting, and thus tend to weaken the communities’ capacity to produce food, generating hunger
in the population. Children, women and the elderly are especially affected.
ICRC, WFP, 27 December 2004, p,4-11
“In recent years, new modalities for controlling population movements have been introduced. The
latter are modern-day sieges known as restrictions. Restrictions imply the control over the
movement—or isolation—of entire communities. Restrictions are enforced for the entry of
selective goods, access to health services and limitations in the supply of humanitarian aid. This
dynamic contributes to creating the impression—on the outside—that isolated communities are
party to the actions and objectives of armed actors. As such, civilians are increasingly viewed as
military targets, thereby precipitating further insecurity and instability.
[…]
Conservative figures by CODHES estimate that 195,000 people are affected by restrictions in 20
municipalities. Moreover, armed actors fall-back on ancestral lands and territories as a rearguard
or retreat zone, using inhabitants as a human shield to avoid punitive action by other armed
actors. […]Women are particularly at risk in these zones, as sexual and other forms of domestic
violence are common.”
CODHES, 10 December 2003
“Sobre guerra y confinamiento el informe precisa que las zonas mas afectadas fueron la Sierra
Nevada de Santa Marta, la región de los Montes de Maria, Arauca, Catatumbo, Bajo Atrato,
Magdalena Medio, Oriente antioqueño, litoral pacifico de Nariño y territorios de la antigua zona
de distensión en la que se realizaron los fallidos diálogos por la paz entre el anterior gobierno y
las FARC.”
PCS, 2 December 2003
Besieged and embargoed Afro-Colombian and indigenous along the Atrato river (19962003)
“We speak to one of the displaced who tells us that the security forces – albeit present in
Bellavista, the municipal capital just 10 minutes from Caimanero – have been unable to provide
protection to rural areas like Caimanero. People would return if the security forces could protect
the village and the state would rebuild the houses destroyed by war. Apparently, the local
guerrilla leader wasn’t very happy about our arrival at La Loma de Bojaya, a larger village of
some 900 inhabitants. The FARC has established a quasipermanent presence here and,
according to some, they are the real masters of this village. Understandably, locals are reluctant
to speak about their situation here, but one tells us that no one in this village was allowed to vote
in the mayoral elections in October. The FARC burnt the ballots to make their point clear. The day
of our arrival, the local FARC leaders order the community to a meeting. Villagers are reluctant to
attend, given that they may be perceived as guerilla supporters if they do, but may be punished
by the guerrillas if they don’t. As we continue our journey into the Lower Atrato, the landscape
changes from plain forests to vast cordilleras and swamps. At Curbaradó, we meet with the 14
displaced families who came here two months ago from nearby Jiguamiandó, which is one of the
areas where the food and economic blockades imposed by both the paramilitary and guerrilla
forces in their fight to control the zone are most severe. Local farmers have not been allowed to
visit their farms or cross the river since the blockades began in March 2003, or to bring in food
from the outside. Most of the 250 families who lived in the basin have since left because of lack of
food and work and above all because of fear. They left behind their lands, livestock and houses.
Those who came to Curbaradó have not yet received state-provided relief aid packages and live
in extremely precarious conditions – poor and overcrowded housing and only occasional work
opportunities. We are told, however, that despite these conditions and the trauma of
displacement, the situation of these families has somewhat improved, mainly because of the
relative peace they feel here.
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[…]
Hampering commerce
Everyone we talk to speaks of the impact of blockades and sieges on the local communities along
the river. While implications vary from area to area depending on the dynamics of localized war,
the closure of this commercial Cartagena-Turbo-Quibdó water route as part of the escalation of
the conflict has had an affect on everyone. The boats that used to carry people and goods along
the river have been unable to pass since 1996. Consequently, farmers can no longer sell their
agricultural produce and the prices of goods purchased from outside the Atrato region have
soared. ‘The Cartagena-Quibdó river route allowed the exchange of agricultural products for
merchandise at a better price. The arrival of the conflict made it impossible for us, preventing free
movement,’ one peasant tells us.
[...]
Blockades – a military strategy
The public security forces as well as the irregular armed actors have checkpoints along the Atrato
River to control the movement of people and goods, and limit the transport of fuel and medicine.
The church, the local indigenous and Afro-Colombian organizations and the mayor’s office
continuously criticize the local security forces for confiscating or restricting the transport,
particularly of medicine, fuel and canned food, allegedly to prevent them from reaching the
guerrillas. The local indigenous organization OREWA has denounced the rationing of basic
provisions by security forces, which further exacerbates food insecurity in the region. The local
population is also wary of the frequent interrogations and compulsory registering of their names at
checkpoints, a particular habit of the security forces. ‘At times the armed actors register us, noting
down our names and taking our photos. This makes us uncomfortable, because we don’t know
hat they are using this information for’, says a local community leader.
Tackling food insecurities?
Despite the lack of security and blockades, people are increasingly resisting displacement as they
see few chances of survival elsewhere, but in some cases, such as that of Jiguamiando,
residents eventually have no choice but to leave their homes. ‘People have been slowly displaced
due to hunger and fear.’ Both the regional ombudsman and the ACIA representative emphasize
that more needs to be done to assist blockaded communities with relief aid and protection
mechanisms in order to prevent further displacements. Indeed, blockaded communities face
similar conditions to those that are internally displaced (loss of income, absence of employment,
trauma, impoverishment and uncertainties).”
CODHES, 28 April 2003
“En estas circunstancias, salir o permanecer se convirtió en una elección dramática entre la
libertad para huir y el miedo a quedarse. Huyen quienes pueden salir en busca de refugio porque
su territorio, o bien es objetivo de un actor armado, o es todavía escenario de disputa. En
cambio, cuando una de las partes asume el control y ejerce modelos de sometimiento similares
al de una fuerza de ocupación, se impide la libre movilidad de sus habitantes y se limita la acción
humanitaria.
[...]
En cambio, quienes se quedaron o fueron obligados a permanecer, viven hoy el drama del
sometimiento, del emplazamiento, del sitio en su territorio y el control a la población por parte del
actor armado dominante, que usa esta estrategia para evitar la “infiltración del enemigo”, y
posicionarse en la zona sin importarle la suerte de una población civil atrapada y sin salida. Así
ocurre en sectores y comunidades de Norte de Santander (en especial Alto Bobalí), en la Sierra
Nevada de Santa Marta y Serranía de Perijá, Chocó (en los ríos Jiguamiandó y las comunidades
de paz de Cacarica), y Cauca (región del alto Naya), entre otros. Esta situación, sostenida en
algunos casos durante meses, incrementa las condiciones de crisis humanitaria a las que son
sometidas personas, familias y comunidades, quienes deben enfrentar la adversidad del
confinamiento, sin posibilidad de apoyos externos o una respuesta estatal pronta y efectiva. Las
lógicas de dicho confinamiento pasan por el bloqueo que realizan los actores armados a la
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circulación de personas, mensajes, alimentos, medicinas e insumos; es decir, por el
confinamiento territorial. En el caso de los pueblos indígenas, sus organizaciones estiman que en
2002 fueron sometidas a este tipo de confinamiento forzado más de 21.720 personas: 5500
Kankuamos en la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (25%); 4300 Nasas (Paeces) de la Cuenca Alta
del río Naya (20%); 4000 Barís de la Serranía de los Motilones, en la Cuenca del Catatumbo
(18%); 2760 Emberas del medio Atrato, en el departamento del Chocó (13%); 2500 Yukpas de la
Serranía del Perijá (12%); 1.850 Emberas en Dabeiba, Antioquia (9%); y 800 Emberas de
Carmen de Atrato, en la Subregión andina del Chocó (4%).”
GTD, 29 November 2002, pp.6, 10, 18
“11. One tactic of the illegal groups is to “besiege” rural communities, preventing villagers from
leaving, and blocking access to food, fuel, medicines and the basics for survival. Communities
sometimes find themselves enclaved or isolated between two or more armed bands and cannot
displace themselves, although their circumstances are objectively similar to those described in
article 1 of Law No. 387/97.
[…]
26. Recently, new kinds of victimization have begun to emerge but have not been registered, as
in the case of the “besieged communities” not being reached by food, medicine, fuel or basic
supplies. It is rare for such communities to receive any humanitarian assistance, despite the
obviously critical situation and the urgency of intervening. Likewise, there are other groups
affected by the conflict to which attention is not being drawn and which are not being helped,
such as the receiving communities.”
Decree No. 2002 of 11 Sept 2002 undermines freedom of movement (2003)
•
Freedom of movement restricted due to illegal checkpoints set up by armed groups
•
Decree No.2002 declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court on 25 Nov 2002 seeks
to limit freedom of movement and residence in ‘consolidation and rehabilitation zones’
•
Military allowed to carry arrests and violate private life without warrant in ‘rehabilitation and
consolidation zones’
•
The Decree takes measures to demand ‘determinate persons’ to communicate all their
displacements outside of the ‘zone’ which is in violation of the principle of necessity and
proportionality
•
The non-authorization of displacement in the zone of ‘consolidation and rehabilitation’ grants
judicial powers to administrative authorities which is against the fundamental principles of the
right to impartial judgment, including under the state of ‘exception’
“10. The most serious violations of the right to freedom of movement and residence were caused
by unlawful impediments to free internal circulation and by enforced displacements. […] This
year, impediments to free circulation arose not only from illegal checkpoints set up by armed
groups to control the movement of pedestrians and traffic in areas under their control, but also
from the implementation of Decree No. 2002, under which people living in rehabilitation and
consolidation zones were subjected to a series of measures incompatible with the international
principles of legality, necessity and proportionality which must be observed even in states of
emergency.
“16. Under the terms of Decree No. 2002, issued on 11 September, the Government took stern
measures to restore public order. This decree redrew the rehabilitation and consolidation zones,
established a procedure for defining their boundaries and laid down rules for their operational
monitoring. It also made it possible to restrict freedom of movement and residence in those areas,
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to limit the movement and residence of foreigners, to make use of privately owned property and
to oblige citizens to supply technical or professional services.
17. In a ruling issued on 25 November, the Constitutional Court declared several of the provisions
in Decree No. 2002 unconstitutional, including those allowing the security forces - including the
military - to carry out arrests, conduct searches and intercept mail and telephone calls with or
without a warrant.” (UNCHR, 24 February 2003, paras16-17)
« 7.
Artículo 15: Información sobre desplazamientos en la zona
Este artículo prevé la adopción de medidas para exigir “a personas determinadas” que
comuniquen con una antelación de dos días todo desplazamiento fuera de la Zona de
rehabilitación cuando se trate de su residencia habitual. La indicación de “personas
determinadas” contrasta con la necesidad de normas precisas, claras e inequívocas y puede
resultar en una violación del principio de no discriminación. Todas las excepciones al principio de
libre circulación deben interpretarse en sentido estricto y su ejercicio y alcance quedarán
limitados por los principios generales del derecho, como los de no discriminación, de
proporcionalidad y de protección de derechos fundamentales.
Por otra parte, al igual que en el artículo 14, la falta de indicación de las situaciones en las cuales
se podrá exigir la comunicación de todo desplazamiento no permite identificar la estricta
necesidad de la medida, con evidente violación de los principios de necesidad y
proporcionalidad.
8.
Artículo 16: Desplazamientos no autorizados
El incumplimiento de la obligación prevista en el artículo 15 (información sobre desplazamientos
en la Zona) es sancionado con la retención transitoria inconmutable hasta por 24 horas. Es
evidente que el presente artículo introduce un tipo penal, identificando una conducta punible (el
incumplimiento de la obligación de informar sobre el desplazamiento) y la sanción a éste
aplicable (identificada en la privación de libertad hasta las 24 horas).
Por el presente artículo se atribuye a la autoridad administrativa el poder de imponer motu
proprio una sanción que entraña la privación de la libertad, en ausencia de un mandamiento
escrito de la autoridad judicial competente, y en violación de las garantías judiciales y procesales
que protegen la libertad personal y el debido proceso.
Cabe recordar que, a juicio del Comité de Derechos Humanos, las garantías relacionadas con la
institución de la suspensión se basan en los principios de legalidad y del Estado de derecho
inherentes al Pacto en su conjunto. Por esta razón “dichos principios y la disposición sobre
recursos efectivos exigen que los principios fundamentales del derecho a un juicio imparcial se
respeten durante un estado de excepción. Sólo un tribunal de derecho puede enjuiciar y
condenar a una persona por un delito, y se debe respetar la presunción de inocencia”. »
(OHCHR, 1 December 2002, para 7-8)
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SUBSISTENCE NEEDS
Overview
Violations of rights to food, education and health (Special report, June 2006)
The conflict has generated a protracted humanitarian crisis which affects the majority of the
internally displaced people socio-economically, emotionally and socially. Their situation is
particularly precarious in a country where more than 50 per cent of the population lives below the
poverty line and where the pervasive nature of the conflict makes it hard to find physical
protection and stability, even in urban areas where the majority end up. An inter-agency report of
December 2005 covering six severely affected regions shows that IDPs are generally worse off
than the poorest urban host communities when it comes to rights to food, health, education and
housing (WFP, European Commission, WHO, December 2005). A Médecins Sans Frontières
(MSF) report of April 2006 found that the IDPs’ mental health is severely affected by the conflict
and that violence tends to lead to more violence. Many IDPs (37 per cent) have witnessed the
killing of parents, children or siblings, contributing to long-term emotional disorders and social
disintegration (These findings confirm and substantiate the conclusions of the Constitutional
Court sentence of January 2004 and several other reports, including by government institutions;
Human Rights Watch, 14 October 2005; ICRC, 22 April 2005; WHO, PAHO, 7 April 2005; WFP,
ICRC, 27 December 2004; Ombudsman’s Office, Duodécimo Informe del Defensor del Pueblo
ante el Congreso de la República, Bogotá, 2005). The IDPs’ emotional and social state and poor
access to food, health care, education and housing are further aggravated by the fact that most of
them have been uprooted from an agricultural subsistence-oriented economy to a market
economy in urban centres where their professional skills are largely rendered irrelevant, with
ensuing difficulties in accessing the labour market and providing for their own livelihoods (ICRC,
22 April 2005, p.6). As a result of the abrupt character of the displacements – which in 96 per
cent of cases have been triggered by direct threats, massacres and/or fighting – the IDPs are left
with little or no time to prepare for their flight and bring with them valuable assets that may ease
their life during displacement (MSF, April 2006; Contraloría General de la Nación, December
2004). The difficulty they have in entering the labour market and stabilising socio-economically is
clearly reflected in the average monthly IDP household income, which is slightly more than the
equivalent of $100, or 65 per cent of the legal minimum wage.
The equivalent of $60 or slightly more than half of the average income is spent on food, while
most of the rest is spent on housing and public services like water, electricity and gas (WFP,
ICRC, 27 December 2004, p.11). This leaves only six and three per cent on health and education
respectively.
Two-thirds of IDPs live in inadequate housing with no access to basic sanitation. ICRC, 22 April
2005; WFP, 16 June 2003 About 70 per cent of IDPs have two or more unmet basic needs,
including housing, access to services, living conditions, school enrolment and economic
dependency, compared to 10 per cent among the poorest urban dwellers. WFP, ICRC, 27
December 2004, p.10 As a result, over half of displaced households report anaemia, which stunts
the growth and learning capacity of children (WFP, ICRC, 27 December 2004).
Only 22 per cent of IDPs receive medical attention, in spite of the fact that registered IDPs are
entitled by law to free and unlimited access to health care and medicines (Marie Stopes
173
International, etc, 13 February 2003). In practice, hospitals commonly refuse to treat IDPs
because they are often not reimbursed for the costs of the services provided due to administrative
inefficiencies. As a result, about half of the displaced do not seek medical assistance due to lack
of money. IOM, 6 June 2002 In addition, access to medical care is hindered because most IDPs
lack identification papers – a requirement for receiving medical aid. A survey found that morbidity
among IDPs is six times the national average (WFP, 16 June 2003, p.9).
Although women and girls represent nearly half of the displaced population, there is no
comprehensive policy to address their specific gender and reproductive health needs (UNCHR,
24 February 2003). Nearly one-third of displaced women have had either miscarriages or
stillbirths, and only 63 per cent received treatment. Despite the fact that some 52 per cent of
displaced women reported having suffered physical violence and about 36 per cent have been
sexually abused, according to the Ministry of Social Protection, gender-based violence remains
largely unaddressed (AI, 13 October 2004; UNCHR, 28 February 2005).
More than one million Colombian children have had to flee their homes with their families; some
300,000 of these displaced children do not have access to the national education system, often
because of the costs incurred by the materials required, such as school uniforms, school books
and transportation.
Food
Inadequate food intake inextricably linked with lack of income (2004)
•
Blockades, including those enforced by government security forces, are restricting the
movement of basic food items
•
70% of displaced households lack two or more out of the five basic needs compared to 10%
among the poorest quintile in urban areas
•
IDPs purchase 80% of their food as a result of having lost their land and other productive
assets thus access to sources of income is critical to their food intake
•
78% of IDPs had no access to credit and among those who had 19% relied on informal credit
through friends and family, as a result about 5% of income was spent on debt payment, more
than on education
•
16% of displaced children under five suffered from chronic malnutrition and 4% acute
malnutrition but acute malnutrition rates did not differ significantly from the poorest sections of
society
•
IDPs’ food situation was highly vulnerable to increases in food prices, illness of a household
member or inability of a head of household to work
•
IDPs cope by reducing the number of meals per day and reducing the quality of food
consumed
•
43% of IDP households fall into the lowest and low level of consumption categories
“When comparing the socioeconomic conditions of IDP households with those of the poorest
income quintile of in urban areas—specifically in the area of Unmet Basic Needs (UBN)—the
174
picture is bleak. UBN refers to an index composed of 5 indicators: (a) housing; (b) access to
services; (c) living conditions—more than 3 persons sleeping in one room; (d) school enrolment;
and (e) economic dependency. Using data on UBN for the non-displaced and comparing these to
displaced populations, 70% of IDP households are deficient in two or more UBN—notably in the
area housing and living conditions. On the other hand only 10% of the poorest income quintile in
urban areas had deficiencies in two or more UBN. […]
[…]
In the case of restrictions, the population is allowed to bring in limited amounts of food and other
basic items. Armed groups have checkpoints to control the movement of people and goods and
limit the transport of fuel, canned food and medicine. Conversely, in these same areas,
government security forces engage in a similar strategy, thereby exacerbating the situation.
[…]
With respect to food security issues, a 2003 survey of 1503 displaced households indicated that,
on average, households purchase 80% of their food. […] The latter implies that access to stable
and sufficient sources of income is critical. This being said, displaced households earn, on
average, only 61% of the minimum wage in Colombia (COP 356,000.-)—of which 79% emanate
from labour earnings. In terms of health and nutrition issues, PAHO/WHO conducted a health and
nutrition survey of displaced and non-displaced households in six main urban areas in Colombia.
[…] The study found 16% chronic and 4% acute malnutrition rates among children under five. The
prevalence of acute malnutrition was 1.5% more than would be expected in a normal population
but it did not differ drastically from the poorest non-displaced households.
[…]
Findings from the six departments show that food and livelihood security are intertwined in the
lives of IDP households. Prior to their displacement, IDPs were predominantly farmers. Such
skills are no longer relevant, nor marketable in an urban setting. In effect, displacement has
stripped IDP households of the one, productive, means that can contribute toward their food and
livelihood security: land. The loss of this particular resource hampers the ability to meet current
food consumption needs, access social services and generate savings and assets. Sixty-seven
percent of sampled households pointed out that their major source of food is through purchases.
Given that food is mostly bought, the only asset available to IDP households that can help them
access food is their labour. Gaining access to labour opportunities, however, proves difficult.
Around 61% of the heads of households interviewed indicated that, at the time of the survey, they
were not working. Moreover, 78% reported that they do not have access to formal or informal
credit. Of those who do have access, 19% reported that they had access to informal sources of
credit, mostly from family and friends. Despite the fact that the numbers point out that access to
credit is limited, there are strong indications that informal borrowing is much more common than
reported. In all surveyed departments, focus groups reported that food is often purchased on
credit and that small loans are offered by local moneylenders. Therefore, it is important to
recognise that household data may mask informal exchange networks.
[…]
Finally, IDP households face a set of covariate risks that have a direct bearing on their food and
livelihood security. The exogenous and endogenous risk factors most frequently
mentioned are: (a) price increases in basic food items; (b) illness of a family member; and (c)
inability of head of household to work/loss of income sources. Seventy-six percent of all
households reported a combination of these three risks as affecting their households in the last
six months. At the same time, around two-thirds of this total number indicated that these risks had
an effect on their ability to access food for own consumption. Household responses to these risk
factors were, in most cases, consumption smoothing—
both in term of food intake and food purchases. The two types of consumption smoothing
strategies were to either: (a) reduce the number of meals eaten every day; or (b) switch to lower
quality and cheaper foods.
[…]
On average, 58% of monthly expenditures go toward food.
[…]
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Finally, debt repayment is an important factor in monthly expenditures. Average monthly
expenditures on debt are 5% across sampled households—more than what is afforded for
education. Debt is likely to be food-related as households are known to purchase/borrow food on
credit from local shops. Thus, the focus of IDP households on prioritising food may create
recurring cycles of debt given that current income levels are not sufficient to buy adequate
quantities of food.
[…]
Forty-three percent of sampled households fall into the lowest and low level of consumption
categories—meaning that they do not: (a) consume any staple foods (i.e., rice, yuca,
plantain); or: (b) consume only staple foods and at least one additional non-staple food
item on a daily basis. This implies that both the quantity and diversity of food consumed is low.
[…]
Households with good levels of food consumption are more likely to: (a) benefit from external
assistance programmes; (b) have access to informal credit (cash and kind) from family and
friends; and (c) consume greater amounts of food that is received via gifts and donations. This
implies that such households can draw upon several sources of support to meet
immediate consumption deficits. The opposite is true for households in the lowest level of
consumption typology who are more likely to draw down their financial assets—i.e., income
earnings—as they do not have the same level of support.” (ICRC, WFP, 27 December 2004, p,411, 52-56)
WFP study reports 80 percent IDPs have insufficient access to nutritional foods (2004)
•
Food aid is delivered to IDPs in 15 departments through the Prolonged Operation of
Emergency and Recovery (OPSR) programme, facilitated by the RSS, ICBF, and WFP
•
The government launched an anti-poverty programme, the Network of Food Security (RESA)
aimed at maximising food production of small peasants, however IDPs who have no access
to land do not directly benefit from the programme
•
IDPs in Colombia suffer from inadequate food intake due to lack of income rather than access
to food
•
IDPs are in a worse state of indigence than the urban poor among whom they live
•
Before displacement most people produced what they consumed, after displacement they are
constrained to purchase 80% of their food from the market
•
IDPs have a caloric intake of 43%, thus 57% below the norm and protein intake is also
deficient leading to illnesses (chronic diarrhoea and respiratory problems) and incapacitating
deficiencies
•
One fourth of IDP children are at risk of malnutrition and 41% of IDP households fall under
high nutritional vulnerability
•
Displaced babies are breast-fed for an average of 2.3 months, after which they are given
cereals, pulses and fruits which increases the risk of illness
“El gobierno continuó con intervenciones importantes para avanzar en la seguridad alimentaria
de la población internamente desplazada. La renovación de la Operación Prolongada de Socorro
y Recuperación, OPSR, mediante convenio entre la Red de Solidaridad Social, RSS, y el Instituto
Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar, ICBF, con el Programa Mundial de Alimentos, PMA, permite
el suministro directo de alimentos a la población internamente desplazada bajo diferentes
modalidades en 15 departamentos del país.
31. El gobierno lanzó como nueva iniciativa la Red de Seguridad Alimentaria, RESA, programa
que hace parte de una estrategia anti-pobreza, y está dirigido a la optimización de la producción
parcelaria de los pequeños campesinos para la autosuficiencia alimentaria —“producir para no
comprar”—, es decir, que los beneficiarios deben disponer de tierra. Dadas sus características,
176
este programa no es aplicable a la población en situación de desplazamiento interno forzado,
debido a que en la gran mayoría de los casos ésta no tiene acceso a tierra. Aunque el programa
no constituye per-se un factor de prevención del desplazamiento, dado que éste no es causado
por razones económicas, sino por la amenaza a las personas y a las comunidades derivadas del
accionar de los actores del conflicto, podría ser utilizado como uno de los varios componentes de
una estrategia integral de prevención.” (UNHCR, December 2004)
“Last June, WFP published an assessment study on food security vulnerability for the population
displaced by violence in Colombia. The Humanitarian Situation Room deems it of utmost
importance to contribute to the dissemination of this study. Therefore, we are presenting below
the main findings of the study. The survey covered 1,503 households of persons displaced by
violence to municipal seats. To supplement the statistical data, a qualitative investigation was
conducted through 18 focal groups consisting of 148 family heads and spouses and interviews
with 22 community leaders. The displaced population was surveyed about type of shelter and
living conditions, food security, food acquisition and coping mechanisms. The results indicate that
this population suffers from a significant lack of adequate nutritional resources and is in serious
food security risk. This is due mainly to their inability to generate sufficient income to meet their
nutritional needs. When comparing the situation of the lowest income resident population of urban
areas with the displaced population in the same locations, the displaced individuals were found to
be in a worse state of indigence.
Food Consumption
Regarding food consumption, the study found that 80% of food is bought, 17% is subsidized, and
3% is obtained by self-production. Highest consumption foods are: rice, manioc, plantain, onion,
potatoes, molasses and sugar. This represents a higher proportion of energetic foods and a low
intake of micronutrients such as calcium, iron, and vitamin A. The nutritional status in the homes
of displaced families is critical. Caloric intake is just 43% and protein intake is 84% of the RDA.
These deficits have a serious impact on the health status of this population; among them,
malnutrition (having serious growth effects on heigth and weight), higher predisposition to
infections (especially acute respiratory infections) and acute diarrheic disease. These are the
main causes of general morbidity in the children population.
Nutritional Status of Children of Displaced Families
As to the nutritional status of children, the survey found that one fourth of children of displaced
families are at risk of malnutrition. Furthermore, children are being prematurely fed nutrients other
than breast milk, increasing their risk of illness.
Structural and Temporary Deficiencies
Displaced households have an average of six-family members, 2.6 of whom are children between
0 and 12 years of age. Usually, displaced individuals are young, with an average age of 20 years
of age per household. This means that 70% of the household members are economically
dependent on other family members. Seventy eight percent of homes are headed by the head of
the family and his/her spouse, 20% have a woman as the sole head of the family and 2% have a
man as the single head.
Basic Sanitation, Schooling, Morbidity and Mortality
Basic sanitation conditions are critical, 63% live in inadequate housing, and 48% have inadequate
utilities, while 61% live in crowding conditions. As far as schooling is concerned, 24% of family
heads have no schooling, 60% attended some years of primary school (18% completed primary
school) and 29% had some high school education (11% finished secondary school). Seventy five
percent of children between 6 and 9 years of age attend some educational institution, as well as
those between 10 and 25 years of age. Regarding morbidity and mortality, the survey found that
the mortality rate is 6 times the national average. The survey did not find major problems in food
availability. Usually households have places relatively near by where they can get food.
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[…]
Nutritional Vulnerability
After analyzing all the factors that place individuals at risk of food insecurity or malnutrition,
including those factors that affect their ability to counter those risks, the survey concluded that
41% of homes fall under the high vulnerability rating, 42% are rated average and 17% at low
vulnerability. These findings not only confirm the seriousness of the nutritional crisis of the
displaced population, but are also a warning of the need to focus humanitarian, and especially
food assistance, on homes in critical conditions of vulnerability.” (UNCTC, 30 August 2003)
« Lactancia y alimentación complementaria en niños y niñas menores de dos años. Un
componente muy importante de la seguridad alimentaria de los niños y niñas menores de 2 años
es la lactancia y en especial, la lactancia exclusiva. Según los resultados de la encuesta, el
67.5% de los menores de 2 años están siendo amamantados, aunque no de manera exclusiva y
el 4% nunca se alimentó con leche materna. La duración de la lactancia, para la mayoría de los
niños y niñas que lactan, es de aproximadamente 12 meses, sin embargo, al investigar sobre
lactancia exclusiva, se encuentra que el tiempo lactancia exclusiva es mucho menor, con un
promedio de 2.3 meses. El abandono precoz de la lactancia y el hecho de no contar con
lactancia exclusiva se confirma con los resultados del análisis de alimentación complementaria,
en donde se encontró que los niños y niñas menores de 6 meses reciben, principalmente,
alimentos con base en cereales, papa, yuca, algunas frutas y lenteja. Este hallazgo es
preocupante dado que hasta los 3 meses de edad, un menor no ha adquirido la madurez
fisiológica suficiente para digerir correctamente alimentos diferentes a la leche materna. Las
mamás argumentan haber abandonado la lactancia por enfermedad o debilidad, porque el menor
rehusó, porque no tenía leche o por haber quedado embarazada. Una explicación del primer
fenómeno está en que la introducción temprana de alimentos diferentes a la leche materna
desestimula el deseo del niño de mamar. En promedio, las madres lactan a sus hijos de 3 a 4
veces en 24 horas, lo cual es menos de la mitad del promedio nacional, según la Encuesta de
Demografía y Salud. » (WFP, 16 June 2003, p.5)
Health
No HIV seroprevalence data for the IDP population in Colombia (January 2006)
•
Forced displacement increasingly affects minors and women, generating lack of protection
and marginality and forced sexual labor
•
A report from 2001 found that IDPs suffer a critical lack of access to reproductive health
services because health care is largely decentralised and poorly managed by the government
•
There is little HIV/AIDS prevention and education for IDPs
•
Gender-based violence (GBV), including rape followed by murder, sexual servitude, forced
conception and abortions, perpetrated by armed actors is largely unaddressed
"There are no HIV seroprevalence data for the IDP population.
HIV/AIDS and IDP Situation:
Colombia’s adult HIV prevalence at the end of 2003 was 0.7%, with a low estimate of 0.4% and a
high estimate of 1.2%.33 Knowledge of the existence of HIV/AIDS is almost universal (99%) but
few IDPs know about the modes of transmission.32 There are no HIV seroprevalence data for the
IDP population. In the last 10 years the predominant pattern of sexual transmission has changed,
with a progressive increase in heterosexual transmission, since the ratio of male to female cases
has fallen from 8:1 between 1990 and 1994 to 3:1 between 2000 and 2003. In some regions, like
178
in the Caribbean coast and north eastern region, where HIV infection has affected men and
women with greater parity since early nineties, the number of new infections in young women is
reportedly increasing at a greater speed than it is in men, and the female to male ratio is close to
1:1.
The high vulnerability of Colombian women to the HIV/AIDS epidemic is determined by the
cultural context that calls for sexual relations dominated by men; forced
displacement is another aspect that is increasingly affecting minors and women, generating
uprooting, lack of protection, and marginality, and fostering forced sexual labor.34 In the few
studies made in the country on the use of condoms by adolescents and young people, it has
been found that women report a lower frequency of use than men of their same age. The
difference in reported condom use among young males and females is more evident in the
Caribbean region, where the lowest rate of condom use was reported, and among youths and
adolescents living in the context of forced displacement.
HIV/AIDS and IDP Situation:
The NSP 2004-0737 does not mention IDPs nor does the World Bank’s CAS 2003-0616 make
any specific reference to HIV/AIDS or the displaced. However, the GFATM round 2 approved
proposal with an HIV component for 2004-06 mentions IDPs and has specific HIV activities for
them.38
The Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children, in collaboration with Marie Stopes
International, Profamilia and Columbia University conducted an assessment of reproductive
health among IDPs in Colombia from November 11 to 18, 2001. The team concluded that IDPs
suffer a critical lack of access to reproductive health services because health care is largely
decentralised and poorly managed by the government, and the UN focuses on supporting local
and national initiatives. The report explains that IDPs are the most likely to receive limited
emergency assistance, however, this does not include reproductive health care.32 Less than 1 in
4 (22%) of IDPs are registered and receive government assistance for fear of reprisals from
armed groups and government.30 IDPs have also claimed that the Revolutionary Armed Forces
of Colombia (FARC) have tested women and men for HIV and have not only discriminated
against people living with HIV/AIDS but also killed them.32
A local organization called Profamilia, which provides some of the reproductive health services in
the country, has only just begun outreach programmes to IDPs; however, they charge a small
user fee which may limit IDPs’ access to medicines and care. Condoms and clean delivery kits
are neither free nor widely available to IDPs. Moreover, IDPs who seek health care are
stigmatized for being IDPs. Thus, many chose to go without medicines and services while others
could not afford to pay for health care. In addition, the team reports that women, girls and
adolescent IDPs are particularly prone to experiencing terrible reproductive health problems.
Gender-based violence (GBV), including rape followed by murder, sexual servitude, forced
conception and abortions, perpetrated by armed actors is largely unaddressed.32 The likelihood
of contracting HIV may increase in such circumstances, though there are no data to prove this
assertion. The study concludes that there is little HIV/AIDS prevention and education for IDPs,
and that although some adolescents have heard about HIV/AIDS in school, they do not practice
preventive meansure."(UNHCR, 31 January 2006)
Despite legal entitlement to free health IDPs face many restrictions (2005)
•
IDPs commonly suffer from diarrhoea, acute respiratory infections, and skin infections
•
33% and 77% were reported to suffer from diarrhoea and acute respiratory infections
respectively, anaemia among IDPs was over 50%, indicating a severe situation
•
About 30% of IDPs have been denied access to health
•
Only about 2% of children between 1 and 4 years old had completed their vaccinations
179
•
The RSS estimates that out of 1,135,768 registered IDPs between 1996-2004 some
1,129,914 have unaddressed health needs
•
According to the law, registered IDPs have free and unlimited access to health services
public or private including medicines
•
The government dismantled the special system of attention to IDPs financed by FOSYGA
which gave direct and unlimited access to health services anywhere in the country
•
IDPs are now in 2005 assisted through the General System of Social Security in Health
(SGSSS) under the decentralised responsibility of municipalities and departments
•
This dependency on local capacity and willingness is likely to further undermine IDPs’ access
to health
•
Structural and administrative flaws have resulted in hospitals not being reimbursed for their
expenses on IDPs, as a result some institutions have preferred not to recognise the latter as
such
•
Solidarity and Warranty Fund (FOSYGA) was set up to finance these medical costs of IDPs,
the fund was allocated 15 billion pesos in 2000 out of which only 4,000 pesos were spent as
a result budget was cut down to 7 billion pesos in 2001
•
IDPs without ID cards have hardly any access to health services
“However, certain health indicators among children of displaced households warrant attention.
Among under-fives, the PAHO/WHO study indicates that children from displaced households are
far more likely to suffer from diarrhea, acute respiratory infections, and skin infections. Thirtythree percent and 77% were reported to suffer from diarrhoea and acute respiratory infections,
respectively. The high prevalenceof anaemia of over 50 percent is considered to be severe and
has direct implications on the growth and development of children, including their learning
capacity.” (ICRC, WFP, December 2004, p,11)
“En cuanto a la situación de “Morbilidad Sentida”, entendida como la percepción de estar
enfermo, en las últimas dos semanas, al momento de la encuesta ésta fue de 47,5 % en la
población general, sin notarse diferencias entre la población desplazada y receptora.
Aproximadamente cinco de cada diez personas de estos asentamientos perciben estar
enfermos, en los niños y niñas menores de 1 año son siete de cada diez. Las enfermedades y
síntomas referidos con mayor frecuencia son de carácter infectocontagioso, q afectan
especialmente a los menores de cinco años. La enfermedad diarreica aguda es más frecuente
en la población en situación de desplazamiento que en la receptora, esto como consecuencia de
las precarias condiciones de saneamiento básico en sus hogares. Con relación a la situación de
acceso a los servicios de salud, la cobertura de aseguramiento de la población en situación de
desplazamiento es inferior a la receptora, y ésta, menor al promedio del país para el año 2002.
Aproximadamente dos de cada diez personas afectadas por el desplazamiento no cuentan con
ningún documento de acceso y en la población receptora, tres de cada diez. El estudio citado
advierte que existe una discriminación institucional para la atención en salud de la población en
situación de desplazamiento, las barreras de acceso están puestas desde las instituciones de
salud. A casi el 30% de las personas afectadas por el desplazamiento les fue negada la
atención médica y casi al 10% de la población receptora. Generalmente la población desplazada
no asiste al médico por falta de dinero. Frente al tema de vacunación, el estudio citado advierte
que aproximadamente seis de cada diez menores de cinco años en situación de desplazamiento
y siete de cada diez en población receptora tienen carné de vacunación. De cada 100 menores,
entre 1 y 4 años con carné, sólo 4 tienen esquema de vacunación completo para su edad en la
población receptora, en la población desplazada sólo dos menores.” (WHO, PAHO, 7 April 2005)
“32. El acceso mínimo de la población internamente desplazada a servicios de salud, enfrenta
aún restricciones. Si bien no se dispone de información confiable sobre la cobertura y la calidad
de la atención, los datos estimativos de la RSS indican que, con respecto a las 1’135.768
180
personas desplazadas registradas entre 1996 y 2004, existen 1’129.914 con alguna necesidad
específica no atendida, y un déficit de 3’389.742 atenciones, calculando tres atenciones por
persona no afiliada al régimen contributivo o subsidiado, incluidos los medicamentos.
33. La dificultad más sentida, es la incapacidad de las entidades hospitalarias para garantizar el
suministro efectivo de los medicamentos, las ayudas y diagnósticos y otros elementos incluidos
en el Plan Obligatorio de Salud, POS, lo cual hace inocua la atención prestada a través de las
consultas médicas.
34. El gobierno asignó 100.009 nuevos cupos para atención de las familias desplazadas a través
del régimen subsidiado, y el Ministerio de la Protección Social ha ofrecido asignar todos los
demás que sean necesarios para lograr que la totalidad de la misma pueda tener acceso a este
derecho. Sin embargo, el esfuerzo presupuestal para garantizar el goce efectivo de toda la
población desplazada al derecho a la salud, tendrá que ser muy significativo, si se tiene en
cuenta el déficit de cobertura y calidad de atención mencionado.
35. La redefinición del esquema de atención en salud —normas y arreglo institucional —, implicó
serias restricciones durante el lapso necesario para la readecuación del sistema. Las principales
limitaciones del nuevo esquema de atención en salud fueron: i) se desmontó el régimen especial
(financiado y administrado directamente por el Ministerio de la Protección Social a través del
Fondo de Solidaridad y Garantías, Fosyga), que permitía el acceso directo al sistema desde
cualquier punto del país, y sin limitaciones de cobertura de riesgos; y ii) la población es ahora
atendida a través del régimen subsidiado del Sistema General de Seguridad
Social en Salud, SGSSS, y la responsabilidad pasó del nivel central a los municipios y
departamentos, con las dificultades que implica hacer depender la atención de la voluntad y
capacidad de los entes territoriales y ligarla a la localización territorial de la población.
36. El esquema de atención en salud no ha logrado aún trascender el enfoque centrado en la
financiación de los cupos para la atención hospitalaria y avanzar hacia una respuesta que
permita proteger y garantizar plenamente a la población internamente desplazada el disfrute
efectivo de su derecho a la salud en toda su integralidad, según criterios diferenciales género y
etnia, y en las distintas fases del desplazamiento. El derecho a la salud en toda su integralidad
implica: i) acceso a alimentos básicos, agua potable, alojamiento, vivienda y vestido adecuados,
y saneamiento ambiental; ii) acceso a servicios médicos integrales, entre ellos quirúrgicos y
odontológicos, psicológicos, hospitalarios y de rehabilitación; iii) atención de salud inmediata en
emergencias, prevención y promoción de salud pública, y tratamiento de enfermedades
epidémicas sexuales y reproductivas e infectocontagiosas o peligros análogos; iv) acceso a los
medicamentos necesarios para la atención y el tratamiento correspondientes; v) atención de las
necesidades particulares de las mujeres, en términos de salud reproductiva, enfermedades de
transmisión sexual, protección contra actos violentos hacia la mujer, prostitución forzada y
requerimientos sanitarios especiales; vi) condiciones sanitarias que no pongan en riesgo la salud
de los niños y las niñas; y vii) acciones en prevención de la malnutrición infantil, recuperación
psicológica y reintegración social de los niños.” (UNHCR, December 2004)
“Además de la crisis en que la que se encuentra el sistema de salud de Colombia, la demora en
la publicación conjunta entre la RSS y el Ministerio de Salud de la reglamentación de los
servicios prestados a este grupo supuso una dificultad adicional en la prestación del servicio de
salud a los desplazados. Algunos de los cuellos de botella en la atención en salud de la
población desplazada se encuentran en las demoras y desconocimiento de los mecanismos de
facturación de las entidades de salud. Además, aduciendo dificultades para poner en marcha el
sistema de pago de estos servicios, hay entidades que se niegan a atender a los desplazados.
También se han registrado quejas sobre la calidad de la atención y el hecho de que los
desplazados no reciben medicamentos, que están normalmente fuera de su capacidad
adquisitiva. Otro problema detectado ha sido la extrema vulnerabilidad de los puestos de salud
181
en los procesos de retorno, siendo objeto frecuente de ataques por parte de los grupos armados
ilegales. Una posible alternativa sería la formación de promotores de salud en las áreas rurales.
Por otro lado, los hospitales rurales, normalmente de nivel 1 o 2, no pueden cubrir aquellos
casos que revisten mayor gravedad y no contemplan el traslado de los pacientes a otros
centros..” (GTD, 23 November 2002, p.35-6)
"The Agreement No.185/2000 of 23 December 2000 established that payments rendered for
health care services would be directly drawn from the Solidarity and Warranty Fund (FOSYGA),
specifically from its sub-account for disaster events. […]
Therefore, in theory, and as long as they have been granted displaced status, these people have
free, unlimited access to health care services in any IPS, whether public or private, including
access to medicines. As the law has not established when displaced people stop having unlimited
access to the system, this assistance is indefinite; however, this depends on factors such as
being included in the Register and on how fast information flows as well as the possibilities
available in health care structures at arrival areas.
[….]
Meanwhile, FOSYGA was allocated 15 billion pesos for displaced people’s health care, out of
which only 4,000 pesos were spent. […] In 2001, the allocated budget was cut to 7 billion pesos,
most likely as a result of the infra-utilization of resources. The situation of those without a
displaced identity card is notably worse for several reasons (including the fact that they may not
be displaced by violence in the terms established by the law). Many of them are “vinculados” (i.e.
part of the Social Security Program that do not have the ability to pay even for subsidized
services) however, even in the best case scenarios (if they were affiliated to an EPS (Entidad
Prestora de Salud – Health care Center) or an ARS (Administradora de Régimen Subsidiado –
Subsidized Health Care Plan) in their places of origin), they cannot assert their rights because the
transfer of all of the necessary papers and the new affiliation procedures are complex and can
take a long time. Consequently, they remain deprived of health care assistance." (González
Bustelo, December 2001, ch. 10 sect.2)
Women's specific health requirements remain un-addressed (2005)
•
Indigenous displaced people in cities suffer high rates of malnutrition and some have died of
hunger
•
At least 60% of displaced indigenous women lack access to health services
•
IDPs’ most commonly reported reproductive health problems are gender-based violence,
adolescent pregnancies, inadequate childbirth services, lack of money for medicines and
essential care
•
IDPs are stigmatised and discriminated when seeking health care and IDP women with
pregnancy complications are turned away from hospitals
•
IDPs lack access to reproductive health care owing to the Colombian government’s
abdication of its responsibility to provide reproductive health services
•
Condoms are not free and widely available to IDPs
•
Gender-based violence perpetrated by armed actors remains unacknowledged and includes
rape, murder, sexual servitude, forced contraception and abortions
•
IDP communities left with no access to health care are at a high risk for STD transmission
including HIV
•
Displaced and adolescent girls are the least aware of HIV/AIDS despite being the most
vulnerable group
•
47% of pregnant women did not receive antenatal care and 30% did not use family planning
methods
182
•
30% of internally displaced adolescent girls are pregnant or mothers, twice the national rate
due to nonexistent family planning services for IDPs
•
27% of IDP women had either miscarriages or stillbirths and of these 37% received no
treatment
•
50% of IDP women had been victims of physical attacks and 24% had been raped
“The situation of displaced people is particularly dire in certain urban areas, including Bogotá. The
mayor of Valledupar informed the Special Rapporteur that there are high rates of malnutrition
among displaced indigenous people, and even cases of children dying of hunger. The
municipality does not have the resources to meet all the needs of the displaced indigenous
population. Women heads of household and children suffer the worst consequences of
involuntary displacement; many of the women resort to begging and a large number of the
children live in the street. Yet, without reliable records, it is difficult to channel humanitarian aid
appropriately.
[…]
At least 60 per cent of displaced women lack access to health services. Displaced children
present high rates of malnutrition, respiratory diseases, diarrhoea and dehydration, and many of
them are forced to migrate to urban areas to avoid recruitment by the armed groups.” (UN CHR,
10 November 2004)
“In the case of displaced women and girls, as well as those living in conflict zones, the help
available is even more scant. Abortion, even in the event of rape, is a criminal offence in
Colombia, which could result in imprisonment. Women and girls must therefore either carry an
unwanted pregnancy to term or attempt to end the pregnancy illegally, usually unsafely and
possibly with fatal consequences.” (AI, 13 October 2004)
“The assessment team findings indicate significant reproductive health needs among the IDP
population with an alarming and unconscionable dearth of services available to them. The
reproductive health problems most commonly expressed to the team were gender-based
violence, adolescent pregnancies, inadequate childbirth services, particularly for complications of
pregnancy and childbirth, and a lack of money for medicines and essential care.
[…]
The assessment team also frequently heard that when IDPs sought health care, they were
stigmatized for being IDPs, felt humiliated and degraded and were required to pay or go without
medicines and services.” (Marie Stopes International, etc…, 28 February 2003, pp.37)
“The assessment team found that IDPs suffer a critical lack of access to reproductive health care
owing to a number of factors. Colombians’ access to health care overall is faltering between
national policy at the central level and services to the population at decentralized levels, leaving
many Colombians, particularly IDPs, to fall through the cracks without health care. While the main
role of United Nations (UN) agencies is to support local and national capacity to respond to the
humanitarian crisis, the Colombian government has abdicated its responsibility to provide
reproductive health services and he result is a tragic dearth of services for IDPs. Those who are
displaced in large groups, who represent less than half of all IDPs, are most likely to receive the
extremely limited emergency assistance provided. This assistance, however, does not include
reproductive health care. The local Planned Parenthood affiliate, Profamilia (Asociación ProBienestar 2 de la Familia Colombiana), provides most of the reproductive health services in
Colombia and is just beginning to significantly increase its outreach to IDPs. However, Profamilia
charges a small user fee or services, limiting IDPs’ access to medicines and care. Few
international organizations are supporting direct services to IDPs, despite the scale of this
humanitarian emergency. Finally, lack of funds for services, medicines and transport, as well as
discrimination by service providers, also prevents IDPs’ access to reproductive health care. The
minimum initial services package (MISP) of reproductive health services, now considered a basic
183
standard of care in emergency situations, is not available to IDPs in Colombia. Free services,
including emergency contraception, are not available to manage and support survivors of
violence. Condoms and clean delivery kits are not free and widely available to IDPs. IDP women
suffering from complications of pregnancy and delivery are turned away from hospitals and lifesaving emergency obstetric care. The team learned that IDPs, particularly women, girls and
adolescents, experience horrendous reproductive health problems in Colombia. Gender-based
violence (GBV), including rape followed by murder, sexual servitude, forced contraception and
abortions, is perpetrated by armed actors, is extensive and is largely unaddressed. In addition to
GBV inflicted by armed actors, the situation is desperate for some families; the team heard of
some instances of girls and boys being sexually exploited by their parents or turning to
prostitution for family survival needs. The assessment team learned from IDP women that
domestic violence is a major problem, exacerbated by the difficult living situation for IDPs. (Marie
Stopes International, etc…, 28 February 2003, pp.1-2)
“There is very little information available about the specific health situation of IDPs. Profamilia
therefore conducted a study in 2001 that for the first time tried to quantify the reproductive health
status of marginalized women in Colombia. In the Profamilia study, marginalized women are
defined as “the IDP and host populations.” […]
Family Planning
Although national registries appear to indicate a general desire of Colombians to limit family size,
the 2001 Profamilia survey revealed that women displaced by armed conflict and who live in
marginalized areas plan less and have more pregnancies and larger families, making their
subsistence more difficult. [...] Marginalized women had an average of 5.3 living children as
compared to a national average of 3.4 and a rural average of 4.8. Nearly half (47 percent) of the
women who were pregnant at the time of the Profamilia study did not receive any antenatal
care.53 The survey also shows that two out of every five women interviewed who were pregnant
did not want their pregnancy. Approximately 30 percent of displaced and marginalized women
aged 15–40 who are in a union do not use any family planning method. […] Among women
interviewed by Profamilia, the average number of live births per woman was 2.7 and the average
number of live births the women thought would be ideal was 2.4. […] The MOH reports that all
family planning is free and it is not an issue of access, but of demand. However, the assessment
team found that public health centers did not have family planning supplies. Profamilia introduced
emergency contraception in Colombia in 2001 with significant resistance from the Catholic
Church. UNFPA reports that in the demilitarized zone the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
Colombia (FARC) force women to use contraception and abortion. There have been ubsequent
problems with pelvic inflammatory disease. [… ]
Safe Motherhood
As with other areas of reproductive health, safe motherhood services are limited in the country in
general, and even less accessible for those who are displaced. Services are overstretched.
UNFPA reports that the situation for IDPs at hospitals is precarious; deliveries and miscarriages
take place at hospital doors. IDPs’ inability to pay for services gives rise to discrimination by
service providers. Hospitals refer emergency obstetric cases to other hospitals when IDPs cannot
pay, delaying life-saving care for women. According to UNFPA, one medical director left his
position of direct service provision because of the ethical dilemmas that he faced in not providing
assistance to those in need. […]
Displaced women often face discrimination when attempting to access services, or they lack the
necessary medical insurance or coverage to obtain treatment. For example, IDPs receive less
antenatal care during pregnancy than do Colombian women overall. Even when comparing
women displaced by armed conflict to the host population or other migrants, 56 percent received
no antenatal care as compared to an average of 47 percent among the marginalized group.
Twenty-seven percent of displaced women who were surveyed experienced either a miscarriage
or a stillbirth. Of these, 37 percent received no treatment or medical care. […]
184
STIs/HIV/AIDS
STIs, including HIV/AIDS, are the reproductive health issues of greatest concern according to the
UNFPA representative with whom the assessment team spoke. […] Little is known about the
problem because there are no statistics for IDPs. UNFPA has noted a high occurrence of maleto-female and MTCT of syphilis, with subsequent congenital syphilis. They have found it difficult
to treat men from indigenous communities and have resorted to supporting the hospitalization of
indigenous women to prevent them from becoming re-infected and to prevent MTCT. The
majority of marginalized women (97 percent) interviewed by Profamilia in 2001 reported
knowledge of AIDS.60 However, while one in every three females feels that she could contract
HIV, half of the women did not know where to get tested for the virus. Among those with the
lowest knowledge of AIDS are women displaced by armed conflict and adolescents aged 13–14.
Although STIs are as common among the displaced as other conditions such as malnutrition,
respiratory illnesses, diarrhea and parasitic diseases, the Profamilia study found that 28 percent
of women are unable to identify any symptom of an STI. […]
[…]
Gender-based Violence (GBV)
The majority of displaced women in Colombia face an extraordinary amount of violence due to
armed conflict or other physical, emotional or sexual abuse from their partners/spouses,
strangers, friends, exhusbands, fathers-in-law or step-fathers. Half the female respondents to the
2001 Profamilia survey reported physical attacks, 50 percent of which were perpetrated by their
partners.63 One in every five displaced women reported having been a victim of sexual violence
and 24 percent reported having been raped.
[…]
Paramilitaries have also gone to the families of girls in Puerto Asis requesting their daughters to
go with them for a weekend as a “community service.” The consequence of refusal can be
murder. Some girls are kidnapped for cooking and cleaning and are systematically raped by
paramilitaries.
[…]
Adolescent Reproductive Health
The situation of displaced adolescents is critical. They have the highest pregnancy rates in the
country and confront serious problems in their sexual and reproductive lives. Displaced
adolescent females also have crucial family planning needs, as 30 percent of these adolescent
girls are already mothers or pregnant with their first child. Of those women aged 13–19 who were
pregnant, over half would have liked to have postponed pregnancy and 20 percent did not want to
get pregnant.” (Marie Stopes International, etc…, 28 February 2003, pp.18-21)
“En términos de salud sexual y reproductiva no hay oferta estatal al alcance de las mujeres. Esta
situación es particularmente grave, dado el alto índice de enfermedades de trasmisión sexual y el
elevado número de embarazo adolescente, como señalado anteriormente.” (GTD, 23 November
2002, p.35-6)
"Entre octubre del año 2000 y mayo de 2001 Profamilia realizó una Encuesta Nacional en Salud
Sexual y Reproductiva de las Mujeres Desplazadas. En ésta se visitaron 1894 hogares en donde
se identificaron 2279 mujeres entre los 13 y los 49 años de edad. Mediante la encuesta se pudo
establecer que el 60% de las mujeres carecen de cubrimiento en salud, por lo que su panorama
es bastante preocupante. Se embarazan a carta edad, tienen hijos no deseados, desconocen las
enfermedades de transmisión sexual y no planifican de manera adecuada. Por otro lado, el 57%
de las mujeres que son maltratadas sufren secuelas, el 13 han sido fracturadas y el 2% han
abortado. Además una de cada cinco mujeres han sido abusadas sexualmente." (CODHES,
September 2001, Panorama Nacional)
For the full report on sexual and reproductive health of displaced women, see:Profamilia
Colombia [External Link]
185
Violence has devastating mental health consequences (2006)
•
Embedded violence causes immeasurable despair
•
Widespread mental trauma without any hope or relief
•
IDP children suffer from emotional trauma, as 63% of them have had at least one family
member murdered
•
IDP children are also victims of child labour, prostitution and criminal activities
•
In addition to the loss of identities and references points, the displaced suffer from fear,
mistrust, depression, and somatic disorders
•
The feeling of powerlessness among IDPs is exacerbated by the widespread impunity
prevalent in Colombia, following traumatic experiences and gross violations of human rights
"For the majority of Colombians affected by the conflict, being forcibly displaced by violence is not
a one-off event, but rather a series of ordeals which has a major impact on their health and wellbeing. Once caught in the cycle, displacement becomes a permanent state of being, where even
the act of returning to a community of origin is perceived by those involved as yet another phase
of displacement and insecurity. Both displaced and returnee communities struggle with the limited
short term humanitarian assistance available. msf is particularly concerned with the lack of
healthcare. Basic services are often unavailable. Essential immunization programs fall far short of
acceptable coverage rates, and this applies not only to conflict regions of difficult access, but also
to displaced communities living in accessible urban slums. The resulting risk of outbreaks of
infectious disease is unacceptably high. Violence generated by the ongoing conflict should be a
major public health concern in the country, yet not enough priority is placed upon responding to
the medical consequences of this chronic reality. Particularly alarming is the almost complete
absence of mental health services in regions where msf observes enormous need. As a
consequence, victims and survivors alike endure ongoing mental trauma with no hope of relief.
The testimonies of our patients, staff, and people in the communities where we work have painted
a cycle of violence and displacement that has no end. Every day, millions of Colombians wake to
the daily struggle of living under constant threat. Violence of such duration and extent produces a
profound and indelible effect on individuals and communities. Human suffering of these
proportions cannot be tackled solely through clinical diagnosis and treatment. The human cost of
the Colombian conflict defies statistics and the solution exceeds the means available to an
emergency medical organization. It calls for the Colombian government and other responsible
agencies to uphold their obligation to provide protection and assistance to the victims of
Colombia’s violence."(MSF, 26 April 2006, p. 25)
“Soacha's 363,000 inhabitants live in fear, as the town shows alarming levels of violence, the
highest in Colombia, according to statistics. "This situation is increasingly affecting the mental
health of the population," explained the local Mayor, who reported that a survey, recently carried
out with assistance from PAHO/WHO in the Commune 4, showed that, out of 721 people
interviewed, 316 (43%) were screened as possible mental health cases, given the presence of
mental health signs. For 40% of this group an imperative need for mental health treatment was
confirmed, specifically for anxiety and depression. The survey identified 40 people who had
attempted suicide, 19 with epilepsy, and 31 with mental retardation. 11 cases of child abuse were
identified, as well as sexual abuse in 9 children. Alcoholism was found at alarming rates.” (PAHO,
10 December 2004)
“According to Save the Children UK, over a million children, 800,000 of whom are under the age
of 14, have fled their homes. […] Apart from the deterioration in their quality of life, IDP children in
Colombia often suffer from emotional trauma. An estimated 63 percent of displaced children have
186
at least one family member who has been murdered or has been a victim of an attempt on his/her
life. […] Moreover, the number of IDP children going to school is minimal due to high costs, the
lack of available space in local schools and stigmatization. Child labor among Colombian IDPs is
common, as are prostitution and criminal activities among displaced adolescents.[…]” (Marie
Stopes International, etc…13 February 2003, p.8)
"Aside from needing shelter and food in the short and middle term, the situations endured can
have serious psychological repercussions. People suffer from fear, mistrust, several stages of
clinical depression, and somatic disorders, together with the feeling of having lost their cultural
identity, their sense of belonging to a community and all of their personal possessions: from being
individuals with full rights, they become just a part amongst the “bulk” of the displaced.
[…]
A fundamental element in these people’s psychological conditions is determined by impunity,
which is as psychologically harmful as the violent event. […] Many feelings of guilt, self-criticism
and dependency are the result of not having been able to prevent displacement and of the
impunity of the guilty. As Teresa Uribe states, “those who cause displacements live very well.
Nobody interrogates them, nobody investigates them”. […] This fact strengthens helplessness."
(González Bustelo, December 2001, ch. 10 sect. 3)
Morbidity among IDPs is 6 times the national average (2003)
•
80% of IDP households reported illness 15 days before the study (2003)
•
Only 22% of IDPs receive medical attention, according to PAHO
•
About 38,879 Colombians were affected by HIV/AIDS in 2002 and IDPs are particularly
vulnerable due to breakdown of family structures, inadequate and over-crowded living
conditions, exploitation and lack of access to health services
•
73% of women do not know where to register and a high percentage are unaware of the
benefits of receiving certification for their condition of displacement
•
80% of displaced households reported someone ill during the 3 last months , of which only
53% had seek medical assistance due to lack of money according to IOM
•
43% of children under 5 had vaccination cards
•
80% children had respiratory illnesses and 30% presented diarrhoea
•
According to Agreement No.185/2000 of 23 December 2000, registered displaced persons
have free and unlimited access to health care and medicines
•
Structural and administrative flaws have resulted in hospitals not being reimbursed for their
expenses on IDPs, as a result some institutions have preferred not to recognize the latter as
such MSF Spain working in Soacha revealed that among the 11,000 IDPs in the slum, only
2.5% possessed a displaced card (June 2001)
•
Displaced women reportedly unable to obtain health services for themselves or for their
children, often as a result of lack of documentation and IDP cards as well as lack of health
facilities in the barrios
•
A survey carried in the Nelson Mandela slum indicated that 57% of children died of
preventable diseases
"En términos de las condiciones de salud se encontró que el 80% de los hogares manifiestan
haber tenido alguien enfermo en los 15 días anteriores a la encuesta. De éstos, en el 62% de los
casos, el enfermo tuvo que guardar cama.
Al preguntar si alguna persona del hogar fue hospitalizada en el último año, en el 40% de los
hogares respondieron afirmativamente. con los siguientes resultados: Los resultados
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demortalidad on alarmantes. La tasa de mortalidad es 6 veces superior al promedio nacional.
En los 1.503 hogares de desplazados encuestados fallecieron, en el último año, un total de 220
personas.
Si se tiene en cuenta que en los 1.503 hogares se encontraron 9003 personas en total, la tasa de
mortalidad es de 24.4 por cada mil habitantes, tasa muy superior a la observada para el
totalnacional, donde las proyecciones para este mismo periodo dan una tasa de mortalidad de
4.3 por cada mil habitantes. » (WFP, 16 June 2003, p.9)
“Data presented by the National Institute of Health confirms that 9.85 out of every 100,000
Colombians were affected by HIV/AIDS in 2002; which translates to 38,879 persons living with
the virus since 1983. The age group most affected are persons aged between 14 and 25.
Internally displaced persons are considered especially vulnerable to HIV/AIDS due to the
breakdown of family structures and living conditions that take place during the process of
displacement, including poverty, exploitation, discrimination, separation from families and social
networks, and little or no access to health services.
Under the scheme, 23 trained facilitators will provide support to the local authorities and train
health workers.The project will be implemented through the Department for Gender Studies at the
National University and Profamilia, a local NGO specializing sexual and reproductive health.”
(IOM, 29 July 2003)
“This lack of registration with the Social Solidarity Network is likely one factor that blocks IDPs’
access to local health services. The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) estimates that
only 22 percent of displaced households receive medical care. […] According to the Profamilia
2001 study, 73 out of 100 women do not know where to receive authorization certifying their
displaced status, and a high percentage of women are not familiar with the benefits of receiving
such certification. […]Even when the displaced qualify for services, their needs may be ignored
due to the stigma attached to their displacement. In addition, hospitals and clinics may not be
adequately equipped and financed to cope with the additional burden of an increasing displaced
population.” (Marie Stopes International, etc…, 13 February 2003, pp.9-10)
“La atención en salud es una de las principales demandas de los desplazados. En la ante citada
encuesta de OIM, cerca del 80 % de los hogares desplazados reportó alguien enfermo en los
últimos tres meses, de los cuales sólo el 53 % busca asistencia profesional. La razón
fundamental para no acudir a un profesional fue la falta de dinero. Entre los hogares
entrevistados, el 38 % no tenía ningún tipo de afiliación, el 48 % estaba bajo el sistema
subsidiado del gobierno SISBEN. El acceso a los servicios de salud también sigue siendo un
problema constante. La mayoría tiene que pagar por la consulta medica y apenas el 23%
aproximadamente tiene alguna filiación al Sistema de Seguridad Social. [...]
En términos generales, la respuesta en salud para desplazamientos masivos en la fase de
emergencia fue relativamente eficiente en el año 2001. La OPS-OMS apoyó la movilización de
recursos, la evaluación de necesidades de salud y la preparación de planes de emergencia
cuando solicitado por las autoridades territoriales.
Sin embargo, la respuesta a las necesidades en salud para los desplazados individuales sigue
siendo débil. Es una población que esta expuesta a muchos riesgos ambientales ya que se
asientan en las áreas más pobres, más lejanas de los servicios públicos, de distribución de agua
y saneamiento, y con mayores riesgos de desastres naturales. Los indicadores de salud pública
de esta población son ciertamente preocupantes, a modo de ejemplo: apenas 43% de los niñosas menores de 5 años disponen de carnets de vacunación, el 80% de estos niños-as presentan
síntomas de enfermedades respiratorias y 30% de ellos presentan diarreas. [...]
188
Además de la crisis en que la que se encuentra el sistema de salud de Colombia, la demora en
la publicación conjunta entre la RSS y el Ministerio de Salud de la reglamentación de los
servicios prestados a este grupo supuso una dificultad adicional en la prestación del servicio de
salud a los desplazados. Algunos de los cuellos de botella en la atención en salud de la
población desplazada se encuentran en las demoras y desconocimiento de los mecanismos de
facturación de las entidades de salud. Además, aduciendo dificultades para poner en marcha el
sistema de pago de estos servicios, hay entidades que se niegan a atender a los desplazados.
También se han registrado quejas sobre la calidad de la atención y el hecho de que los
desplazados no reciben medicamentos, que están normalmente fuera de su capacidad
adquisitiva.
Otro problema detectado ha sido la extrema vulnerabilidad de los puestos de salud en los
procesos de retorno, siendo objeto frecuente de ataques por parte de los grupos armados
ilegales. Una posible alternativa sería la formación de promotores de salud en las áreas rurales.
Por otro lado, los hospitales rurales, normalmente de nivel 1 o 2, no pueden cubrir aquellos
casos que revisten mayor gravedad y no contemplan el traslado de los pacientes a otros
centros..” (GTD, 23 November 2002, p.35-6)
“Cerca del 80% de los hogares reportó a alguien enfermo en los últimos tres meses; la
frecuencia más alta se presentó en Bucaramanga, (91%), que es también la ciudad de menor
cobertura de servicios públicos de acueducto y en donde el mayor porcentaje de hogares no
tiene acceso a una unidad sanitaria [...].
Un 53% de los hogares con personas enfermas buscó atención profesional por lo menos para
uno de los casos, el 26% no buscó asistencia y el 21% restante acudió a farmacias, curanderos
o miembros de la familia [...].
[…]
La mayoría de los que no buscaron asistencia profesional (61%) indicó como razón para ello
restricciones de dinero; 32% adujo que el caso era leve y 7% otras razones que incluyen lejanía
del centro de atención, calidad del servicio, demora en las citas, no creencia en los médicos o
temor a ellos [...]. Si se comparan las razones presentadas por la PDI encuestada con las
establecidas para la población total en la Encuesta de Calidad de Vida de 1997 [...], se observa
que la razón de “caso leve” tiene la misma participación que para la PDI; pero que “no tener
dinero” representa un 41% de los casos, 20% menos que en la PDI. Otras razones representan
un 28% del total, una proporción cuatro veces mayor que la mencionada por la PDI.
[...]
Más de la mitad de los hogares entrevistados se encontraba afiliada a un plan médico de seguro,
a través del sistema subsidiado de gobierno SISBEN (48%) o con planes de salud públicos o
privados (14%), los hogares que no estaban afiliados a ningún plan médico representaban el
38% restante [...].
[…]
Uno de los resultados más alarmantes de la encuesta de la OIM es el alto número de hogares
que mencionó pérdida de peso en los niños del hogar. Un 41% de los hogares con niños
menores de 12 años reportó pérdida de peso en los últimos seis meses” (IOM, 6 June 2002,
pp.9-14)
"The Agreement No.185/2000 of 23 December 2000 established that payments rendered for
health care services would be directly drawn from the Solidarity and Warranty Fund (FOSYGA),
specifically from its sub-account for disaster events. […]
Therefore, in theory, and as long as they have been granted displaced status, these people have
free, unlimited access to health care services in any IPS, whether public or private, including
access to medicines. As the law has not established when displaced people stop having unlimited
access to the system, this assistance is indefinite; however, this depends on factors such as
189
being included in the Register and on how fast information flows as well as the possibilities
available in health care structures at arrival areas.
[….]
Meanwhile, FOSYGA was allocated 15 billion pesos for displaced people’s health care, out of
which only 4,000 pesos were spent. […] In 2001, the allocated budget was cut to 7 billion pesos,
most likely as a result of the infra-utilization of resources.
The situation of those without a displaced identity card is notably worse for several reasons
(including the fact that they may not be displaced by violence in the terms established by the law).
Many of them are “vinculados” (i.e. part of the Social Security Program that do not have the ability
to pay even for subsidized services) however, even in the best case scenarios (if they were
affiliated to an EPS (Entidad Prestora de Salud – Health care Center) or an ARS (Administradora
de Régimen Subsidiado – Subsidized Health Care Plan) in their places of origin), they cannot
assert their rights because the transfer of all of the necessary papers and the new affiliation
procedures are complex and can take a long time. Consequently, they remain deprived of health
care assistance." (González Bustelo, December 2001, ch. 10 sect.2)
"Thirty-six thousand people live in the 24 communities [in Soacha, Altos de Cazuca] included in
the survey and were selected because they were within the area covered by the MSF Spain
projects. According to the survey, 27.6% of the target population were said to be displaced
(11,000 people) while only 2.5% of them possessed a displaced card." (González Bustelo,
December 2001, ch. 10 sect.1)
"Recently the National Health Institute carried out a survey to determine the epidemiological
profile of Nelson Mandela, in Cartagena, a shantytown settlement with an large number of
arrivals. […] Environmental health is awful and people have hardly any access to public services,
they are exposed to disease-carrier vectors and environmental poisonous substances and live in
places where the geological risk is high. All group ages show a high prevalence to illness: only
7% of the children and 33% of the adult population had been healthy during the two weeks prior
to the survey. 57% of children mortality rates between August and November 2000 could have
been prevented. 60% of the population included in the survey presented different stages of
clinical depression. The study shows that, amongst the displaced population, emotional disorders
and somatic complaints are high." (González Bustelo, December 2001, ch. 10 sect. 3)
For a full review of IDPs' rights to health see the report from the Mesa de Trabajo de
Bogotá sobre DesplazamientoInterno 'Las personas desplazadas tienen derecho al
disfrute del mas alto nivel possible de salud fisica y mental' (September 2003) see
bibliography below.
Decree 2131 of July 2003 limits IDPs' right to medical attention
•
The state through law 387 of 1997, established that IDPs should have access to health
services to the maximum of the funds available
•
Decree 2131 of July 2003 hinders the right of IDPs to have access to health services
•
While this decree decentralises the responsibility to deliver health care to IDPs to the
receiving territorial entities, funds have not been allocated to allow adequate delivery of
health services
•
Decree 2131 limits the range of medical treatments available to IDPs notably infertility
treatments, cures of rest and dental prosthesis
•
The Decree limits access to health care to those IDPs who have a health insurance but who
do not have the financial means to pay for it
190
“El Estado esta obligado a adoptar medidas para el ejercicio del derecho a la salud, hasta el
máximo de los recursos de que disponga.
[…]
Ese mismo año [1997], la ley 387 estableció que el Sistema general de seguridad social en salud
tenía que implementar mecanismos expeditos para que la población afectada por el
desplazamiento forzado accediera a los servicios de asistencia médica integral (sección 8).
[…]
I. El decreto 2131 no resuelve y al contrario mantiene obstáculos que se han presentado
para la realización del derecho a la salud de la población desplazada
La adopción del decreto 2131 corresponde a la voluntad de las autoridades de ahorrar recursos y
corregir las irregularidades que se presentaron en el pago de los servicios prestados. Para tal
propósito, dicho decreto mantiene procedimientos administrativos dispendiosos para el acceso a
la salud de la población desplazada y refuerza la descentralización de la responsabilidad estatal
en la materia, la cual genera en la práctica los siguientes problemas.
Dificultades en el acceso a los servicios de salud
El artículo 2 del decreto 2131 impone como requisito para recibir los servicios de salud, la
inscripción al Sistema único de registro de la población desplazada (SUR), y contempla la
utilización de una base de datos para agilizar el proceso de verificación de los datos de los
afiliados y de las personas desplazadas. Desafortunadamente, tal base de datos no está
funcionando en la actualidad y la demora en los trámites de verificación dificultan el acceso a los
servicios de salud.
[…]
Limitación en la disponibilidad de la atención en salud
Según el artículo 4 del decreto 2131, la prestación de los servicios de salud se garantizará en la
entidad territorial receptora. Esta medida enfatiza más la descentralización de las funciones de
atención a la población desplazada hacia las autoridades locales, sin garantizar la transferencia
de los recursos necesarios, cuando muchos municipios asumen altos déficit presupuestales.
[…]
La transferencia de la carga a las entidades territoriales receptoras, sin partidas presupuestales
correspondientes, contradice el artículo 356 de la Constitución política que exige que “no se
podrán descentralizar competencias sin la previa asignación de recursos fiscales para
atenderlas”. Además, con relación a la atención de la población desplazada, la Corte
constitucional ha reiterado que la Nación debe asumir los costos finales, teniendo en cuenta que
“las entidades territoriales cuentan con pocos recursos, los cuales pueden ser fácilmente
excedidos por la ola migratoria que genera la violencia en el país” […].
[…]
Limitaciones en la cobertura de servicios
El artículo 3 del decreto 2131 prevé limitaciones relativas a los tratamientos a los cuales tienen
derecho las personas desplazadas. Se excluyen por ejemplo los tratamientos de infertilidad, los
tratamientos o curas de reposo o de sueño, y las prótesis dentales.
[…]
Limitación en la accesibilidad al servicio de salud, violación del principio de no
discriminación (tratamiento favorable) a la población desplazada.
El artículo 4 del decreto 2131 establece la prestación de servicios de salud según las categorías
de “población desplazada no asegurada sin capacidad de pago” o “población desplazada
asegurada en salud”. En el primer caso, la persona desplazada estaría atendida en la red
prestadora de servicios definida por la entidad territorial de recepción. En caso de ser asegurada,
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la persona desplazada seguirá siendo sujeta a los términos del régimen de salud al cual
pertenecía antes de ocurrir el desplazamiento forzado.
En la práctica, se ha evidenciado que la mayoría de las personas desplazadas pierden todos sus
recursos y sus pertenencias durante el desplazamiento forzado y no disponen de medios para
asumir sus necesidades básicas. En las categorías definidas por el decreto 2131, no está claro lo
que pasaría en el caso de que una persona asegurada no tenga capacidad para el pago de la
cuota requerida por su régimen de salud. Tampoco existe claridad sobre los criterios que
aplicarían los funcionarios encargados de evaluar la “capacidad de pago” de una persona
desplazada no asegurada.” (CCJ, 17 October 2003)
Water and sanitation
10% of IDPs have no access to sanitation systems (2005)
•
Over half of displaced households have no access to sewage system
•
Only one fourth of IDP households were connected to the public sewage system, compared
with a 70% national rate, according to IOM
•
72% of IDPs have access to a public aqueduct for their water needs
•
The IDPs with worst water and sanitation systems are those in the Departments of
Santander, Valle, and North of Santander
•
Less than half of the IDPs had access to waste disposal systems
“De este estudio se desprenden algunas conclusiones que son comunes en todas las ciudades
estudiadas y en el resto de centros urbanos de Colombia. En cuanto a las condiciones sanitarias
y ambientales de las viviendas de la población desplazada se pudo establecer que son muy
precarias, en la mayoría de los casos son construidas con materiales de mala calidad y sobre
pisos de tierra, lo que facilita la proliferación de plagas. Por otra parte, los hogares de la
población en situación de desplazamiento tienen menor acceso a los servicios públicos
domiciliarios y un inadecuado manejo de los residuos sólidos y líquidos debido a que más de la
mitad de las viviendas no tienen acceso al servicio de alcantarillado.” (WHO, PAHO, 7 April
2005)
“De acuerdo con los resultados encontrados, se pudo establecer que en el aspecto de vivienda,
un cuarto de los hogares entrevistados contaba con inodoro conectado al sistema público de
alcantarillado, otro 24% estaba conectado a una pozo séptico. Un 11% del grupo tenía letrinas y
14% un inodoro no conectado, [...]. Según estadísticas oficiales respecto al país, el 70% de los
hogares cuenta con un inodoro conectado al sistema público de alcantarillado, 12% utiliza fosa
séptica, 8% utiliza inodoro no conectado o letrina, lo que significa que únicamente un 10% no
tiene ningún tipo de unidad sanitaria. [...] Es claro, entonces, que la PDI presentaba condiciones
de alcantarillado bastante deficientes.
[...]
Al preguntarles de dónde proviene el agua que utilizaban para beber, un 72% reportó tener
acceso a un acueducto público o comunitario y el 28% restante agua de una pila pública, un
pozo, un receptor de agua de lluvia, un río u otras fuentes [...]. Entre los hogares colombianos
entrevistados en la encuesta del DANE sobre calidad de vida en 1997, el 85% de todos los
colombianos tenía acceso a un acueducto público o comunitario [...]. Así, en conjunto la PDI de
los seis departamentos estaba en una posición similar al del resto de la población en cuanto a
agua.
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No obstante, [...], la PDI que habitaba en los departamentos de Santander, Valle y Norte de
Santander enfrentaba las peores condiciones absolutas y así mismo en relación con la población
total departamental. Aunque en Caquetá se tenía un nivel bueno comparativamente (similar a
Nariño y Putumayo) de acceso al acueducto, presentaba un pésimo porcentaje de conexión a
alcantarillado, solo un 4% de los hogares. Es importante llamar la atención sobre el problema de
acceso al alcantarillado de la PDI que habita en las ciudades de Florencia – Caquetá y de
Tumaco – Nariño, 2% en ambos sitios. Sin embargo, este problema parece ser general para
todos los habitantes de estas dos ciudades.
[...]
De acuerdo con la Encuesta de Hogares de la OIM, el 48% tenía servicio de recolección de
basura [...]. El Índice de Necesidades Básicas Insatisfechas (INBI) muestra que un 43% de las
familias colombianas reside en viviendas inadecuadas, 79% enfrenta servicios inadecuados y
61% hacinamiento crítico. Las gráficas 4, 5 y 6 resumen los porcentajes de población (PDI y
grupo control) que enfrentan NBI en cuanto a servicios inapropiados, vivienda inadecuada y
hacinamiento crítico, respectivamente ” (IOM, 6 June 2002, p18-21)
Shelter and non-food items
IDPs worse off than resident population (November 2006)
•
Impact of forced displacement on housing and public services not clear
•
Still, studies show that access to public services improves significantly in areas of
displacement
•
Reason for improved access may be that the offer is better in areas of displacement
•
IDPs are considerably worse off than the resident population
•
Almost 45.000 IDP households applied for housing subsidies between 30 June and 17
August 2004
•
Almost 12.000 applications were not considered because the households did not appear in
the government's IDP official registry
•
Upon request from the Procurator General's, FONVIVIENDA, in charge of processing the
applications, revised and granted subsidies to more than 6,000 households that had not been
considered
•
Almost 15.000 of the 45.000 households that had applied for subsidies received it
Ibanez, 10 November 2006
"Las condiciones de la vivienda y el acceso a servicios públicos también contribuyen a
mejorar el bienestar de la población desplazada. No obstante, el impacto del desplazamiento
sobre las condiciones de la vivienda no es claro a priori. La evidencia recogida en otros
estudios demuestra que el acceso a servicios públicos mejora significativamente en los
municipios receptores. De hecho, la EDHD-2004 revela que el acceso a servicios públicos
tales como energía eléctrica, acueducto, alcantarillado y recolección de basuras en los
municipios receptores es significativamente más alto que en los municipios de origen.
Aunque el acceso a servicios públicos aumenta significativamente en los municipios
receptores, es probable que ello no se deba a una mayor capacidad de los hogares para
acceder a estos servicios sino a una mayor oferta de servicios en las zonas urbanas, en
comparación con las zonas rurales. De hecho, el cuadro 16 revela que si bien para la
población desplazada el acceso a los servicios públicos es superior en los municipios
receptores que en los de origen, la cobertura es considerablemente menor frente a los pobres
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urbanos e incluso a los indigentes urbanos."
Procuradoria de la Nacion, 22 February 2006
"Con mucha frecuencia surge la discusión sobre el número de personas desplazadas en el país,
porque las cifras que maneja Acción Social no coinciden con las que manejan organizaciones
sociales, especialmente Codhes y Pastoral Social. La PGN considera importante precisar, hasta
donde sea posible, esa cifra, puesto que ello es base para su seguimiento y control a la
definición del esfuerzo presupuestal que deben realizar la nación y las entidades territoriales
para la atención de los desplazados por la violencia hasta su restablecimiento definitivo, tal como
lo exige la ley y lo ha ratificado la Corte Constitucional en su muy citada sentencia T-025/04.
A la convocatoria para subsidio familiar de vivienda para la población desplazada realizada
entre el 30 de junio y el 17 de agosto de 2004, se postularon 44.907 hogares, de los cuales
11.929 (26.5%) no fueron encontrados en el cruce de registros que debe hacerse entre las bases
de datos de Acción Social y Fonvivienda.
La PGN solicitó la revisión y corrección de los casos de postulantes que habían presentado
queja ante esta entidad porque FONVIVIENDA no aceptaba su postulación alegando que no
aparecían inscritos en el Registro Único de Población Desplazada; como respuesta al reclamo
de la PGN, fueron aceptadas las postulaciones y el ingreso al proceso de calificación y
asignación del Subsidio de 6.513 hogares de los 11.929 no aceptados inicialmente, es decir, el
14,5 % del total de los 44.907 postulados inicialmente.
De los anteriores, de conformidad con reportes del Ministerio de Ambiente, Vivienda y Desarrollo
Territorial, fueron asignados 14.598 subsidios, esto es, el 32.5% del total de postulantes.
De esos, 8.271, es decir, el 56.6%, han logrado finalizar la legalización del subsidio asignado.
Ante las dificultades que han tenido 6.327 hogares (43,4 %) para hacer efectivo el subsidio de
vivienda, el Ministerio de Ambiente, Vivienda y Desarrollo Territorial, expidió la Resolución No.
1606 del 27 de octubre de 2005, mediante la cual amplió la fecha para el cumplimiento de los
requisitos exigidos por la ley hasta el 30 de abril de 2006, para los beneficiarios del 2004.
El proceso de asignación de Subsidios Familiares en la vigencia 2005 se realizó entre agosto y
noviembre y se encuentra en el proceso de desembolso de los recursos asignados a los
beneficiarios, conforme con lo establecido en el Decreto 2100 de 2005.
El Ministerio de Ambiente, Vivienda y Desarrollo Territorial asignó en 2003 8.346.428 millones
del presupuesto corriente; en 2004, 20.000 millones y con recursos adicionales 80.000 millones,
para un total de 100.000 millones; en la vigencia 2005 asignó inicialmente 20.000 millones del
presupuesto corriente, posteriormente con recursos adicionales 20.000 millones, para un total de
40.000 millones. Es decir, entre 2003 y 2005, el Gobierno Nacional realizó una asignación
presupuestal de $148.346.428.000, correspondiente a las asignaciones de la Bolsa Especial de
Población Desplazada, para vivienda urbana.
Entre agosto de 2002 y noviembre de 2005, fueron asignados 37.739 Subsidios Familiares de
Vivienda de Interés Social para población desplazada, correspondientes a una ejecución
presupuestal de $262.261.723.670 de pesos; en dicha asignación se incluyen $125.372.589.230
correspondientes a subsidio familiar de vivienda diferentes a la Bolsa Especial de Población
Desplazada, con lo cual fueron beneficiados 17.630 hogares desplazados."
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63.5% of IDPs live in inadequate housing compared to 7.1% among the urban poor
(2004)
•
In the slums around Bogotá IDPs live in high-risk areas and their shelters are easily washed
away by rains along with human waste falling downhill
•
Decree 951 (2001) regulates housing subsidies to IDPs but was only implemented two years
after promulgation
•
Subsidies assigned between 2002-2004 for housing benefited about 8,174 or only about
8.6% of the IDPs registered during the same period
•
Through Decree 2481 (2003) the government launched a credit scheme for housing, however
no funds had been disbursed as of July 2004 and the IDPs are very unlikely to be considered
creditable to lending institutions
•
49% of IDPs have inadequate services while the proportion is 6% among the urban poor
•
Before displacement, 54% of IDPs in Bogotá owned a house, after displacement, in Bogotá
the percentage dropped to 0.8%
•
68% of IDPs in Bogotá rent shelter while 91% owned or rented accommodation before being
displaced (2002)
•
Displaced sheltered in shantytowns compete with local populations over scarce resources,
are deprived of basic rights and services and discriminated against on the basis of alleged
connection with guerrillas
•
Local authorities impose discriminatory housing measures to deter IDPs from seeking refuge
in their municipalities
•
Urban displaced settle in marginal neighbourhoods (or barrios), often on private properties
from which they face the risk of being evicted
•
The shelters are built of wood, cardboard, mud and sticks by the displaced or made available
to the newcomers by the community
•
Barrios lack access to basic services (electricity, water, sanitation, transportation) and are
exposed to landslides due to heavy rain
“The Mayor's very skilled staff is making good progress on Health, Education and Development,
but more assistance is needed in order to spread lessons learned and monitor further progress.
Alto de Cazucá and Ciudadela Sucre, known as Commune 4, are two slums of Soacha where
presence of armed groups, displacement, and poverty are responsible for the unhealthy
environment which undermines local development. Houses are not yet served by public water
and waste systems do not exist. When strong rains come on the hill, a white blanket covers the
flooded valley. It is soap residues and human waste dropping downhill from the shelters illegally
built on the slopes. Shelters are built with no legal permission on high-risk areas. Many houses
are likely to be whipped down during the next water storm. To complete this gloomy picture, there
are high risks of contamination due to sand mining and the proximity of industrial areas, which
compound the problems presented by the absence of waste systems.”
“La política pública de vivienda y hábitat se ha circunscrito al tema de los subsidios. El esfuerzo
del Estado no ha logrado alcanzar una respuesta integral al derecho a una vivienda adecuada
quecontemple: i) seguridad jurídica; ii) disponibilidad y acceso a servicios (agua potable, energía,
aseo, servicios de atención en salud y centros de educación para los niños y las niñas; iii)
habitabilidad; iv) costos razonables; v) adecuación cultural; y vi) oportunidad durante todas
lasfases del desplazamiento.
48. El Decreto 951 de 2001, que regula específicamente los subsidios para la población
internamente desplazada, solo se aplicó dos años después de iniciado el actual gobierno. Este
195
hecho restringió de manera importante el acceso de dicha población a una solución de vivienda a
través del sistema convencional.
49. El gobierno decidió aplicar de nuevo en junio de 2004 el Decreto 951 de 2001 y hacer una
convocatoria exclusiva para población desplazada, para lo cual asignó $20.000 millones que
permitirían cubrir aproximadamente 3.100 hogares. Entre agosto de 2002 y noviembre de 2004,
el gobierno habrá alcanzado a asignar subsidios para vivienda a un total de 8.174 hogares, lo
cual supone una cobertura del 8.6% de los hogares inscritos entre agosto de 2002 y agosto de
2004. Ante la demanda no atendida, reflejada en el hecho de que a la mencionada convocatoria
se presentaron 45.000 hogares, es evidente la necesidad de incrementar sustancialmente el
esfuerzo financiero del Estado, para lo cual el gobierno espera contar con $80.000 millones
adicionales antes del fin del año.
50. Con el propósito de promover el retorno de la población, dicha convocatoria se focalizó en
esta alternativa de estabilización socioeconómica. La medida es discriminatoria frente a la
población que no tiene la voluntad de retornar, y afecta el principio de voluntariedad que debe
estar presente en los procesos de retorno, ya que no ofrece alternativas distintas a éste.
51. El gobierno adoptó a comienzos de 2004 un esquema de financiación de crédito hipotecario
(mediante el Decreto 2481 de 2003), creando una línea de redescuento con cargo a un fondo de
$248.463 millones de la Financiera de Desarrollo Territorial, Findeter, para ser operada por cajas
de compensación, ONG, fondos de empleados y cooperativas. Esto, con el fin de atender la
restricción consistente en que, además del subsidio, se requiere completar el costo de la
vivienda mediante crédito hipotecario. Hasta julio de 2004 no se había desembolsado ningún
crédito. Este problema afecta a toda la población pobre y vulnerable, pero en especial a la
población internamente desplazada que difícilmente es considerada como sujeto de crédito por
las entidades prestatarias. Como consecuencia de esta situación, gran parte de los subsidios
asignados por el Estado —incluidos muchos de los que las familias desplazadas recibieron a
través de tutelas—, no pudieron ni podrán hacerse efectivos.” (UNHCR, December 2004)
“El 7.1% de la población más pobre urbana tiene una vivienda inadecuada, mientras que los
desplazados con vivienda inadecuada son el 63.5% . El 6.0% de la población del mencionado
quintil tiene servicios inadecuados, mientras que los desplazados con servicios inadecuados son
el 49%. » (WFP, 16 June 2003, pp.6-7)
« Los resultados muestran que las condiciones sanitarias son deficientes. El 78% de las
viviendas de los desplazados cuenta con inodoros conectados en alcantarillado, el 8.9% con
inodoro conectado a pozo séptico y el 5.3% no tiene servicio sanitario. El servicio sanitario es de
uso exclusivo en el 77% de los hogares desplazados. » (WFP, 16 June 2003, p.8)
« Antes de su desplazamiento, un poco m·s de la mitad (54%) de esta poblaciÛn era propietaria
de la vivienda que habitaba con su familia. El 13,5% residÌa con familiares mientras que cerca
del 12% contabacon vivienda bajo la modalidad de arriendo y casi en la misma proporciÛn vivÌa
como aparceros. Actualmente, en Bogot· la gran mayorÌa vive en arriendo o en posadas y sÛlo
un 0,8% dice ser propietaria del lugar que habita. » (UNHCR, 1 July 2003, p.30)
“The reality of the displaced is also characterized by poor housing conditions. Indeed, while 91%
owed or rented houses in rural areas, today, 68% of these families rent one small room or if lucky
a house.” (PCS, 31 December 2002)
"Displaced people arriving at shantytowns in big cities share their space with communities already
settled (although from a historical perspective they are referred to as displaced from other times)
and, like them, are deprived of all rights. This is the case in Ciudad Bolívar (Bogotá), Altos de
Cazuca (Soacha), Nelson Mandela (Cartagena) or in some municipalities of Medellín: all known
196
in Colombia as “subnormal” districts, areas flooded with new arrivals that continue to grow without
urban plans or authority support. In this context, the displaced become part of a larger group of
migrants, increasing the numbers of poor people in the country. As they arrive, the displaced
encounter many situations that stigmatize them as they have to compete for access to welfare
services with the population already there and are sometimes seen (even by civil servants) as
belonging to one of the parties in the conflict and a potential source of problems. As a civil
servant said in Soacha referring to the displaced, “guerrillas, ex-guerrillas or informants, who
knows… ”"(González Bustelo, December 2001, Chapter 5)
"In addition, in certain regions where housing shortages mean that displaced persons live in
temporary squats, as is the case in La Reliquia (Villavicencio), the local authorities do not respect
basic rights such as education for displaced children, despite their international and constitutional
obligations. In other cases, discriminatory conditions are introduced, such as a five-year
residency requirement, with the express intention of excluding displaced persons from social
programmes so that the municipality will not become too attractive, as has happened in
Fusagasugá (Cundinamarca)." (UN HCHR 28 February 2002, para. 239)
“The exodus of displaced people toward cities is ongoing. In the urban areas, so-called “invasion
slums” -where the displaced setlle- they are again confronted with violence and lack basic
services such as health care, clean drinking water and sanitation facilities.” (MSF, 4 February
2002)
"One single barrio of the Atlantic coast city of Cartagena (Bolivar), called Nelson Mandela, is
home to up to 27,000 displaced people." (PCS, 31 December 1998, p.101)
"There are two levels of need. First, immediate temporary shelter should be available to the newly
displaced as they make their transition into their new city or town. Second, there is equally great
need for long-term shelter for the burgeoning populations of displaced that crowd urban areas
and maintain only a tenuous existence in their marginal barrios. The displaced frequently 'invade'
unoccupied private property, so their hold on their shelter is doubly tenuous. Not only do these
people lack basic services--electricity, water, sanitation, transportation--but they are subject to
being evicted from these lands at any time. In Medellín, the Commission visited a neighborhood
of about 2,000 people who live high in the hills that rise high above the city, in precariously
perched rickety wood and cardboard structures. The barrio is stripped clean of vegetation and
when it rains the hillside becomes a dangerous corridor of slick mud. Women interviewed in this
neighborhood related their despair at having nothing with which to shield themselves and their
children from the rain, wind and cold. In this neighborhood, there is an informal pattern of passing
along available shelter to newcomers arriving from elsewhere in Antioquia and other regions. In
small villages such as San Pablo in the South of Bolivar, women use wood planks, mud and
sticks to build shelter. They, too, live on the outskirts of the town, next to streams of waste water,
where access to water, sanitation and electricity is difficult or impossible. The Commission visited
families in bare ranchos in outlying areas of town, where the dirt floors frequently turn to mud
because of their proximity to the Magdalena River." (Women's Commission May 1999, p. 6)
"In February [1998], a number of families displaced from several parts of the country and several
years ago, now settled in Medellín, occupied [an] untitled peace of land in the rural area near
Bello, within the metropolitan area of Medellín. On April 8, displaced persons disappeared and
were then killed, only a few hours before the peasant farmer in the area where driven from their
homes in El Pinar, by the Police and by order of the office of the Mayor. In December, this
community was affected by landslides, caused by heavy rain.
The eviction of families settled on urban or suburban land was repeated in one way or another in
several cities around the country, and the displaced population had even less protection in its
integration with the cities, due to the lack of solutions for their return home, or their relocation on
farmland." (GAD March 1999, p. 23)
197
People displaced by fumigations suffer from untreated skin and respiratory diseases
(2004)
•
People displaced by fumigations in Caquetá live in zones at high risk of disasters and with no
sewage system nor access to basic services for example 16,500 in Florencia
•
Medical centres lack doctors and armed actors often block the delivery of medicines
•
The civilian population suffer from illnesses such as diarrhoea, respiratory infections,
leshmianasis, dengue fever, malaria, syphilis and hepatitis, among others
•
The UN mission also reported that skin and respiratory diseases were caused by fumigations
•
The IDPs have no money to pay for medicines or costly examinations and are often not given
adequate drugs
•
The narcotraffic and armed actors’ blockades have led to food deficits in the region, however
the food security of the civilians has not been assessed
“Vivienda
La mayoría de la población desplazada vive en casas de familia y/o barrios informales de
invasión, gran parte de ellos ubicados en zonas de alto riesgo de desastres naturales. En
Florencia existen 16,500 personas ubicadas en zonas de alto riesgo de inundaciones entre la
quebrada Perdíz y el río Hacha. Gran porcentaje de la población desplazada se refugia en casas
de familiares y amigos, lo que genera problemas adicionales de subsistencia y hacinamiento.
Adicionalmente, no cuentan con la prestación de los servicios públicos, especialmente acueducto
y alcantarillado. Debido a estas condiciones precarias, la población sufre de constantes
enfermedades infecciosas y respiratorias. En San Vicente de Caguán existen 5 invasiones con
situaciones humanitarias críticas, debido a la falta de cobertura de los servicios básicos,
especialmente de saneamiento básico. La red de alcantarillado solo cubre el 70% en la cabecera
municipal, el acueducto solo el 80%, y no hay cobertura total de agua potable. La Alcaldía de
SanVicente destinó un terreno para la reubicación de familias desplazadas en zonas dealto
riesgo. A este terreno se le realizaron algunas adecuaciones, pero a la fecha no ha sido posible
un acuerdo entre la comunidad desplazada y el municipio.
Salud
En el Departamento hay un hospital de II nivel ubicado en el municipio de Florencia. El resto de
los municipios solo cuentan con hospitales de primer nivel o centros de salud con escaso
personal médico. Las grandes distancias, el estado de las vías, y el bloqueo realizado por parte
de los actores armados a las medicinas, dificulta la atención a la poblaciónvulnerable.
Adicionalmente, la RSS reconoció que, debido a problemas económicos, en loshospitales de
Florencia no se está brindando atención ambulatoria a la población desplazada que está
registrada en el SUR. Las autoridades locales manifestaron que la población civil sufre
enfermedades diarreicas, respiratorias,leshmianasis, dengue, malaria, sífilis y hepatitis, entre
otras. Algunas de estas enfermedadesson ocasionadas por el mal estado del acueducto y
alcantarillado. Adicionalmente, la misióntuvo conocimiento de enfermedades cutáneas e
infecciones respiratorias causadas por lasfumigaciones. La población en condición de
desplazamiento no cuentan con el dinero para poder comprar las medicinas que les formulan, las
cuales generalmente son muy costosas, o peor aún, no están relacionadas con eldiagnóstico
médico. Adicionalmente, la población tiene que someterse a exámenes c o s t o s o s .
Actualmente no hay claridad sobre el porcentaje de la población desplazada que estáregistrada
en el SISBEN. El 55% de la población está desprotegida y sin ningún tipo de cobertura, lo cual
se ve agravado por el desplazamiento forzado.
[…]
Seguridad alimentaria
198
En términos de disponibilidad de alimentos, el impacto de la economía del narcotráfico sobre la
estructura agrícola conformó dos grupos predominantes en la región: lospequeños y medianos
cultivadores de hoja de coca y los hacendados tenedores de ganadería. Esta situación hizo que
la disponibilidad de alimentos el área rural y cabeceras municipales disminuyera. Por otra parte,
las fumigaciones masivas de los últimos meses han afectado fuertemente la oferta de alimentos
en las zonas rurales. El bloqueo de alimentos establecido por un actor armado está provocando
la disminución en el acceso a alimentos por parte de las comunidades. Además, el alza en los
precios está provocando insuficiencias en la calidad de la dieta. La misión no conoció
diagnósticos sobre seguridad alimentariaen la población rural.” (UN CT, 31 October 2004)
General
IDPs' are worse off than the poorest of the resident population (December 2005)
•
83 per cent of IDPs have unsatisfied basic needs
•
IDPs settle down among the poorest resident population
•
IDPs' housing conditions are worse than the resident population's
•
They have poorer access to public services
•
Their average monthly income is 65 per cent of the minimum salary, equivalent to 92 Euros
per familiy of 5.8 persons
•
Their nutritional status is worse than the resident population's
•
In 1999, 66 percent of displaced households had no access to health services
•
Insecurity is a major factor inhibiting their ability to monitor the health of IDPs
"Las condiciones de calidad de vida de la población desplazada son peores que aquellas de la
población de estrato uno receptor, aunque en ésta última tampoco son buenas. El 83% de los
hogares en condición de desplazamiento y un 73% de los de estrato uno receptor sufren de
necesidades básicas insatisfechas [...]. Las mayores diferencias entre las dos poblaciones se
presentan en condiciones de vivienda, acceso a servicios públicos (a pesar de la vecindad),
hacinamiento y dependencia económica.
En el 100% de las viviendas se presentan plagas como roedores, cucarachas, insectos, etc.
Todos los hogares se clasifican como pobres, dado que sus ingresos se encuentran por debajo
de la línea de pobreza, tanto de estrato uno receptor como desplazados. Sin embargo, la
situación de miseria e indigencia es más aguda en los desplazados, de los cuales un 60% está
en miseria según el indicador de NBI, y un 93% devenga ingresos menores a los que dicta la
línea de indigencia.
El ingreso mensual promedio de los hogares desplazados es $248 mil pesos, un 65%
del salario mínimo —para 5.8 personas— . Este es un 27% menor al de los hogares de estrato
uno receptor. Como complemento del ingreso, la ayuda humanitaria
es una estrategia de supervivencia fundamental en estas poblaciones. Un 66% de
los hogares en condición de desplazamiento y un 55% de los de estrato uno receptor afirman
haber recibido ayuda por parte de amigos, familiares, vecinos, o entidades públicas o privadas
en los últimos tres meses, siendo más significativa, la ayuda en alimentos.
Como se evidencia en los resultados del presente estudio, la situación de las familias genera
un círculo vicioso en donde las menores capacidades laborales y oportunidades de generación
de recursos conllevan a ingresos que no permiten acceder al consumo de una canasta básica
de alimentos. El deficiente consumo de alimentos tiene como consecuencia un alto déficit
199
nutricional y alimentario que aminora las condiciones físicas y anímicas y limita su capacidad
de consecución de ingresos."(WFP, 29 December 2005)
"In 1999, 66 percent of displaced households had no access to health services, according to
CODHES. A WFP study in 2001 concluded that the average daily food consumption of IDPs,
including IDP children, was well below the recommended calories a day for people in emergency
settings. The International Organization for Migration, in a 2001 study of 2,534 IDP households in
six departments with high populations of displaced people, found that 41 percent of the
households reported child weight loss, though the extent of the weight loss was not reported.
Among departments, the highest percentage of weight loss reports (53 percent) came from
Putumayo. Only 9 percent of households had received nutritional supplements. In the “Nelson
Mandela” IDP community in Cartagena, 93 percent of the children had been ill during the two
weeks prior to a study by the National Health Institute, reported by Doctors Without BordersSpain (MSF-E, Médicos sin Fronteras-España), Desterrados, Forced Displacement in Colombia,
2001. A survey conducted in 2000 by Profamilia, a Colombian NGO focusing on health, found
that displaced women and girls under age 20 and without education did not know they were
entitled to health services. Nearly 20 percent of those surveyed were not aware of their rights
under the national health care system. The survey also found that displaced girls and young
women aged 13 to 19 had the highest rate of pregnancy and childbearing in the country for their
age group (30 percent, versus 19 percent for their non-displaced counterparts). At least 30 to 40
percent of infant deaths are the result of poor care during pregnancy and delivery, according to
the WHO. These deaths could be avoided with improved maternal health, adequate nutrition and
health care during pregnancy, and appropriate care during childbirth. At least 85 Colombian
women of every 100,000 live births, died annually of pregnancy-related causes between 1985
and 2001, according to UNICEF. Research also suggests that a child whose mother dies giving
birth is 3 to 10 times more likely to die before his or her second birthday. Humanitarian groups
report that insecurity is a major factor inhibiting their ability to monitor the health of IDPs and other
vulnerable groups and to minister their health needs. This is particularly true in blockaded and
isolated areas."(Watch List on Children and Armed Conflict, February 2004)
200
ACCESS TO EDUCATION
General
Displaced children face significant hurdles in continuing their education (October
2005)
•
The cost of schooling chief concern for many IDPs
•
The overall costs for the year around 250,000 pesos (U.S.$100)
•
Fees for matriculation, extra charges for examinations, “voluntary” monthly contributions, the
cost of uniforms, books, and school supplies—are all barriers to education
•
IDPs required to produce forms of identification they no longer possess
•
Only 10,700 of the 122,200 displaced children of school age in twenty-one receiving
communities were actually matriculated, according to a study of 2002
•
A program providing cash incentives for families to keep their children in school does not
target IDP families specifically
"F.L., a displaced woman working in a community kitchen in El Pozón, on the outskirts of
Cartagena, described the problems she and her neighbors experience when they try to enroll
their children in the public schools. “The first problem is space: There usually isn’t any room.
Second is the matriculation fee—you have to pay to enroll your child. Third, the schools require
identification,” she told Human Rights Watch.151
In another interview, sixteen-year-old Carmela E. identified the cost of schooling as her chief
concern. “The most difficult thing about studying here [in Bogotá] is that you have to pay,” she
said. “Here for the ninth grade, the matriculation fee is 160,000 pesos [U.S.$64] plus school
supplies.” She estimated that her school supplies bring her costs for the year up to 250,000
pesos (U.S.$100). On top of that amount, she must purchase the required school uniform and
black shoes. “I try to watch the costs to make things easier for my father. My brother is also in
school. It is difficult to buy things.”152
As these interviews indicate, displaced children face significant hurdles in continuing their
education. In some cases, these barriers are direct consequences of their status as displaced
persons, as when they are required to produce forms of identification they no longer possess. In
other instances, they are harmed by the school’s failure to adhere to legal obligations intended to
protect displaced persons. For example, there may simply be no space available, despite legal
provisions that require state schools to enroll displaced children who arrive in their communities.
Finally, displaced children face the same barriers in access to education that all children in their
communities face, and their particularly vulnerable situation means that these hurdles will be
especially difficult to surmount. The expenses associated with attending school—the fees for
matriculation, extra charges for examinations, “voluntary” monthly contributions, and the cost of
uniforms, books, and school supplies—are one such barrier, often preventing displaced children
from attending classes. In addition, economic pressures on displaced families often mean that
older children must leave school in order to care for younger siblings or to contribute to the family
income.
201
Displaced children face these hurdles after their education has already been interrupted by the
need to flee their communities. As a result of the combination of these factors, “[t]hey lose an
important part of their schooling, one that is sometimes never recovered,” a report prepared by
the ombudsman’s office notes.153
Considering the challenges displaced children face, it is not surprising that they are far more likely
than children in the general population not to attend school. When the ombudsman’s office
analyzed Ministry of Education data for 2002, for example, it found that only 10,700 of the
122,200 displaced children of school age in twenty-one receiving communities were actually
matriculated. That is, only 8.8 percent of the displaced children in those communities were
enrolled in school. The enrollment rate for all children of school age in those communities was
92.7 percent.154 Similarly, in its survey of displaced populations in six departments, the IOM
found that 52 percent of displaced children between the ages of twelve and eighteen were not in
school. In comparison, only 25 percent of youths of the same age range in Colombia’s population
as a whole were out of school, according to National Administrative Statistics Department
(Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística) data.155
When Human Rights Watch asked officials with the Social Solidarity Network about their
strategies to eliminate school fees and other expenses associated with attending school, they
referred us to a program known as Families in Action (Familias en Acción). Modeled after a
Mexican initiative and financed by World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank loans, the
program provides cash incentives for families to keep their children in school. While this effort is
a laudable one that should be continued, it does not specifically target displaced children, and
none of the families we met were benefiting from the program." (HRW, 14 October 2005)
Militarisation of education forces teachers to flee
•
Paramilitary threats against lecturers and other education workers
•
Closure of public universities is now a frequently imposed
•
Schools are closed because teachers and students are caught in the crossfire of the conflict
•
Teacher numbers may have fallen from 312,000 to 280,000
"Part of President Uribe’s security policy has been the creation of military zones where normal
laws and procedures are suspended. In one such area paramilitary threats against lecturers and
other education workers have reportedly increased. Universities have been subjected to
temporary closures and militarisation.
We witnessed the meaning of “closure” at the public University of Valle in the city of Cali. Lines of
students and professors stood in front of heavily armoured police vehicles whilst police in riot
gear guarded the entrance to the University.This closure of public universities is now a frequently
imposed procedure that obviously has a major impact on student’s education. In Cali we could
not discover the reason for the closure, and seemingly the government does not have to give one
under its state of internal emergency, even though Colombia’s constitutional court recently
declared the state of emergency itself illegal. Lecturers we met seemed clear that the government
was responsible for an outright offensive on the whole system of public education. Paramilitaries
have been reported to call meetings in local areas they control threatening death to anyone who
remains in a union. In other areas, schools are closed because teachers and students are caught
in the crossfire of the conflict. If militarisation was meant to destroy the terror infrastructure, trade
unionists asked us, why had the targeting of teachers by paramilitaries in these zones increased?
202
This terror has been accompanied by a policy of privatisation and cuts in the education budget.
Private companies are being brought into the education sector.The government argues that the
state can no longer afford to pay for all aspects of education, and the money saved through
privatisation can be used to subsidise the education of the poorest. But we heard that teacher
numbers have fallen from 312,000 to 280,000. Schools have been asked to cut their budgets
by10 billion pesos before 2008, which in practice has meant recruitment is frozen – when
teachers leave they are not replaced. Of those who have retained jobs, only 10% are now
employed on full-time, permanent contracts, compared to around 90% in 1990. Pay has fallen
and new legislation has attacked education workers’ rights, supposedly guaranteed under
international law, to collectively bargain over pay. Legally all children between the ages of 5 and
15 must attend school, but there simply aren’t the places.This means that around three million
children are unable to attend school. The number is growing, as are class sizes."(Making a
Killing: Corporations and Conflict in Colombia, 31July 2003)
Displaced people lack income to send children to school further limiting their
possibility to escape the poverty trap (2004)
•
Of the total number of IDPs who once attended school, 60% dropped out between the ages
of 6 and 7
•
About 62% of IDPs are below the age of 18 which represents a considerable burden for
families who have no other choice but to use children as an additional source of labour rather
than sending them to school
•
Special measures have been taken to guarantee that IDPs are exempted from school fees,
can be enrolled at any time without documentation, that secondary school is subsidized for 4
years, and to ensure flexible curricula
•
308,437 education grants were lacking for about 557,312 people of school age registered
between 1995-2004
•
Among the obstacles to the free access to education for IDPs are the financial crisis suffered
by municipalities, lack of political will, fees requested for education, certificates, books,
uniforms and finally discrimination
•
There is also a total lack of appropriate curricula for Indigenous and Afro-Colombian
communities
•
24% of heads of displaced households have no schooling (2003)
•
During 2002 about 216,350 children left school due to forced displacement
•
During 2002 assistance for the education of IDPs covered only 8.8% of the total needs and
about 29% of the needs of IDPs in Bogotá
•
Commonly, insufficient resources are allocated to local schools to cover the needs of the
displaced for example the capital of Tolima received resources for only 265 IDPs while 1,163
solicited assistance
•
No books or uniforms are provided through government assistance, only small kits with
pencils and paper
•
About 95% of displaced children are rejected from secondary schools due to lack of
exoneration of fees, payment of books and uniforms
•
20% of IDP children do not attend school at all according to the Ministry of Education (2001)
203
•
54% of displaced children reported being out of school due to the high cost, 23% due to the
necessity to have a remunerated activity and 9% because they take care of their siblings
“According to a WFP-supported survey in 2003, the average size of an IDP household is six
persons, with a dependency rate of almost 31%.15 Fifty percent of the displaced population is
less than 15 years old.16 Of the total number of children who attended school once, 60%
dropped out between the age of 6 and 7. Within the 10-14 age cohorts, 79% of children are
attending school, with the highest drop our rate between the ages of 12 and 15 years, reaching
over 14%.17 The main reason given for dropping out as collected by the above mentioned study
was for economic reasons, followed by the importance of working and helping out members of
the household.
[…]
Across sampled households in the six departments, average household size is 6 persons.
However, taking a step back and looking at the entire sample population—2847 people—62% are
below the age of 18. In Norte de Santander, this percentage increases to 77%, considerably
higher than in other departments.
[…]
Women and men reported that the associated costs with schooling—uniforms, school fees,
learning materials—place a monetary constraint on IDP households. Youth represent an
additional source of labour that can be deployed to generate income that goes towards the
fulfilment of basic needs. This trade-off increasingly influences parents’ choices of sending their
children to, or keeping them in, school. The burden of providing basic needs for this young
population is daunting. The average number of years of schooling of head of households across
the sample is 4 years. However, 62% of household heads can read and write a simple message.
Given that economic mobility is linked with educational attainment, adults within the sample are
not likely to find well remunerated employment. In urban centres, IDP households juggle several
priorities—food, shelter, clothing, transport, and health care. All of these require financial outlays.
In trying to meet other basic needs, education, as a priority, might be neglected. This is confirmed
with expenditure data that indicate that, on average, sampled households only allocate 3% of
their monthly expenditures on education. Men and women in focus groups echoed the findings
from expenditure data. Children’s education is considered to be valuable insofar as it increases
the possibilities for escaping poverty. However, other priorities are also important and children are
expected to contribute to meeting the basic needs of IDP households. This gives rise to a
situation wherein current needs threaten the economic mobility of future generations—limiting the
possibilities to escape poverty and destitution.” (ICRC, WFP, 27 December 2004, p,4-11, 52-56)
“El Ministerio de Educación Nacional, MEN, ha mantenido los avances logrados en materia de
medidas especiales de protección para los niños y las niñas internamente desplazados (as). Las
medidas de protección especial consisten en: i) la exención del costo de matrícula y pensiones;
ii) la exigencia a las instituciones educativas públicas de matricular a los escolares en cualquier
momento del año, en el grado que corresponda a su nivel académico y edad, sin exigir la
presentación de documentos; iii) el programa de subsidios por cuatro años en colegios privados
para secundaria; y iv) la adopción de programas educativos especiales y metodologías flexibles,
incluidos aquellos dirigidos a completar la educación básica y media en tiempos menores y
diferentes a los convencionales.
37. Persisten restricciones al goce efectivo de las personas internamente desplazadas al
derecho a la educación, en condiciones de igualdad de oportunidades, acceso, asequibilidad,
accesibilidad, aceptabilidad, adaptabilidad social y cultural; así mismo, limitaciones a garantizar
la educación primaria gratuita. Lamentablemente, una alta proporción de población internamente
desplazada, entre 5 y 15 años, no tiene garantizado el derecho a la educación gratuita. La
información de la Red de Solidaridad Social indica que existe un déficit de 308.437 cupos para
población en edad escolar entre 5 y 15 años, cifra alta si se tiene en cuenta que la población
204
internamente desplazada registrada entre 1995 y 2004, en el rango de edad entre 0 y 17, años
es de 557.312 personas.
38. Los principales factores restrictivos que dificultan el goce efectivo de las personas
internamente desplazadas del derecho a la educación son: i) La crisis fiscal de los municipios y
la voluntad política de los alcaldes y de los directores de las entidades educativas públicas, dado
que la responsabilidad principal en términos de inversión, cobertura y accesibilidad descansa en
los municipios y está determinada por el Sistema General de Participaciones, definido por la Ley
715 de 2001; ii) la consecuente restricción de cupos, derivada de limitaciones en planta docente
e infraestructura; iii) la no garantía de la gratuidad efectiva de los costos educativos, en particular
el cobro de “costos por servicios complementarios” —uso de materiales y bienes muebles,
certificados de ingresos, entre otros— y el acceso a elementos necesarios para poder llevar a
cabo las actividades académicas como libros, uniformes, etc., que inciden en la deserción; iv) la
situación de inseguridad alimentaria de los escolares, que también actúa como factor de
deserción; v) la discriminación al interior de las escuelas; vi) la deserción escolar de los niños y
niñas desplazados(as); vii) la inexistencia de sistemas confiables de información sobre cobertura
y calidad de la atención; y viii) la desarticulación entre los programas de educación escolar
flexible y los programas de capacitación productiva y recalificación laboral.
39. Es significativa la ausencia de programas adaptados culturalmente para los pueblos
indígenas y las comunidades afro descendientes. Ello se hace más grave en el caso de los
desplazamientos hacia las grandes ciudades.
40. Se evidencia la necesidad de desarrollar el esquema de atención en educación, de manera
quese construyan procedimientos específicos para cada una de las fases del desplazamiento,
que permitan asegurar, de manera integral, el goce efectivo del derecho a la educación de las
personas desplazadas.” (UNHCR, December 2004)
« Al evaluar la escolaridad del jefe se encuentra que el 24% no tiene educación, un 60% hizo
algún nivel de primaria (18% la completó) y un 29% hizo algún nivel de secundaria (11% la
acabó). En cuanto a los menores, el 75% de los niños y niñas entre 6 y 9 años asiste a un
establecimiento escolar, así como el 46% de los que tienen entre 10 y 25 años. » (WFP, 16 June
2003, p.8)
“The absence of education for those displaced is equally worrying. It is estimated that in Soacha
only 20% of those displaced have access to primary education and 5% can access secondary
education [13]. Schools are overcrowded and in concentrated areas of displacement, schools
lack the capacity to take on new kids. Given the situation, levels of illiteracy are extremely high.
[Footnote 13: According to the Colombian ombudsman, there are 10,000 children without access
to primary education in Altos de Cazuca and Ciudadela Sucre, 70% of them are displaced
children.]” (PCS, 31 December 2002)
“Durante el 2002, según la Red de Solidaridad Social, aproximadamente 216.350 niñas y niños
abandonaron los centros educativos de varias regiones del país por causa del desplazamiento
forzado[…]. En los municipios receptores, durante el mismo año, la asistencia escolar de la
población de desplazada era del 8.8%, con solo 10.762 matriculados de un total de 122.295
niñas y niños desplazados contabilizados en el sistema de registro único […]. En la ciudad de
Bogotá, mayor receptora de personas desplazadas, la inasistencia escolar de niñas y niños
desplazados se elevaba al 71% […].
[…]
En otras ocasiones, las autoridades locales han negado a las niñas y los niños desplazados el
acceso a un cupo escolar porque no podían presentar los documentos requeridos por el
establecimiento educativo, tales como, por ejemplo, el registro que demuestre la condición de
desplazado.
205
[…]
A título de ejemplo, un estudio realizado por la Defensoría regional del Tolima evidencia la
insuficiencia para cubrir las necesidades de educación de las niñas y los niños desplazados.
Para el 2002, la Secretaría de Educación de Ibagué, capital del departamento del Tolima, tenía
asignados 265 cupos cuando se reportó la remisión de 1.163 solicitudes a los establecimientos
educativos para los grados que van de preescolar hasta undécimo.
[…]
Las ayudas proporcionadas por el Estado no son suficientes. “En cuanto a los útiles y textos
escolares, la Red de Solidaridad Social les proporciona un paquete “kit” escolar que consiste
solamente en cuadernos algunos lápices y colores. No se les proporcionan textos escolares ni
útiles específicos que generalmente son pedidos por los profesores” Ibid, pág. 15.. Si bien, en
muchos casos, se permite asistir a las clases sin el uniforme escolar, la presión de los
profesores, que no toma en cuenta su situación, o la discriminación que se genera por vestir
diferente a los demás estudiantes, les obliga a conseguirlo o a desistir del acceso a la
educación.”
[….]
En cuanto a la educación secundaria, los centros educativos locales no acatan la obligación de
exoneración del pago de implementos y pensiones y porte de uniforme, por lo que la exclusión
de la población infantil desplazada a este nivel alcanza el 95% […].» (CCJ, 1 October 2003)
“Según datos del Ministerio de Educación, [...] se calcula que 20 de cada 100 niños no asisten a
ninguna institución escolar básica y que unos 500.000 estudiantes de secundaria se han retirado
de las instituciones en los dos últimos años. Las autoridades educativas estiman que unos
150.000 niños/as y jóvenes se desplazaron a ciudades grandes y medianas, lo que generó una
demanda adicional de cupos y atención especializada por parte de los centros educativos. La
asistencia a la escuela por parte de la población desplazada según la encuesta OIM es del 74 %
para niños/as entre 7 a 11 años de edad. Mientras que para los jóvenes entre 12 y 17 años la
tasa de asistencia a la escuela es de sólo 48%. CODHES indica que el 77 % de los niños/as
que abandonan la escuela no vuelven a reintegrase. Más de la mitad de las familias adujeron
como razón para que sus hijos/as no fueran a la escuela el costo de la educación (54%), seguida
de la necesidad de que estos niños/as encuentren un trabajo remunerado (23%), o tomen a su
cargo el cuidado de sus hermanos/as (9%) y falta de interés (6%). Desatendiendo lo dispuesto
en la normativa vigente (Decreto 2562 de 27 de noviembre de 2001), no todas las escuelas
aceptan la obligación de acoger gratuitamente a los desplazados. Se han detectado en
Barrancabermeja algunos casos, en los que las escuelas han rechazado abiertamente la
presencia de niño/as desplazados. En estas situaciones la intervención de la Defensoría y las
autoridades competentes, en respuesta a las denuncias de asociaciones de desplazados,
lograron que se hiciera respetar mínimamente el derecho a la educación. Aún si la matrícula es
gratuita, se ha podido comprobar en ciertos casos que los gastos escolares resultan demasiado
altos para el nivel de renta de las familias desplazadas. Además se han registrado casos de
padres de familia “forzados” a trabajar en las escuelas para pagar lo que el colegio exige para
enseñar a sus hijos. Dos problema particulares de los procesos de retorno, son la falta de
personal docente adecuado y de cobertura escolar. En cuanto al derecho a la educación para la
población desplazada, la respuesta estatal se ha reforzado durante el último año en la zona de
Urabá. Se ha observado un mayor compromiso por parte de ciertos Secretarios de Educación
de los municipios de la zona para resolver la problemática de la educación de niños/as
desplazados. Sin embargo, muchas veces la autoridad de los Secretarios de Educación es débil
frente a los directores de los colegios que se han negado a aceptar niños/as desplazados. Se
ha podido comprobar que ha habido incumplimiento de la ley con relación a la exención de
gastos a los desplazados, sea relacionado con las matriculas, demanda de compra de uniformes,
o pago de silletería. En las poblaciones más aisladas geográficamente, como las Comunidades
de Paz del Atrato, es insuficiente el nombramiento de maestros por parte de los municipios. Por
su parte, los municipios argumentan que los recursos destinados por la Secretaria de Educación
206
departamental son insuficientes para incluir la población desplazada y
vulnerable.” (GTD, 23 November 2002, p.37-8)
la población local
“Even though the displaced population is for a period of one year allowed priority access to the
education system and is completely exempt from paying enrolment and boarding expenses, no
specific budgetary provision is made to cater for their needs. The departments in many cases do
not have the necessary resources to deal effectively with the situation, and in addition many
displaced families do not manage to find their footing well enough to shoulder education costs
once the year is up.” (UNCHR, 24 February 2003, para.26 Annex II)
“Los resultados de la encuesta OIM muestran un índice de asistencia a la escuela del 74% para
niños entre 7 y 11 años de la PDI, índice similar al de los vecinos pobres, 78%. El Cuadro 11
muestra una tasa nacional de 92.2% para el conjunto de los habitantes del país. Por
departamentos, se observa que la situación más deficitaria, respecto de las coberturas locales,
se presenta en las PDI’s que habitan en los departamentos de Santander, Norte de Santander y
Valle.
[...]
Más de la mitad de las familias de la PDI dio como razón para que sus niños no asistieran a la
escuela el alto costo privado de la educación (54%), seguida de la necesidad de que estos niños
se empleen en un Trabajo remunerado (23%) o tomen responsabilidades de cuidado infantil (9%)
y falta de interés (6%). Únicamente el 3% indicó no tener acceso a la educación debido a
espacios o cupos limitados [...].” (IOM, 6 June 2002, p14; 16)
"Although there are no exhaustive studies, it is widely known that many children are not schooled.
In 1999, in Bogotá alone, 60,000 children were not provided placement in government schools
because all of the places were filled, demonstrating the institutional incapacity of the system.
Twenty-four thousand of these children that were not granted placement in any school were
displaced. Many of these children must work to help support their families. The situation is
worsened by the deteriorating conditions of public services in general. In Altos de Cazuza, the
majority of the schools in the area did not have any teachers during the first months of the 2001
academic year, which began in May. Sometimes pupils have to pay for uniforms and materials,
something that many families cannot afford. Even if displaced cardholders have the right to be
exempted from inscription and boarding fees, this still depends on the number of places available
and the school. On the other hand, those who are admitted often have to face stigmatization and
rejection, thus contributing to school absenteeism or dropouts.” (González Bustelo, December
2001, ch.10 sect. 4).
"In rural areas 30 per cent of children drop out of school. The departments of Huila, Guajira and
Valle del Cauca are the worst affected, with the lowest rates of primary school enrolment.
Displaced children are particularly affected in terms of access to education." (UN HCHR, 28
February 2002, para. 118)
"Aunque de 1990 a 1999 el número de niños y niñas matriculados en la escuela aumentó de
4’160.419 a 5’162.260, hoy cerca de 1,6 millones de niños y niñas no asisten a la escuela. Sólo
el 75% de los matriculados termina la primaria. De ellos, sólo el 49% lo logra en los 5 años
correspondientes, y sólo un 30% logra terminar el ciclo completo de educación básica (9 años).
La asistencia disminuye donde la calidad de las escuelas es baja no hay estrategias adecuadas
para atraer a los niños más pobres marginalizados. Otra condición que obstaculiza la asistencia
de los niños es el desplazamiento forzado." (UNICEF Colombia, 2001, p. 6)
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Teachers are among the workers most often affected by violence-related displacement
(2004)
•
Over 60% of schools in the department of North of Santander remain closed due to the lack
of teachers
•
Colombia is the second country in the world after Ethiopia that has the highest number of
teachers killed
•
290,000 children were forced to leave school due to the forced displacement of 2,900
teachers
•
82 teachers and school employees were killed in 2002, twice as many as during 2001
•
Over 100 schools were destroyed in attacks by armed groups
•
Threats, murders and displacement overwhelmingly targeted at teachers is another worrying
factor hampering the delivery of education
“More than a month after the official start of the school year, more than 60% of primary schools in
Norte de Santander’s Catatumbo region remain closed because of a lack ofteachers, according to
reports from the region’s city halls. The massive staff shortage was triggered by the introduction
of law 715 of 2003 that modified employmentconditions for teachers (longer working hours, more
students per teacher, funds and number of teachers allocated to schools depending on
enrolment). Law 715 prohibits hiring teaching staff under temporary contracts and takes the
authority for hiringteachers away from the municipalities. Now teachers are being assigned by the
departmental government. The introduction of the law has created two huge problems: On the
one hand, many smallrural schools do not have enough students registered and are therefore
forced to close. On the other, there is a surplus of teachers in urban centres, as teachers,
previously hired at the local level on flexible contracts, abandoned rural areas for the relative
tranquillity of larger towns. Indeed, a large number of teachers do not wish to teach in rural areas
torn by violent conflict, where teachers are frequently threatened by irregular armed actors.
According to an October 2003 UN report on education (by Katrina Tomasevski), […] after
Ethiopia, Colombia has the highest number of teachers killed in the world.” (PCS, 5 April 2004)
“Last year [2002] around 290,000 children – equivalent to 3.6 percent of the public education
system's primary school students – had to leave school temporarily or permanently due to the
forced displacement of 2,900 teachers, he added. Zapata underlined that in 2002, 82 teachers
and other public school employees were killed, twice the number of deaths registered in the
education system in 2001. In addition, more than 100 schools were destroyed in attacks by
armed groups.” (Inter Press Service, 31 March 2003)
"The right to education is also infringed in that violence has given rise to threats against, and
murders and displacements of, teachers. The Office continues to be concerned about the
situation of members of the Colombian Education Workers’ Federation (FECODE)". (UN HCHR,
28 February 2002, para. 119)
“Teachers are among the workers most often affected by killings, threats and violence-related
displacement. They have also had to cope with lengthy delays in the payment of their salaries
and budget cuts due to the implementation of fiscal adjustment policies. (UN HCHR 8 February
2001, Chapter V)
“Many workers, particularly teachers, had been displaced because of the lack of security and
adequate guarantees of protecting of their lives. The authorities were not willing to provide such
security to teachers.” (UN HCHR 17 April 2001)
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ISSUES OF SELF-RELIANCE AND PUBLIC PARTICIPATION
Self-reliance
Income insecurity has a direct impact on the inability of IDPs to meet their basic
needs (2004)
•
About 61% of IDPs are unemployed and those who work have on average worked about 15
days monthly
•
IDPs earn only about 61% of the Colombian minimum wage and about 20% rely on begging
or small-scale street vending
•
92 percent of IDPs are poor for not having sufficient income to meet their basic needs
compared with 30% of the urban poor, and 80% are in situations of extreme poverty
•
IDPs need at least one year to reach minimum economic stability after being uprooted
•
95.5% of IDPs in Bogotá were employed in agriculture in their areas of origin which makes
reintegration in urban settings difficult
•
64.4% of IDP households in Bogotá are unemployed
•
Prior to displacement 75% of IDPs worked in agrarian activities while now 59% work in
services and 61% as vendors
•
IDP income is insufficient to meet basic market needs
•
53% of IDP households survive with the help from kin, neighbours and NGOs and 47% resort
to selling assets and cutting expenses
•
1/3 of IDPs have difficulties in getting formal employment due to the high degree of stigma
their condition carries
•
48% of displaced female-headed households and 31% of displaced male-headed households
were unemployed, according to IOM 2001
•
Most displaced people can only rely on informal employment and 'scavenging' to survive with
unemployment rates of 69.8% for displaced men
•
18% of displaced men and 57% of the women have neither jobs nor any source of income
“In fleeing from violence, rural households abandon the primary asset that undergirds their food
and livelihood security: landholdings. Other physical assets such as livestock, equipment and
housing are also left behind. In essence, displaced households arrive into urban and peri-urban
areas with only financial assets that can be easily liquidated (i.e., cash, valuables) and their own
labour. In relocation, IDP households are, in effect, economically marginalised as their skill
sets— mostly farming based—are not easily transferable in an urban economy. Given that much
of the urban economy uses cash as the basis for exchange of goods and services, IDP
households are particularly at risk as they do not always have disposable income on hand. This
places constraints on the ability of IDP households to access basic needs such as food, housing,
education, and health services. Other socioeconomic factors compound the problem. According
to a World Bank report from 2002, about 64% of the population are considered to be poor, and
23% living in extreme poverty. […] When comparing the incidence of poverty in rural and urban
areas, data indicate that rural publics are worse off—areas from which IDPs emanate. Eighty
percent of the rural population is considered to be poor as compared to 55% of their urban
counterparts.
[…]
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Only 42% of all households reported working in the last 30 days. In some cases the number of
days worked are too few to generate sufficient income. The average numbers of days worked per
month are 15 for the entire sample. However, this varies from department to department. For
example, in Antioquia, households who reported finding work in the last 30 days worked, on
average, only 7 days; in Caqueta, 17; and 8 in Cesar/Guajira.
[...]
For example, in the 2003 Econometria survey, with data for 1500 households, monthly income for
IDP households averaged 227,000 pesos (USD$88). The latter represented only 61% of the
minimum wage for the country (365,000 pesos/month). If taking the high-end figure of 150,000
pesos, as reported in focus groups from this survey, sampled households are currently making
only 42% of the minimum wage. There are no noticeable advantages in being displaced for a
longer period of time and the type of income sources available and accessible to IDP households.
Looking at income sources over the three months, 45% reported that their primary source of
income was “nonskilled” labour. Small scale vending and begging were reported by roughly 20%
of sampled households as being secondary sources of income, with sale of pre-prepared foods
and firewood indicated as additional activities. The sustainability of livelihoods based primarily on
one source of income us questionable. For men, manual labour is the main activity, while women
work as domestic servants. In both instances, wages are likely to be depressed as IDP
households are competing with each other for the same type of jobs in the same locations and
employers will seek to pay the least amount possible for services.” (ICRC, WFP, 27 December
2004, p,4-11, 52-56)
“Household Survival Strategies and Assistance Received
Displacement is the first survival strategy. Ninety-four percent of households have resorted to
displacement only once. They left their places of origin as a result of direct threats to their lives,
while 40% resorted to this solution for fear. Prior to displacement, 75% of the populations worked
in agrarian activities. Now 59% work mainly in services, and 61% in a store or as street vendors.
However, their income is not sufficient to meet basic market basket needs. Fifty-three percent of
homes state that their main survival strategy is assistance from neighbors, relatives, friends, the
government, or some NGOs; and 47% resort to strategies that affect the household, such as
selling assets or cutting expenses. Fifty percent of homes receive help during the first three
months of displacement; however, help decreases as the displacement time increases.” (UNCTC,
30 August 2003)
“It is estimated that IDPs need an average of one year to reach minimal economic stability after
resettling. […] During this period, displaced families or individuals usually suffer severehardship,
including malnutrition, sickness and lack of basic housing, sanitation and access to health
services. This is particularly the case with IDPs who do not receive government assistance
because they were unable to, or consciously did not, register with RSS.” (ICG, 9 July 2003, p.5)
« El 95,5% de la poblaciÛn desempeÒaba labores agropecuarias o similares en su lugar de
origen, lo que sumado al bajo grado de escolaridad hace muy difÌcil insertarse en el mercado
laboral de la ciudad. El 64,4% de los jefes de hogar est·n desempleados. » (UNHCR, 1 July
2003, p.30)
« La situación de pobreza de la población desplazada es significativamente peor que la del quintil
más pobre urbano, al medir pobreza por Necesidades Básicas Insatisfechas – NBI […].
Mientras que el 30.45% del quintil más pobre urbano presenta necesidades básicas insatisfechas
(NBI) , en la población desplazada esta proporción es del 92%. Por otra parte, el 80% de
losdesplazados están en situación de indigencia, mientras que en el quintil más pobre urbano
esta proporción es del 39%.
[…]
Al utilizar el indicador de Línea de Pobreza 7 y Línea de Indigencia […] , se encontró que 92 de
cada 100 personas desplazadas son pobres por insuficiencia de ingresos para obtener una
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canasta básica, y que 80 de cada 100 están en situación extrema de pobreza, es decir en
indigencia. » (WFP, 16 June 2003, pp.6-7)
“Most displaced are social outcasts, excluded from formal life and employment. Currently,
653,800 Bogotanos have no employment in the city and, even more shocking, half of them are
under the age of 29 […]. Although the sharp rise in unemployment of the past few years is
affecting the displaced as well as others, employment opportunities for those displaced are
particularly low given the levels of stigmatization and the subsequent reluctance of companies to
take them on. Indeed, approx one third of IDPs are finding it difficult to access formal
employment. […] One problem is that more than 80% are peasants who had previously worked
their land or else were employed in the agricultural sector. Only 3% are able to continue to work
in the agricultural sector following displacement12. The lack of experience and knowledge in
addition to levels of stigmatization to a large extend explains the difficulties of IDPs to access
employment in the city, and this in turn is promoting social apartheid.” (PCS, 31 December 2002)
“De acuerdo con la Encuesta de Hogares de la OIM, 31% de los hombres jefes de hogar y 48%
de las mujeres no trabajaba en forma remunerada [...]. Estas cifras eran más altas que las de los
vecinos pobres, que presentaban 25% para hombres y 22% para mujeres, es decir, más
distanciadas en el caso de las mujeres de la PDI. Entre los seis departamentos del estudio, los
porcentajes más altos de jefes de hogar sin empleo se encontraron en Putumayo (60%), Valle
del Cauca (50%) y Santander (41%)”. (IOM, 6 June 2002, p23)
"Displaced people arriving in urban areas have to face a number of problems due to their
conditions as well as other problems that affect the recipient communities, even though
sometimes the few social services offered in the shantytowns are more than what they had
available to them in their places of origin. Farmers, when uprooted, cannot carry to urban areas
the cultural elements that granted them the identity their land and community provided them with.
As the “tools” that helped them to earn a living cannot be used any longer, they face incomegeneration problems. Their only alternative is informal economy and “scavenging”, although even
these options have been affected by the economic crisis within the country." (González Bustelo,
December 2001, ch.10 sect.3)
"The unemployment rate within the male population [of the slum in Soacha] is 54% for resident
males and 69.8% for displaced males. On the other hand, amongst these displaced people,
84.8% of the families were farmers before the displacement.
Monthly family income
< 100,000 pesos
Between 100,000 and 199,000
Between 200,000 and 279,000*
Monthly average in pesos
Residents
8.6%
13.5%
15.2%
317,752
Displaced
14.7%
22.4%
19.2%
233,269
*the current basic salary = 279,000 pesos" (González Bustelo, December 2001, ch. 10 sect.1)
"The lack of organization and solidarity within the community in these settlements also affects the
socio-economic recovery of this population. Building social networks is difficult due to the ongoing
arrivals in places where neighbors do not know one another and most probably distrust is in the
air.
Most of these people arrive in these communities hoping to find accommodation, even if on a
temporary basis, until they can go back home or at least to the countryside or to a better location
in the area. Only as time goes by do they become aware that this will most probably be their
211
permanent residence. “You believe you will go back, but with time you realize that it is not
possible any more”.”[…] As they believe that this situation is temporary, they do not participate in
community activities of any kind." (González Bustelo, December 2001, ch.10 sect.3)
"Average income is calculated based on salaried work and the earnings obtained from agricultural
production and animal husbandry. The income of both males and females dropped substantially
following displacement. On the average, displaced men earn 32% of the income earned prior to
their displacement, and women 27%. It must be noted that pre-displacement income is just one
component of the domestic economy, as it was additional to its own food production and
consumption. The majority of the displaced are peasants who were dedicated to agriculture and
animal husbandry on a small scale. Although production for some was at the subsistence level
only, most obtained income from commercialising their surplus. If production destined for selfconsumption were quantified, figures would reveal a much more stark and real reduction. The
income made by women was in general less than that of men, both before and after
displacement. These figures also reflect national and global statistics on the income of men and
women. There is an alarming drop in the socio-economic status of families following
displacement: they keep only 12% of their animal husbandry assets, receive only about 30% of
the incomes they had before displacement and accumulate a debt of about $80,000 Colombian
pesos ($40 USD). Agriculture was the main productive activity of the displaced before
displacement. However, the principal economic activity of women prior to displacement (90%)
was animal husbandry, followed by agricultural production in their gardens. After displacement,
most men (56%) generate their income as day labourers and from informal trade. After
displacement, most displaced women (42%) produce their income from some form of domestic
labour, although only sporadically. Eighteen percent of displaced men and 57% of the women
have neither job nor any source of income. It must be noted that a large majority of the displaced
that manage to obtain some form of income are underemployed, working only a few days a
month. Daily expenditures are much higher than daily income. Indebtedness is clearly an
important strategy in coping with displacement.
Most IDPs have debts contracted in
shops/grocery stores or with relatives and acquaintances. In most cases credit is used to buy
food. Others owe tuition at the schools where their children are enrolled. Those with no debts
indicated that the main reasons for this were lack of jobs and having no capacity to repay, as well
as lack of credit opportunities due to the stigma associated with IDPs. Thus IDPs who are not in
debt are not necessarily in a better situation --rather, they may not have access to credit and may
therefore be in a situation of high vulnerability." (WFP June 14 2001)
Displaced women face particular difficulties finding employment (2003)
•
86 percent of displaced households headed by women are below the poverty line compared
with 79% of households headed by a couple
•
Female-headed household are better at meeting basic needs despite lower economic power
•
50 percent of female heads of displaced households earned no wages, 23 percent earned
less than the minimum wage, and 22 percent earned a salary equal to the minimum wage
according to a study in 1995
•
Women turn to menial jobs or street vending, sometimes ending up begging or prostituting
themselves
•
Pressure for cash upon settlement in urban areas is enormous: food, rent, purchase of
materials to build shelters, school-related costs
•
Hostility of employers towards the displaced and competition on the labour market make the
search for job extremely difficult
•
Lack of child care or any safe place for small children presents an obstacle for many women
as they try to hold on to jobs
212
“Los menores ingresos relativos de los hogares de jefatura femenina se ven reflejados al
encontrar que el 86% de ellos están por debajo de la Línea de Indigencia, frente a un 79% de los
hogares con jefatura compuesta por la pareja. Sin embargo, es interesante encontrar que los
hogares con jefatura única femenina no son los que se encuentran en peores condiciones por
NBI: infraestructura de vivienda, hacinamiento y asistencia escolar. Este hallazgo podría
explicarse por el interés de la mujer en mantener una vivienda en mejores condiciones y enviar a
los niños y niñas a la escuela, aunque sus ingresos totales son menores. » (WFP, 16 June 2003,
pp.6-7)
“The only estimate of incomes earned by women who head displaced households is found in a
CODHES study, which shows that in 1995 half of these women earned no wages, 23 percent
earned less than the minimum wage, and 22 percent earned a salary equal to the minimum
wage.” (Colombian Journal, 23 June 2003)
"In scores of interviews with displaced women, the Commission heard the same themes
repeated: women were forced to leave their homes under threat of violence and death; they lost
husbands, brothers, fathers in massacres, assassinations, disappearances; they took their
children and fled for the safest place they could find, most often cities, where they could hide
among the large populations. Left with no home, no income and continued threats against
themselves and their families, they turn to menial jobs or street vending, sometimes ending up
begging or prostituting themselves in order to provide food for their children." (Women's
Commission May 1999, p. 5)
"The priority concern for displaced women is income generation. Dozens of women described the
extreme difficulty of finding work and the meager, unpredictable means by which they survive.
One woman organizer noted that because most of the displaced are from rural areas and
entering urban settings, the pressure for immediate cash is enormous: new arrivals must buy
food, pay rent and purchase materials to build shelters, send their children to school and pay for
transportation.
The search for a job is complicated by the stigma associated with being displaced. Prospective
employers demand to know an applicant's place of origin and ask 'What did you do that caused
you to become displaced?' or 'Who caused you to flee?' Many assume that the displaced are
troublemakers and will bring trouble with them to their jobs. Many women try to find work as
domestic helpers, cleaning homes or doing laundry. These jobs are usually temporary or
sporadic, and they are difficult to obtain. Furthermore, these jobs frequently require that a woman
'live in,' returning to her home for only one day a week. Many women stated that employers
consider them too old to employ if they are in their late 20's or early 30's.
Another common way for displaced women to earn money is to become vendors selling food,
trinkets, clothing or housewares. But many women find this way of life difficult and extremely
competitive. Hours are long and earnings are meager at best. 'They don't want us out there,' said
one woman in Medellín, describing other, more established vendors and city officials. 'And now,
because of the holidays, they are trying to clean up the streets and won't give us permission to
sell.'
Women also are frustrated that they have no means to start small businesses or use the skills
that they bring with them to their new locations. They despair of ever acquiring sufficient capital-to buy a sewing machine or establish a small market inventory--that they believe would allow
them to earn a better income for themselves and their families. These commonly shared
frustrations highlight the need for micro-enterprise programs that target women. The efficacy of
micro-enterprise and revolving loan fund programs for women has been amply demonstrated in
213
various countries over the past 20 years. In Colombia, women are ready to participate in such
programs and frustrated that they do not exist.
As a complement to micro-enterprise loans, there is a need for training programs that would allow
women to develop their business skills. Government training programs do exist, if a sufficiently
large and cohesive group is able to present itself for such a program. However, these programs
are not followed up with small loans or any type of small business mentoring. Women interviewed
by the Commission viewed these programs as 'just out of reach' for them because of the
requirement that a group of 25 women organize itself in order to qualify.
Women need technical assistance to develop business ideas and analyze projects to determine
markets, pricing and other critical information that will ensure a profit. […]Finally, lack of child care
or any safe place for small children presents an obstacle for many women as they try to hold onto
jobs in a competitive environment. The program of guarderias run by Bienestar (Social Welfare
Ministry) has been a boon to poor mothers in the past. However, the restructuring of this
programs by the new government may reduce the number of centers and/or increase fees in
order to meet a budget deficit. Women told the Commission they would not be able to pay
increased fees for the program." (Women's Commission May 1999, pp. 8-9)
Public participation
Wide-spread electoral violence in Colombia(2003)
•
Displaced people’s voting rights were restricted due to lack of documentation
•
Out of fear and disappointment displaced people are less likely to express their political
ideas, vote, participate, or form associations for political or social causes
•
Thousands of internally displaced were not able to vote in 2002
•
CODHES collected testimonies of uprooted people being threatened to death if they did not
vote for given candidates
•
In the midst of war and generalized human rights violations, democratic and safe elections
are difficult to guarantee
IOM, 30 November 2006
"Many displaced people’s voting rights are restricted because of a lack of documentation. Others
failed to exercise their right to vote out of fear and disappointment with the political system.
CODHES documented testimonies of uprooted people being threatened to death if they did not
vote for given candidates. Many displaced people failed to register, because of gaps in
information, access, and timing. 31 Electoral violence has been repeatedly documented in
Colombia. According to a report prepared by the Ministry of the Interior, during the first eight
months of 1997, 196 crimes were committed against local candidates for election and active
mayors and city council members. These crimes included 78 kidnappings, 72 murders, 33
terrorist acts, 21 attacks and 4 disappearances.32 Recent elections were heavily influenced by
FARC, ELN, and paramilitary groups through kidnappings, murder, and extortion of political
officials. Individual meetings with Colombian interlocutors revealed assertions that vote buying
and voter intimidation are not uncommon practices. Entire villages are “kidnapped” by
paramilitaries or guerillas and voting for particular candidates is compelled or prevented. In the
elections in certain departments and municipalities, candidates other than the ones endorsed by
the local militias are not permitted on the ballot or have been assassinated. These kinds of
elections were described as “un-typical elections,” compared with typical elections in other parts
214
of Colombia where the election results are not so lopsided in favor of one party or another. By
one account for the elections in 2006, the FARC’s “guerilla tactics appear to have changed
insofar as they refrained from actively sabotaging the elections this year [2006], [however] they
remain adamant that they will not negotiate with a government they consider illegitimate.”
“114. The free enjoyment of political rights, associated with freedom of opinion and expression,
was restricted during the elections held in 2002. Members of indigenous communities, displaced
persons and other undocumented persons were among the main groups whose voting rights
were restricted.” (UNCHR, 24 February 2003, paras 114)
"More often than not, displaced persons feel compelled to flee in absolute silence, therefore avoid
contacting authorities and aid organisations, because a displaced person is considered to have a
'problematic' past. This is exacerbated by the fact that the most 'visible' displaced are those who
have some links with a political or social organization. Those who had a prominent role in local
society or politic before being displaced actually have to hide their achievements for fear of
renewed persecution when they arrive in the cities.
Morevover, their political or social organizations frequently will not support them in the process of
displacement. A consequence of their suffering and isolation is a loss of trust and confidence in
their country’s social, legal, and political institutions and apathy about participating in politics. This
problem should be seen as a collective rather than an individual one because it affects the
essence of democratic government. Out of fear and disappointment displaced people are less
likely to once again express their political ideas, vote, participate, or form associations for political
or social causes." (Obregón and Stavropoulou 1998, p. 423)
“El derecho a elegir y a ser elegido estará alterado en 400 municipios del país, de donde 54.074
personas huyeron el año pasado por miedo de morir en medio de la disputa territorial de
guerrilleros y paramilitares. [...] Los desarraigados tampoco se esfuerzan por ejercer el derecho
al voto, porque su prioridad es proteger la vida. [...] En el trabajo de campo para su informe anual
sobre la movilización de población, y el cual presentó ayer en compañía de la Oficina del Alto
Comisionado de la ONU para los Refugiados (ACNUR), Codhes recogió testimonios de
desarraigados que están siendo forzados a votar por determinados candidatos al Congreso y a la
Presidencia. [...]” (El Tiempo Bogotá, 13 February 2002)
“This country is determined to hold elections March 10 even as politicians are held hostage and
an internal war -- with increasing U.S. involvement -- escalates. Whether free and
unchallengeable elections can take place in such an atmosphere remains a vexing question.[…]
On the eve of the polls, President Andres Pastrana is faced with new threats from guerrillas and
paramilitary groups, and with a growing population of internally displaced persons. […] Last
month, the country's leading human rights groups denounced the campaigns and warned that
Pastrana's government might indeed hold elections, but could not guarantee that voters felt free
to cast their ballots. The rights groups said elections could be undermined in as many as 400
municipalities.” (Pacific News Service, 4 March 2002)
Demonstrations by displaced people to raise awareness on their plight (2003)
•
In November 2003 300 Colombians accompanied by international diplomats and NGOs
sailed the Atrato River to draw attention to the humanitarian crisis suffered there since 1996
which forced over 25,000 indigenous and Afro-Colombian to flee
•
In 1998 and 1999 displaced persons occupied the offices of the Human Rights Ombudsman,
UNHCR and the office of the ICRC
•
Uprooted Colombians demand post-emergency assistance
215
•
Representatives of 60 displaced persons’ organizations have formed a national coordinating
body in 2000
•
People taking part in public protest suffered cruel treatment
“This Sunday some 300 Colombians, accompanied by international diplomats and aid officials,
plan to board a flotilla of some 20 boats and motor 500 kilometers along the Atrato River from
Quibdo to Turbo in a week-long bid to draw attention to the humanitarian crisis in this waraffected region of western Colombia.
The event, organised by the Catholic Church with local indigenous people's organisations, is
sponsored by UNHCR, which operates two field offices in the area together with a consortium of
international relief organisations known as Project Counseling Services.
The Atrato, one of Colombia's main waterways, has suffered since 1996 from an almost complete
blockade caused by parties to the country's civil war. More than 180,000 people live along the
river, mainly indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities that are suffering from a shortage of
essential items like medicines, salt, cooking oil, and fuel. Illnesses like malaria are reportedly
gaining ground in the region due to the lack of proper treatment as a result of the long blockade.
Violence in the region has killed more than 800 people between 1996 and 2002, forcing more
than 25,000 to flee their homes. The region hit the spotlight briefly in May 2002 when 117 people
were killed in Bojaya when a bomb hit a church where local residents had taken shelter during
fighting between armed groups.
During the week-long event kicking-off on Sunday, the flotilla of vessels will transport basic relief
items to ease the suffering of the local population living along the Atrato's banks. Cultural and
religious ceremonies are planned during the stops.” ( UNHCR, 14 November 2003)
“Displaced persons have become increasingly frustrated with the government’s insufficient
attention to their needs. In 1998 and 1999, displaced persons temporarily occupied the offices of
the Defensoria del Pueblo (Human Rights Ombudman) and UNHCR. A group of about 60
displaced persons occupied the office of the ICRC in Bogotá in December 1999 and remained
there throughout 2000. The government refused to yield to their demands for post-emergency
assistance to other displaced persons (even though by law it is supposed to), it could not provide
it to the displaced occupying the ICRC office.
Displaced Colombians have deliberately remained silent and invisible for many years for fear of
becoming targets for new attacks. More recently, however, uprooted Colombians have begun to
assert their demands. Representatives of 60 displaced persons’ organizations formed a national
coordinating body in early 2000 to advocate for better government services for the country’s
massive displaced population” (USCR June 2001)
“Violations of the right to personal integrity through cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment were
also registered during the year. People taking part in public protests, as was the case on Monteria
(Córdoba) on 6 March when squatters were being evicted from property they had been
occupying, or in detention in police stations or jails, suffer such treatment.” (UN HCHR 8 February
2001, chapter V, para. 41)
216
DOCUMENTATION NEEDS AND CITIZENSHIP
General
Overview of Colombian IDP registration system (2005)
•
The government has unified offices that combine Colombia’s array of social service agencies
under one roof
•
The new coordinating unit is called "Attention and Orientation Units" (Unidades de Atención y
Orientación, UAOs) and are intended to a improve coordination among the agencies
•
The agencies are allowed to spend up to fifteen business days to complete the registration
process during which the IDPs are in most cases left without any assistance
•
There are three main systems of registration: the Red de Solidaridad Social (RSS) to register
new IDPs, the information system on displaced population due to the violence of the
Conferencia Episcopal Colombiana (RUT), and the System of Registration of Services
Provided by (ICRC)
•
UNHCR through the Joint Technical Unit has helped improve the registration system of the
RSS and over recent years government and NGO statistics are increasingly similar
•
All registration systems are cumulative and there is no structured de-registration system
•
RSS coordinates since 1999 the (Sistema Nacional de Atención Integral a la Población
Desplazada – SNAIPD)
•
RSS supported the creation of National Information Network for IDPs which includes the
System of Verified Sources (SEFC), and the National Registration of Displaced Population
with the Sole Registration System (SUR)
•
RUT includes IDPs registered and not registered with RSS who are assisted by the church, it
produces RUT Informa magazine in order to better understand the causes of displacement,
location, consequences and possibilities of interventions
•
ICRC registers the people they assist
•
CODHES figures are compiled through its system of information on forced displacement and
human rights in Colombia (SISDES), which collects information from authorities, churches,
NGOs and IDP organizations
•
Since September 2001 exists a system of estimation from contrasted sources which include
RSS-UTC (Network of Social Solidarity- Technical Joint Unit), CODHES, and RUT Project
(Project of Human Mobility of the Episcopal Conference)
"In the last several years, the Social Solidarity Network has made efforts to streamline the
registration process. ‘Three years ago, they gave appointments for the declaration,” said Adriana
León, an official with the Network. “But there have been many improvements in this area. Now
the declaration is taken immediately, or people are given an appointment at the latest for the next
day.” Teresa Díaz, a member of a displaced community organization and herself a displaced
person, generally agreed with this assessment. “Now things have gotten better,” she said. “It
seems they have improved the [Social Solidarity Network’s] responsiveness.”
In particular, the government has made an effort to establish unified offices that combine
Colombia’s bewildering array of social service agencies under one roof. Known as Attention and
Orientation Units (Unidades de Atención y Orientación, UAOs), these offices are intended to
217
allow for greater coordination among the agencies that have a role in addressing the needs of
displaced persons. We visited one such office in Soacha, a municipality just outside the city limits
of Bogotá that receives a significant number of displaced persons. As a result of the effort to
establish such offices, an official with the International Organization for Migration told us, “There
aren’t the enormous lines that there were before.” Even so, government agencies may by law
take up to fifteen business days to complete the registration process.
Registration is critical because it is the key to obtaining humanitarian assistance, health care, and
other services offered to displaced persons. But it does nothing to address the immediate needs
of displaced persons unless it is accompanied by emergency assistance. Under Colombian law,
displaced families are eligible for three months of humanitarian assistance, but only after the
registration process is completed. This aid may be extended for another three months in cases of
extreme need.
It is not clear that displaced families are able to receive any assistance to help with their
immediate needs before the registration process is completed. In an August 2004 interview,
Adriana León, an official with the Social Solidarity Network, told Human Rights Watch that in
addition to ordinary humanitarian assistance, displaced families with immediate needs could
receive emergency assistance as soon as they presented themselves at the Social Solidarity
Network’s offices to make their declaration. In theory, this possibility would mitigate one of the
consequences of the fifteen-day waiting period—that families in dire need will wait two weeks or
more before receiving any help with food, shelter, or clothing.
But in September 2005, Ms. León told our researcher that the Social Solidarity Network does not
provide emergency assistance before the declaration is processed and registration completed.
“We would get a lot of non-displaced people coming in for assistance” if the Network provided
such aid, she explained. Instead of emergency assistance, she told us that the Network would
immediately process the declaration. When our researcher pointed out that the failure to provide
emergency aid would mean that many families would not get assistance for fifteen business days
or longer, she replied that the national average for processing declarations was less than ten
business days. She left the room to double-check that figure with a colleague and said on her
return, “The average was 9.24 business days in August [2005], or twenty-three calendar days.”
The failure to provide emergency aid means that people get no government assistance in the
hours and days immediately after their displacement and that most will see nothing until two
weeks or more after they have made it to a government office to file a declaration. “During those
fifteen days, people remain without any assistance,” said Camila Moreno, then the head of the
Displacement Section in the ombudsman’s office. Juan Carlos Monge, an official in the office of
the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, suggested that some families still experienced
lengthy delays in registration, which in turn meant delays in receiving humanitarian aid. “They
can’t get humanitarian assistance until they receive certification of their situation as displaced
persons,” he said. “There are people waiting three, four, even six months before they receive
anything.”
In addition, we heard that displaced families experienced problems in receiving humanitarian aid
even after they have completed the registration process. In August 2004, for example, some of
the Social Solidarity Network’s offices were giving families a date to return to get humanitarian
assistance, Teresa Díaz told us. “The date is for two months ahead. Sometimes the date comes,
and they give you another date. There was a gentlemen who went to make the declaration six
months ago [in February 2004] who was given a date for September 6,” she said."(HRW, 14
October 2005, pp 33-34)
218
“A person is considered displaced in Colombia if they have been forced to migrate within the
national territory, abandoning their residency or economic activities, because their life, physical
well-being, security, or personal freedom has been reduced or directly threatened. This can occur
as a result of the internal armed conflict, internal disturbances or tensions, generalized violence,
large-scale human rights violations, infractions of international human rights, or other
circumstances emulating from the aforementioned situations that could disrupt public order. […]
In order for a person to be considered displaced, they must declare themselves as such before
the System for Registration of the Displaced Population (SUR).” (Colombia Journal, 23 June
2003)
“24. UNHCR, through the JTU, has given high priority to improving the registration system of the
RSS. Over recent years the statistics of the RSS have become more in line with those of other
sources:
[…]
25. It is estimated that 49 per cent of the IDPs are female and 43 per cent are younger than 18
years of age. The registration of IDPs has improved significantly over the last three years,
although registration remains problematic and IDP statistics are generally unreliable. The
registration process is considered slow and cumbersome and a large number of IDPs are never
registered. Other IDPs do not want to be registered as they fear stigmatization, many IDPs lack
confidence in the government assistance programmes. It has also been said that many urban
poor, who were not necessarily displaced by the conflict, register as IDPs to have access to relief.
There is no structured system of de-registration.
[…]
27. UNHCR has implemented many training and dissemination activities to promote the rights of
IDPs. Copies of IDP legislation are widely distributed. It has also tried to ensure IDPs have
access to institutions and basic services, but enforcement of government policies is weak. In the
health sector, for example, 85 per cent of the whole IDP population is highly vulnerable with no
access to the government services […]. The role of the RSS to coordinate activities between
government authorities responsible for IDP issues remains a problem. UNHCR’s focus on the
institutional framework and capacity building requires patience and long-term involvement.
Frequently UNHCR staff and its partners are doing work which should be done by the
government. Despite the fact that the RSS created 11 Unidades de Atención y Orientación
(UAO), there is a growing need to properly inform the displaced population of their rights.”
(UNHCR, 3 May 2003,pp.7-8)
“There are three systems of registration: The Red de Solidaridad Social (RSS) registration of new
IDPs. Since March 1999, the RSS has co-ordinated the national system for attention to IDPs
(Sistema Nacional de Atención Integral a la Población Desplazada – SNAIPD) which includes all
public, private and community entities involved in servicing displaced populations. RSS has
supported the creation of the National Information Network for IDPs using: a) the estimation of
IDPs by a System of Verified Sources (SEFC); and b) the National Registration of Displaced
Population with the Sole Registration System (SUR), which uses four basic tools or formats – the
sole declaration format, the format to assess declarations, the format for characterisation of
displaced households, and the format to follow up the services provided to IDPs.
Information system on displaced population due to the violence of the Conferencia Episcopal
Colombiana (RUT). This systems captures information for the displaced populations via the
teams and volunteers of the Pastoral Social (catholic church), religious communities, institutional
programs and NGOs working with the catholic church. Since 1997, the RUT information system
for the displaced population has been using a national survey to collect data and to characterise
the displacement and dynamics involved. In this process the system includes IDPs registered and
not registered with the RSS who obtain services from the Catholic Church. The survey includes a
wide range of information related to the IDPs before (land ownership, education), during (services
received, school attendance), and after (return expectations, health status) displacement, as well
219
as individual characteristics of the persons. Information is collected either at the time services are
offered (supply scheme), or at the time of service delivery (demand scheme). For both the RSS
and RUT systems, there is inadequate access to certain geographical zones due to the armed
conflict and the lack of operating networks for data collection in the territorial units. This prevents
the systems from having a nation-wide presence.” (Baarøy, 23 February 2003, pp.9-10)
"El Sistema de información sobre la población desplazada por la violencia (RUT), desarrolla una
estrategia de divulgación del fenómeno del desplazamiento interno en Colombia a través de
boletines periódicos sobre dicho fenómeno.
Además está soportado por un Centro de Documentación bibliográfica sobre migraciones con
énfasis en el desplazamiento interno.
[…]
El sistema permite contar con información veraz, fiable y oportuna como principal insumo en la
toma de decisiones de intervención Pastoral referida a la problemática del desplazamiento
forzado.
La instalación en las jurisdicciones eclesiásticas del software del sistema, aunada a la
capacitación a los responsables de operar el sistema en las Diócesis, posibilita ampliar la Red de
Información y en consecuencia profundizar en el conocimiento del fenómeno (causas, factores,
presentaciones locales y regionales, efectos y posibilidades de intervención).
La Sección de Movilidad Humana del Secretariado Nacional de Pastoral Social, además del
montaje del sistema, la capacitación y la asesoría, se encarga de centralizar y procesar la
información de las distintas jurisdicciones con el propósito de realizar el consolidado nacional y
producir el boletín RUT INFORMA. Dicho boletín se distribuye a las jurisdicciones eclesiásticas,
entidades internacionales, estatales y gubernamentales, organizaciones civiles y a la opinión
pública en general, estos boletines, próximamente estarán disponibles a través de esta página.
Además de estas tareas se realizan gestiones de coordinación con entidades y organizaciones
con el fin de concertar acciones relacionadas con el tema del desplazamiento que consoliden
trabajos interinstitucionales conjuntos que repercutan en el mejoramiento del nivel de vida de la
población desplazada.” (Secretariado Nacional de Pastoral Social 2001)
“The System of Registration of Services Provided by the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC). ICRC reserves its right to keep information confidential and for internal use only.
The reports produced by ICRC include information related to the population assisted such as:
number of persons and families assisted classified by gender, population under 18 years of age,
female-headed households, province and municipality of origin and arrival, and type of services
provided. There is no estimation of the total number of IDPs in the country by ICRC.
[…]
Quantitative estimation
Estimates of total IDP numbers are generally formulated from multiple sources. In Colombia, Red
de Solidaridad Social uses a system of verified sources to estimate the magnitude of forced
displacement caused by the armed conflict. The information is prepared by the RSS territorial
units via consultation with the organisations belonging to SNAIPD and by direct consultation with
the displaced population. Direct consultations with IDPs are obtained through the network of
NGOs providing humanitarian assistance, the territorial units, and during RSS fieldwork. The
RSS units in each province compile the information from the various sources.
The CODHES system of information on forced displacement and human rights in Colombia
(SISDES) processes information on the displaced population via three main strategies:
monitoring of secondary sources, collection of information from displaced households, and
research. CODHES looks, in a systematic and permanent way, at newspapers and magazines at
the national, regional and local level for information on displacement events, human rights
violations, infractions to international humanitarian rights, and other types of violence related to
220
this problem. Given the likelihood for erroneous estimations, CODHES verifies the information via
local authorities, church authorities, NGOs, organisations for displaced populations, and when
possible, the communities experiencing the displacement.” (Baarøy, 23 February 2003, pp.9-10)
“ Los avances de la respuesta estatal al desplazamiento en el 2001 han sido notables en lo que
se refiere al sistema de estimación por fuentes contrastadas y su vinculación a otros sistemas de
información no gubernamentales [52]. Sin duda, la RSS con el apoyo de la UTC ha consolidado
su papel como referente en la información periódica sobre el desplazamiento. Así mismo, el
Sistema de Registro Único de Población Desplazada ha incrementado su cobertura y eficacia.
[Footnote 52: Desde septiembre de 2001 funcional un grupo de trabajo sobre estimación y
caracterización de la población desplazada por la violencia integrado por RSS-UTC, CODHES y
el Proyecto RUT]” (GTD, 23 November 2002, p.28)
Despite some improvements in 2001, the registration system for displaced persons is
still not satisfactory (2003)
•
Both government agencies and NGOs agree that under-registration of IDPs reaches up to
35%
•
Government sources confirmed that 40% of the IDPs who depose a declaration to obtain
official IDP status are rejected
•
People displaced by fumigations are not recognized as such and about 35 thousand people
have been uprooted by fumigations since 1999
•
IDPs without id documents have been asked by authorities to return to their original home to
obtain them, thus exposing them to high risks
•
73% of women do not know where to register and a high percentage are unaware of the
benefits of receiving certification for their condition of displacement
•
Since September 2001 exists a system of estimation from contrasted sources which include
RSS-UTC (Network of Social Solidarity- Technical Joint Unit), CODHES, and RUT Project
(Project of Human Mobility of the Episcopal Conference)
•
The Unique Registry (Registro Unico of RSS) remains constitutive of the condition of
displaced instead of being declarative according to art.1 of sentence T-327/2001
•
About 300 Ombudsmen were trained to register IDPs during 2001
•
Law 2569 (2000) limits the right to IDPs to declare their status to one year, however many do
not register due to threats by armed groups or misinformation
•
According to the HCHR, IDPs continue to see the registration system as an obstacle rather
than a means to access government assistance
•
Sometimes the confidentiality of the information provided by the IDPs is not upheld
•
Children newly-born during displacement are rarely registered, jeopardizing their rights to be
recognized before the law and access to humanitarian assistance
« La última gran discusión se refiere al subregistro. La Red afirma que la cifra asciende a 35%,
muy similar a la opinión de CODHES, mientras que INDH asegura que el fenómeno no supera el
10 %. » (Actualidad Colombiana, 26 May 2003)
« La Unidad Territorial de la Red de Solidaridad Social -UTB RSS- informó acerca del proceso de
declaración e inclusión en el Sistema Unico de Registro en Bogotà a julio de 2002 estaban 8.933
hogares incluidos en el Sistema Unico de Registro –SUR-, con un fenómeno de no inclusión que
alcanza aproximadamente el 40% de las declaraciones recibidas y valoradas. » (Mesa, 30 June
2003, p.15)
221
“Hasta el momento las poblaciones más afectadas no han recibido el reconocimiento y la
atención necesaria de parte del Estado porque hay una decisión política de no reconocer el
estatus de desplazado a las personas que huyen de las zonas de fumigación en el marcodel
conflicto armado interno.
[…]
Se estima que el número de familias que tuvieron que desplazarse por efectos de las
fumigaciones, desde 1999 a la fecha es de 35 mil.” (CODHES, 29 October 2003, pp.2,3,26)
“According to RSS, government assistance lasts for 90 days (occasionally up to six months), is
available to individuals and families displaced only in the past three years, and depends on a
bureaucratic registration process. IDPs told the team that many choose not to register for fear of
reprisals from armed groups and mistrust of the government. UN representatives said that many
IDPs lack knowledge of their rights. Others told the team that to register for government
assistance, IDPs without documentation have been asked to return to their original village or town
to obtain new documents, a practice that places IDPs’ lives at serious risk.
Less than one in four (22 percent) IDPs are registered and receive government assistance,
according to Colombian NGOs. […] Three successive UN missions have recommended that the
government modify registration procedures for IDPs, but on the whole, the Colombian
government’s response to IDPs has suffered from chronic under-financing.
This lack of registration with the Social Solidarity Network is likely one factor that blocks IDPs’
access to local health services. The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) estimates that
only 22 percent of displaced households receive medical care. […] According to the Profamilia
2001 study, 73 out of 100 women do not know where to receive authorization certifying their
displaced status, and a high percentage of women are not familiar with the benefits of receiving
such certification. […]Even when the displaced qualify for services, their needs may be ignored
due to the stigma attached to their displacement. In addition, hospitals and clinics may not be
adequately equipped and financed to cope with the additional burden of an increasing displaced
population.” (Marie Stopes International, etc…, 13 February 2003, pp.9-10)
"Registration of the displaced population has increased on scope. Nonetheless, under-registration
continues to make it impossible to estimate the extent of displacement in Colombia. The lack of
flexibility and the highly bureaucratic procedures make people view registration more as an
obstacle to obtaining benefits than as the way to gain access to them. This means that the State
is still unaware of the true extent of displacement, which in turn affects the efficacy of its
responses and priorities." (UN HCHR 8 February 2001, chapter VI, para. 144)
« Los avances de la respuesta estatal al desplazamiento en el 2001 han sido notables en lo que
se refiere al sistema de estimación por fuentes contrastadas y su vinculación a otros sistemas de
información no gubernamentales [52]. Sin duda, la RSS con el apoyo de la UTC ha consolidado
su papel como referente en la información periódica sobre el desplazamiento. Así mismo, el
Sistema de Registro Único de Población Desplazada ha incrementado su cobertura y eficacia.
[Footnote 52: Desde septiembre de 2001 funcional un grupo de trabajo sobre estimación y
caracterización de la población desplazada por la violencia integrado por RSS-UTC, CODHES y
el Proyecto RUT]” (GTD, 23 November 2002, p.28)
“Registro Único de Población Desplazada
Los datos consolidados entre septiembre de 1995 y diciembre de 2001 arrojan una cifra nacional
de 102.533 hogares registrados. En el año 2001 se registraron 43.063 hogares. La inscripción en
el Registro permite a la población desplazada acceder a los beneficios de la Ley 387 y a su
Decreto Reglamentario 2569. Sin embargo, la inscripción en el Registro continúa siendo
constitutiva de la condición de desplazado, en lugar de ser declarativa como lo establece el
enunciado del artículo 1 de la Ley y lo reafirma la Corte Constitucional en su sentencia T-327/01.
222
En los últimos seis meses del 2001, las Personerías han mejorado su labor en la toma y
tramitación de las declaraciones, lo que ha permitido agilizar el procedimiento de Registro [53].
A pesar de los avances, continúa existiendo el subregistro[54], que está originado no sólo por
ignorancia del sistema o miedo a declarar por parte de los desplazados, sino también por la
estricta aplicación, inclusive con efecto retroactivo, de la cláusula de extemporaneidad prevista
en el decreto 2569 de 2000 de reglamentación de la Ley 387. En ocasiones la RSS no tiene en
cuenta las circunstancias por las cuales las personas no prestaron su declaración a tiempo. Este
es un tema que se encuentra en discusión entre la RSS y la Defensoría del Pueblo.
[Footnote 53: Conjuntamente con la RSS, la Defensoría del Pueblo, y la Procuraduría General de
la Nación; ACNUR y OACNUDH hicieron en el 2001 un trabajo de capacitación de cerca de 300
personeros y otros funcionarios sobre el Registro.]
[Footnote 54: Un caso extremo de subregistro es el que presenta el municipio de Unguía. En una
actividad de diagnóstico organizada por ACNUR y la UTC, con la participación de la Iglesia,
autoridades municipales y los desplazados se estimó el número de desplazados en el municipio
entre 3.200 y 3.700, la mayoría desplazada en entre 1996 y 1998. Sin embargo, al 31 de
Diciembre 2001 la RSS de Urabá solamente tenía unas 397 personas de este municipio
registradas.]
Otro de los problemas detectados es que todavía existe un gran número de declaraciones no
incluidas en el Registro, sin comunicarle al declarante cúal ha sido la decisión. Según el Decreto
2569, se debería interpretar la falta de respuesta a una declaración por parte de la RSS como
una decisión positiva para el declarante.” (GTD, 23 November 2002,p.29-30)
"The system for registering the displaced population is not yet being used as a mechanism to
facilitate access to State programmes, and indeed many continue to perceive it as an obstacle to
access.[…] It has, however, made progress in standardizing the process of taking and evaluating
statements, and in the analysis of the displaced population.[…] Meanwhile, Constitutional Court
ruling T327/01 of 2001[…] has had a positive effect: 38 per cent of the cases assessed in Bogotá
in 2000 were registered, whereas during the first eight months of 2001 the registration rate was
74 per cent. There continue to be problems: for example, the lack of information to beneficiaries,
despite the efforts of the Network; […] the lack of guarantees of confidentiality; waiting periods of
up to two months in order to make a statement; and the fact that statements made by women
non-heads of household are frequently not given due consideration.
[…]
Another obstacle preventing access to State assistance by registration arises from restrictive
interpretations of the rules, as exemplified by the introduction of deadlines,[…] a concept
inconsistent with the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, which make no mention of
such time limits. Also, statements referring to crop spraying are not usually registered but no
evaluation is carried out to determine whether any other elements of such cases might permit
classification as a displaced person in accordance with the Guiding Principles.
[…]
Concerning the registration of the displaced population, despite advances in case law in this area,
it must be said that the restrictive interpretation of the principle of time limits leaves a high
proportion of the displaced unprotected and with no prospect of a solution. The High
Commissioner is also concerned about the gap between the three months of emergency
humanitarian aid provided and the longer time period that the displaced need to become selfsufficient, as in the case of women heads of household in urban areas." (UN HCHR, 28 February
2002, paras. 234, 235, 366)
“Hay que mejorar la información sobre el fenómeno del desplazamiento y sobre los desplazados.
A pesar de los esfuerzos en marcha, no existe un sistema de información confiable sobre el
223
desplazamiento, ni un diagnóstico exhaustivo sobre las necesidades de los desplazados, sobre
todo a nivel departamental y municipal. Este diagnóstico debería desarrollar líneas particulares
de trabajo orientadas a aquellos grupos más afectados (población afrocolombiana, indígena,
mujeres cabezas de familia y niños y niñas). Del mismo modo, se requiere mayor precisión en la
ubicación de los diferentes grupos de desplazados a efectos de maximizar el impacto de los
recursos disponibles.” (TGD 19 January 2001)
"[The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights] has received reports according to which
large numbers of infants born during displacement or in accommodation centers have not been
registered with the competent authorities and, therefore, have no documentation of any kind. It
should be mentioned that the right to recognition as a person before the law is a universally
recognized principle of international law. In this respect, the Guiding Principles also stress the
need to carry out an effective documentation process for all displaced persons, including
children." (IACHR 1999, chapter VI, para. 35)
“Additionally, family abandonment and lack of paternal acknowledgement is a common problem
for child registration and for the displaced child's right to a name.” (UN CHR, 11 March 2002)
Registration in the city of Bogotá main receptor of IDPs (2003)
•
The government formal registry excludes large number of IDPs who are often wrongly
considered as economic migrants
•
Many IDPs do not register out of fear of being the targets of attacks increasingly so with the
informant network promoted by the Uribe government
•
NGOs claim that between 35-40% of IDPs who attempt to register are rejected
•
7000 families are thought to live in Soacha, and only about 2000 IDPs have been formally
accepted in the registry
•
Only about 1000 have been assisted by the state
“Discrepancies between government and NGO figures are down to a number of reasons. To start
with, the government formal registry, a gatekeeper that decides who receives state-let
humanitarian aid and who doesn’t, excludes a large number of IDPs. Indeed, many of the
displaced don’t fit into the definition of an internally displaced person, defined under the 387 law
of 19974. Numerous people, though affected by violent conflict, are viewed as economic
migrants. Others are rejected because their statements are contradictory or incoherent or they
lacked sufficient evidence, which proves that they were forcibly displaced5. Indeed, RSS argue
that many of those attempting to register are the historically poor who seek to access government
assistance through the register. Others ‘chose’ not to register for fears of being persecuted by
armed actors, exposed by the increasing number of informants promoted by the Uribe
government or stigmatized by the host population. No one is sure how many people are not
registered, a spokes person at Mencoldes, a local NGOs working with the displaced in Bogota
claims that approx 40% of those attempting to register are rejected. Other sources establish that
out of every 1,000 people only 650 are included in the formal register.
Bogotá’s socio-demographic changes
According to an opinion poll, Bogotanos feel that one of the major problems the city faces is
displacement. Indeed, although displacement to a great extend merely affects poverty belts at the
margins of city life, the phenomenon has become increasingly noticeable. Street vendors,
beggars and homeless are commonplace on Bogotá’s streets. The city is facing stark levels of
poverty as well as ecological degradation, overcrowding and an increase in violent conflict and
organized crime as a direct result of the increasingly deteriorating humanitarian crisis.
224
[…]
Here, most people move into marginal areas such as the sprawling Cazuca neighborhood where
it is said that 7,000 displaced families8 are spread over numerous hillsides with their simple
shanties of scrap lumber and recycled metal. In Soacha an overwhelming majority of the
population are IDPs (Codhes)[…]. Of those only 2,000 have been able to formally register and
only half of those have received state-let humanitarian assistance10. The continuous influx of
IDPs into Bogota and insufficient attention means that the city’s misery belt is expanding fast
while levels of poverty are on the increase. RSS recognizes that people are living under
extremely poor conditions while government services remain weak, absent or inconsistent.”
(PCS, 31 December 2002)
Documentation needs
Lack of identity documents deprives the displaced from emergency assistance (2002)
•
Only 33.01% IDPs possess identification papers and only 13.09 are registered in the Civil
Registry
•
For displaced women household-heads, access to the Registry is more difficult due to their
multiple tasks as child carers and bread-winners
•
Lack of identity documents forces some IDPs to return to unsafe areas to obtain documents
on which the entitlement to emergency assistance depends
•
Without basic documents displaced persons are unable to vote, work, drive, move, as well as
send their children to public schools
•
By end of 1999, 18% women had personal documentation compared with 60% men
•
To acquire an identity card, it is necessary to obtain two preliminary cards: one which every
citizen is supposed to carry and one for the displaced which lists information such as place of
origin, name, date of birth, specific scars and skin color
•
The displaced prefer not to apply for any documents in order to avoid discriminations,
harassments, attacks, as well as inefficient and lengthy bureaucratic procedures
•
Displaced women separated from their husbands are often requested to register again but
lack of documentation would be an obstacle
“Según los datos del RUT sólo el 33.01 % de los desplazados tiene cédula de ciudadanía, y el
13. 09 % está inscrito en el Registro Civil. Durante el año 2001 se ha puesto de manifiesto la
dificultad de las comunidades en áreas de alto riesgo de conflicto para acceder al registro civil y
la cedulación. Esta dificultad ha exigido la puesta en marcha de experiencias piloto por parte de
la Registraduría con el apoyo de ACNUR [...]. Además, la actividad registral habitual parece ser
insuficiente para proteger los derechos de la población desplazada y exige campañas
extraordinarias.
La falta de registro y cedulación está limitando el acceso de la población desplazada al
mecanismo del SISBEN [Systema de Selección de Beneficiarios para Programas Sociales] y a
proyectos en marcha (e.g., Programa de Familia en Acción en el Sur de Bolívar). Por otro lado,
las mujeres en zonas rurales tienen más dificultades para acceder al Registro, ya que se quedan
al cuidado de la casa, la cosecha y los niños.” (GTD, 23 November 2002, p.31)
“In Colombia, lack of documentation has become an acute problem for hundreds of thousands of
people. To receive emergency help from the government, ‘certification’ is necessary but to be
certified, the displaced must present personal identity documents. Since many do not have these
225
documents, they are put in the position of having to return to unsafe home areas to obtain them.
Many as a result do not apply. Others do not apply for fear of being targeted or having to provide
witnesses whom they fear could put their friends or families in jeopardy. Very few municipalities in
Colombia have made efforts to resolve the problem with the result that only a minority of the
displaced receives emergency assistance.” (Cohen and Sanchez-Garzoli 2001)
“Without the basic documents they need—the cedula de ciudadania (citizenship card), the
registro civil (civil registration card), and the certificacion de desplazado (certification of
displacement card)- displaced persons in Colombia have no proof of land or property ownership,
are unable to vote, drive, work in the formal sector, move from region to region, leave the country,
or in many cases send their children to public schools. Many are also turned away from health
clinics and hospitals.
Internally displaced women face special problems. In Colombia, by the end of 1999, only 18
percent had some kind of personal documentation, compared with 60 percent of the men. A
combination of social and cultural traditions, illiteracy and lack of resources all have dictated
against women’s obtaining personal documentation. Yet the need for it is critical since many
displaced women are now heads of household.” (Cohen and Sanchez-Garzoli 2001)
“All Colombian citizens count on their possession of an identity card or the ‘Cédula de
Ciudadania’ (Citizenship Card). The cédula allows a Colombian citizen to vote, drive, work and
qualify to leave the country, among other things. To acquire this card, it is necessary to obtain two
preliminary cards. These are the Registro Civil (Civil Registration), which every citizen is
supposed to carry with them and, for the displaced, the Certificación de Desplazados
(Certification of Displacement). Finally, there is the Cédula de Ciudadania, which lists information
such as a person’s place of origin, name, date of birth, height, specific scars and skin colour. It
also documents where the person received a card.
Not all rural families possess identification cards. They may apply for a card only in order to
register their children for school. Often, displaced persons may have possessed an identity card
in their place of origin but left it behind in the rush to flee. Once displaced, they frequently hesitate
to apply for any identity card because this would call attention to their displacement. As one NGO
official working Bogotá commented, ‘Many IDPs avoid sending their children to school, as it may
expose the family as IDPs and make life harder”. (Women’s Commission May 1999, p.7)
“According to many women who spoke with the Special Rapporteur, registration with the state as
IDPs would normally be done by men and the stories of persecution and reasons for flight would
therefore often not reflect the female experience. The male experience thus serves as
characteristic for the entire displaced population. Women also reported that if their husband left
them they would have to register again. They mentioned that that would be difficult as they did
not have personal documentation and thus no access to any security net or protection that might
normally be provided by the State.” (UN CHR, 11 March 2002)
226
ISSUES OF FAMILY UNITY, IDENTITY AND CULTURE
General
Socio-cultural and
communities (2003)
economic
consequences
of
displacement
for
indigenous
•
Forced displacement leads to the erosion of cultural control of indigenous territories and
territorial fragmentation
•
Forced displacement undermines indigenous autonomy, governance and juridiction
•
Armed blockades have led to isolation with serious repercussion on health and nutritional
status of indigenous people
•
Agriculture and ancestral systems of production are being disrupted and tend to disappear
•
Family units and community cohesion are undermined and disintegrate due to dislocation
•
Ethno-educative processes and transmission of indigenous know-how to younger generations
are disrupted
« Los efectos del desplazamiento forzado en los pueblos indígenas son múltiples, intentaremos
en apretada síntesis recoger los más significativos:
1. Erosión de los sistemas de control cultural sobre los territorios y procesos sociales,
económicos y políticos fundamentales para la permanencia e integridad cultural de los pueblos
indígenas.
2. Fragmentación territorial, simbólica y sociopolítica de las organizaciones regionales,
especialmente en los ámbitos locales. El ataque a las formas e instancias organizativas
indígenas coincide con los escenarios de control, copresencia y disputa entre los diversos
actores armados.
3. Debilitamiento de la autonomía, gobernabilidad y jurisdicción indígenas a través de la
injerencia, presión o ataques a los procesos, autoridades e instancias de gobierno, mecanismos
de resolución de conflictos y formas de administración de justicia indígenas por parte de los
actores armados. Estas situaciones han provocado mayor desconfianza social -y en algunos
casos- desconfianza en la estructura organizativa de la comunidad y de los mecanismos internos
de resolución de conflictos.
4. Los sitios (confinamientos) y bloqueos armados han generado mayor aislamiento y situaciones
de crisis humanitaria representada en el control o bloqueo de medios de transporte, alimentos,
medicinas, insumos agrícolas, al igual que el control o la obstrucción de la ayuda humanitaria, o
de la actividad de funcionarios públicos relacionados con la prestación de servicios de salud,
educación, titulación de tierras, entre otros.
5. Los circuitos de autoabastecimiento, de producción para el intercambio y de consumo en
mercados externos, son intensamente controlados y atacados por los diversos actores armados.
En consecuencia se debilitan o tienden a desaparecer sistemas productivos ancestrales
adaptados a relaciones de contacto intercultural y a ecosistemas frágiles y de alta complejidad.
227
6. En este orden de ideas, se afecta gravemente la seguridad alimentaria de dichos pueblos y se
presentan devastadoras perdidas económicas, sociales y culturales debido al abandono forzado
de parcelas y chagras lo que ha obligado a recurrir en casos extremos a la mendicidad o en
casos aislados a que algunos integrantes de las comunidades se alisten en las filas de los
actores armados.
7. Restricción o intentos de control al acceso y administración de los programas y servicios de
salud que los distintos pueblos indígenas han logrado desarrollar a partir de la aplicación de las
políticas de descentralización.
8. Desintegración de las unidades familiares, parentelas y comunidades a partir de la dispersión
territorial, la pérdida de vínculos con ecosistemas, redes de intercambio y redes de
gobernabilidad, con motivo de los procesos de desarraigo y despojo.
9. La disgregación de las familias y comunidades dificultan las posibilidades de consolidar
procesos de permanencia e integridad cultural de las comunidades y de los pueblos indígena en
general. La deslocalización (pérdida de lugar, de contextos) rompe con desarrollos sociales,
políticos, económicos y culturales producto de luchas históricas por el territorio, el
reconocimiento y la redistribución. Las pérdidas son entonces múltiples y pueden conducir a la
fragmentación territorial y la desestructuración familiar, comunitaria y en extenso de la
permanencia e integridad cultural de los pueblos indígenas, al punto de constituir en casos
extremos un verdadero etnocidio (eliminación física o cultural de una minoría étnica).
10. Desestructuración de las redes sociales primarias, es decir de las redes personales,
familiares y comunitarias. En estos casos quienes deben afrontar los mayores impactos son la
niñez, las mujeres y los adultos mayores.
11. Empantanamiento de los procesos de constitución y/o consolidación jurídica de los
resguardos y la jurisdicción indígena.
12. Ruptura, parálisis o desaparición de los procesos etnoeducativos así como de los procesos
de recuperación cultural de cara al conflicto armado y las presiones modernizantes.
13. Ausencia progresiva de los funcionarios locales y regionales de gobierno que se debaten
entre la falta de garantías, la ausencia de recursos efectivos y la falta de voluntad política,
generando la progresiva pérdida de legitimidad del Estado y la desprotección y desatención de
las comunidades.
14. Rupturas y profundas transformaciones de los calendarios tradicionales en los que se
enmarcan las actividades culturales, económicas y políticas, que favorecen la interacción local e
interregional. Han desaparecido o están seriamente coartados procesos culturales enmarcados
en los valores propios de cada grupo étnico como fiestas, encuentros regionales, rituales
colectivos e interfamiliares, recolección y siembra de cosechas, festivales folclóricos, eventos
familiares, que constituyen espacios fundamentales de socialización y consolidación sociopolítica
y cultural.
15. Incremento progresivo del miedo y el terror, especialmente entre la población más joven.
16. Deterioro del estado de salud de amplios sectores de la población indígena especialmente
niñas y niños, mujeres y adultos mayores.
17. En algunos casos el descenso en la autoestima individual de las personas, así como de la
autoestima colectiva de las comunidades.
228
18. Construcción o renovación de formas de resistencia cultural, de nuevos acuerdos y alianzas
estratégicas con otros sectores sociales para afrontar los desafíos de la guerra, los embates de
modelos de intervención económica, social, política y ambiental, y las exigencias de los procesos
de modernización e inclusión de regiones y poblaciones en las lógicas de la globalización. »
(Harvey 8 January 2003)
The Colombian social fabric is being destroyed by the experience of displacement
(1998-2002)
•
Displacement to an urban environment deprives rural families of their traditional social
support networks and exposes them to impoverishment, crime and violence
•
The disintegration of the displaced family obliges women to assume new functions to support
their family and the community
“Displacement has the effect of eroding traditional family structures, particularly when male
members of the family have been killed, have disappeared or have been compelled to seek
safety or work elsewhere.” (UN HCHR, 11 May 2002)
"Emotional trauma among the displaced is common. Family units, communities and community
projects are invariably destroyed. The displaced lose their natural and cultural context, a serious
social problem in a country in which 30 areas of cultural identity have been identified. Movement
from a rural area that shares values of security, reciprocity, trust, collaboration, and solidarity to
an urban one where individualism, consumerism, class discrimination, and crime exist affects the
vital identity and stability of the individual and his or her community. Families lose their support
networks and are subjected to crime and violence, while their often meagre resources vanish."
(Obregón and Stavropoulou 1998, p. 422)
"The Commission considers that the psycho-social consequences of displacement, which pass
without attention, have accelerated the destruction of the social fabric and have contributed to the
impoverishment of the population, the disintegration of the family, malnutrition, sickness,
alcoholism, drug addiction, prostitution, school absenteeism and common crime." (IACHR 1999,
chapter VI, para. 25)
"In displaced families, authoritarian behaviour and ill treatment are standard in relations between
couples, where there exist. Tensions within and outside the family and the conditions in which
they live produce situations that foster domestic abuse (physical, verbal and sexual) and other
forms of violence, in which women are the main victims.
In the countryside, the roles of each family member were clearly defined (though not necessary
equitable) and the family respected them. But in urban neighbourhoods, family relationships
undergo major changes as a result of overcrowding, new friendships, the easy availability of
alcohol, gambling and entertainment, etc. All this causes problems among neighbours and leads
to the break-up of couples and formation of new liaisons." (PCS May 1999, pp. 36-37)
The trauma and subsequent dislocation of displaced families place them in circumstances of
unmanageable pressure. Frequently, the burden of extreme poverty and the loss of traditional
roles for family members causes families to split apart. Many women resort to begging and
prostitution in order to bring in an income. The need to work also forces women to leave children
alone for long periods of time. Children, unable to attend school and often forced onto the streets
to earn money, may end up as street children. The tragedy of initial displacement is thus
compounded by the subsequent negative pressures on all family members. (Women's
Commission May 1999, p. 8)
229
Women generally assume an active leadership role, taking upon themselves the responsibility of
finding solutions, seeking help from humanitarian organizations, attending training sessions,
explaining to others what has happened and coping with urban life. (PCS May 1999, pp. 36-37)
230
PROPERTY ISSUES
General
Agrarian reform without effect for IDPs and landless people (September 2005)
•
The rural population has dropped in relative terms, but has continued to increase in absolute
terms from 6 million people in 1938 to 11.6 million in 1993
•
A subsidized land market program has not benefitted campesinos
•
The program has been a failure with high interest rates, defaults in payments by beneficiaries
and a vast slow-down of beneficiary disbursement
•
•
•
"The World Bank and the Colombian government have, over the past thirty years, brought about
a variety of initiatives under the guise of agrarian reform. In this chapter, we track the failures of
the agrarian reform project, and show that these disappointments are yet more tragic than they
first appear, given that genuine agrarian reform has the promise to address directly a range of ills
that persist in Colombia today.
Although the rural population has dropped in relative terms, it has continued to increase in
absolute terms from 6 million people in 1938 to 11.6 million in 1993. A similar dynamic occurred
with the economically active population in the farming sector, which went from1.9 million in 1938
to 2.7 million in 1993. Moreover, “self-employed workers” in the sector (medium scale
campesinos) went from 600,000 in 1938 to 700,000 in 1964 and to 800,000 in 1993.
Campesinos no longer face only landowners, but now must deal with multinational capital and its
“globalization” model, a model that needs to “clean” territories of “inefficient” people, and they are
trying to do this through war. Not only are there displaced people because there is war, but there
is war in order to create displaced people.
The World Bank has been part of the Colombian agrarian context since it first started disbursing
loans. In 1949 and 1954, the first World Bank credits for the Colombian farming sector were put in
place, aimed at the purchase of farming machinery, with further credits of $16 million granted in
May 1966, to foster cattle ranching. The Bank supported the policy of modernization and of
extending farming areas, although credits were never aimed at directly supporting the policy of
land redistribution. Farming credit programs began to be the Bank’s menu specialty, with a few
large infrastructure projects thrown in. In 1996, however, the Bank introduced loans directly
aimed at land reform with its subsidized land market program established by Law 160 of 1994.
On June 30, 1996, the World Bank granted an induction credit of $1.82 million to fund pilot
projects and a Technical Unit, with the goal of “preparing” a complete support project for “market
based agrarian reform.”
The subsidized land market program was announced with bells and whistles, as if it were a way
to guarantee land access to campesinos, eliminating bureaucratic interference and “unnecessary”
state intervention. The program has been a failure: high interest rates, defaults in payments by
231
beneficiaries and the ongoing reductions to Incora’s budget have resulted in a vast slow-down of
beneficiary disbursement. We discuss each of these in turn." (Land Research Action Network, 5
September 2005)
Paramilitaries forcing people off their land before seizing it
•
Paramilitaries seize land from farmers
•
The farmers have often paid for protection from the paramilitaries
•
Victims of the paramilitaries' seizure of land range from small-scale farmers to drug-traffickers
and former allies
•
Small-scale farmers in Cesar said they were given one or two days to leave their land and
transfer titles to the paramilitaries
•
There is very little information on this kind of forced transfer of land
•
The paramilitaries avoid registering the land in their name to avoid judicial persecution
"Un hacendado de Zapayán, al sur del departamento del Magdalena, le pagó durante años al
Bloque Norte de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia para que sus tres fincas fueran un lugar
seguro para él y su familia. Técnicamente estaba siendo boleteado. Pero el hacendado no veía
las cosas así. Para él, el dinero que entregaba era una contribución extralegal para asegurar su
tranquilidad. Nada de esto contó en el momento en que uno de los comandantes de las
autodefensas se enamoró de las 1.000 hectáreas que tenían las tres fincas juntas. Presionó al
hacendado para que se las escriturara. Éste se negó a hacerlo. Sus antiguos protectores lo
mataron.
Este no es un caso aislado. Miembros de las autodefensas se han adueñado a la fuerza o por
medio de estrategias solapadas de miles de hectáreas de tierra en todo el país. Las víctimas de
esta práctica han sido desde antiguos aliados hasta narcotraficantes, pasando por campesinos
que fueron beneficiados con tierras de la reforma agraria y pequeños y medianos parceleros
atrapados en medio del conflicto. Campesinos desplazados del Cesar dicen que las
autodefensas les dieron entre uno y dos días para abandonar sus parcelas. Está documentado el
caso de 961 familias a las que el Instituto Colombiano de Reforma Agraria (Incora) les asignó
fincas de 40 hectáreas en promedio. Todas fueron cedidas o vendidas bajo presión. En la Jagua
de Ibirico, al sur del Cesar, varios campesinos fueron amenazados de muerte por miembros del
Bloque Central Bolívar. Asustados, no dudaron un segundo en venderle sus tierras a un finquero
de la zona, hermano de una funcionaria de la administración local de ese momento, quien ante
su drama muy comedidamente las compró."Nos tocó venderla a precio de huevo por el miedo
que teníamos" dijo a SEMANA uno de los campesinos afectados. Luego se enteraron de que en
sus tierras existían yacimientos de carbón. En este departamento más de 38.000 hectáreas de
tierra cambiaron de manos en forma dudosa.
En el Chocó las comunidades negras que tenían títulos colectivos en Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó
fueron desplazadas de sus propiedades por hombres del Bloque Élmer Cárdenas. Los que
pudieron volver encontraron que en sus tierras se habían asentado empresas que estaban
desarrollando megaproyectos agrícolas. Los antiguos dueños tuvieron que emplearse como
jornaleros para poder quedarse en lo que es suyo. Hoy temen que los cultivadores les reclamen
las mejoras que han hecho en las tierras y los obliguen a cederles sus títulos. Estos son algunos
ejemplos de un fenómeno que no es nuevo y que se ha incrementado en los últimos dos años en
departamentos como Antioquia, Bolívar y en la zona de los Llanos Orientales. En el primero,
aseguran algunos propietarios, los paramilitares llegan en helicóptero con un mensaje perentorio:
"Si no venden se mueren". En el oriente la situación ha llegado al extremo que unas
autodefensas luchan con otras por este motivo. La familia Feliciano, por ejemplo, tuvo que
232
recurrir a un comandante paramilitar (ver recuadro de la página 228) para protegerse de la
expropiación a la que los sometió alias 'Martín Llanos', comandante de las Autodefensas
Campesinas del Casanare.
Lo paradójico es que, pese a ser una práctica reiterada, no existe casi información en registros
oficiales sobre este tema. El problema es que la gente no lleva estos casos ante la justicia por el
temor que produce el control paramilitar. Esto hace muy difícil cuantificar este delito. "Existe
mucho miedo en la gente; por eso no existen denuncias, pero no cabe duda de que eso está
sucediendo", dice José Félix Lafaurie, superintendente de Notariado y Registro. Este funcionario
asegura que su despacho ha hecho un gran esfuerzo para modernizar los 190 círculos
registrales y así superar la desarticulación en la información existente. Sin embargo el problema
va más allá de la modernización. Según funcionarios de las Oficina de Notariado y Registro de
los departamentos donde hay denuncias de usurpación de títulos, los jefes paramilitares hacen
escrituras pero no las registran para evitar que en un seguimiento judicial aparezcan sus
nombres o los de sus testaferros, porque en Notariado y Registro sigue figurando el propietario
original.
SEMANA consultó archivos del Incoder (Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural), donde
también se guarda la memoria del antiguo Incora; los de la Red de Solidaridad, los del Instituto
Geográfico Agustín Codazzi (Igac), los de las oficinas de Notariado y Registro, y los de la
Fiscalía. La información conjunta que hay en todos estos no permite elaborar un mapa nacional o
una estadística general sobre la cantidad de hectáreas de tierra que han sido expropiadas a la
fuerza en los últimos años."(Semana, 6 June 2004)
The market unfit to redistribute land in the context of forced displacement (2004)
•
The market inoperational in areas affected by forced displacements
•
Traditional surveys are not a good source of information on the extent and nature of this
phenomenon
•
More than 60% of IDPs indicated that they used land before being displaced
•
Massive displacement also affects the productivity of land use and the welfare of those
concerned
"[...] in addition to the limited impact of markets in redistributing land due to intra-stratum sales,
the outcomes obtained through markets may be more than outweighed by changes in land
ownership and access that are not mediated by markets, largely in the context of involuntary
displacement of small producers. As these phenomena tend to occur in areas that are
geographically distinct from those where markets operate, traditional surveys may not be a good
source of information on either the extent or the magnitude of this phenomenon. New evidence,
however, illustrates not only the large size of this problem but also its close link to land issues. A
key reason for the latter is the fact that, because territorial control is a key element in the war
strategies of guerrillas and paramilitary forces, expulsion of land users becomes a tactical
element in the armed struggle, with far-reaching consequences for household welfare and
livelihood opportunities. This is supported by the fact that, in a large survey that covered most of
the country's territory, more than 60% of IDPs indicated that they used land before being
displaced, a share that is much larger than the percentage of land owners in the overall
population (World Bank 2003a) and econometric evidence for a smaller sample (Kirchhoff and
Ibanez 2001). In fact, displacement may be driving what is often described as an agrarian
counter-reform of massive proportions. Estimates put the aggregate amount of land abandoned
by internally displaced people in recent years at 4 million hectares (Global IDP Project 2003),
almost three times more than has been redistributed at high cost during more than three decades
233
of land reform. In addition to the impact on the level of land concentration, such massive
displacement will also affect the productivity of land use and the welfare of those concerned.
Productivity will suffer because the land abandoned by IDPs is unlikely to be effectively utilized by
their successors. Because their agricultural skills are normally of little use in the urban or periurban areas to which they are driven, the welfare of those displaced who previously made their
living from agriculture is likely to be more severely affected than that of other groups who suffer
from displacement."(WB, 30 April 2004, p. 16)
Majority of IDPs abandoned land (2006)
•
65 per cent of IDPs have abandoned land
•
An estimated 1/3 of the IDPs were owners of the land before being displaced
•
More than one million hectars of land abandoned by 50,000 IDP households, according to a
church survey
•
More than three million hectars of land abandoned in between 1995 and 1999, according to
CODHES
•
Few of the small-scale farmers and IDPs have proper titles proving ownership
•
Armed groups force people off their land, taking advantage of poor titling
•
"Observaciones, monitoreos y análisis sobre el fenómeno del desplazamiento forzado y el
despojo de la tierra y los territorios ancestrales de los grupos étnicos dejan ver la gravedad del
problema:
1. La encuesta de caracterización de población desplazada de la Red de Solidaridad Social
realizada por el Centro Nacional de Consultoría en 2003 a 2.411 hogares, determinó que 65% de
éstos reportaron el abandono de tierras. Aproximadamente la tercera parte de la población
internamente desplazada era propietaria o poseedora de tierras antes del desplazamiento. El
sistema de información de la Conferencia Episcopal de Colombia registró 1’081.999 hectáreas
abandonadas, correspondientes a 49.750 hogares, en diciembre de 2004. El promedio de
hectáreas abandonadas por hogar es de 21,74, lo cual indica una mayor participación de
pequeños predios dentro de la muestra. Codhes presentó el mayor registro de hectáreas
abandonadas: 3’057.795, acumuladas entre 1996 y 1999. Sólo en 1999, 54.385 hogares habrían
abandonado aproximadamente 1’480.493 hectáreas.
2. En 2004 la Contraloría General de la Nación calculó en 1’063.424 las hectáreas abandonadas
por las víctimas de la violencia durante los últimos cuatro años, y valoró esta pérdida en
us$978,7 millones. Además, consideró que de no lograrse la recuperación y devolución de las
tierras, el Estado debería invertir us$2.851 millones.
3. Según la Superintendencia de Notariado y Registro, 35,8% del total de folios de matrícula
existentes en 76 oficinas de instrumentos públicos sistematizadas presenta anotaciones que
certifican transacciones no válidas de propiedad. Esta cifra indica que existen 3’381.120 predios
en la informalidad en todo el país, entre urbanos y rurales. Sin embargo, la gravedad del
fenómeno es mayor, pues muchos negocios de tierras se recogen en documentos que no
cumplen con los requisitos legales e incluso,
algunas veces, se realizan verbalmente. El predominio de derechos no formalizados
sobre la tierra (poseedores, ocupantes y tenedores), ejercidos generalmente por población con
escasos recursos vinculada al minifundio y a la economía campesina, contribuye a la apropiación
de la tierra por grupos armados ilegales.
234
4. Aunque la cartografía y la información catastral y de registro actualizadas y organizadas son
condiciones esenciales para el desarrollo de transacciones inmobiliarias confi ables, las
entidades competentes —notarías, ofi cinas de registro de instrumentos públicos, Instituto
Geográfico Agustín Codazzi y los catastros descentralizados— presentan problemas para
articular sus acciones y, por ende, para garantizar seguridad en las relaciones sobre la tierra. El
Proyecto encontró que —para el 2004— sólo 19,9% del área rural total del país contaba con
formación catastral actualizada, 43,6% la tenía desactualizada y un dramático 36,5% no contaba
con formación catastral."(UNDP, 20 April 2006)
Historical origins of unequal land distribution
•
The high level of inequality has been maintained by policy-related factors including
•
(i) tax incentives for agriculture that caused rich individuals to acquire land to offset taxes on
nonagricultural enterprises
•
(ii) credit and interest rate subsidies plus disproportionate protection of the livestock subsector that provided incentives for agricultural cultivation with very low labor intensity, and
•
(iii) the use of land to launder money that had been acquired by drug lords
•
Raising land prices significantly above the net present value of profits from agricultural
production made it nearly impossible for productive small farmers to acquire land through the
land sales market
•
Significant amount of arable land is left unused while marginal areas that are often ill-suited
for such exploitation are dedicated to extensive livestock ranching
"Colombia, like other Latin American countries, is characterized by a highly dualistic distribution of
land ownership, the roots of which can be traced back to colonial land grants (encomiendas). The
high level of inequality has been maintained by policy-related factors including (i) tax incentives
for agriculture that caused rich individuals to acquire land to offset taxes on nonagricultural
enterprises, (ii) credit and interest rate subsidies plus disproportionate protection of the livestock
sub-sector that provided incentives for agricultural cultivation with very low labor intensity, and (iii)
the use of land to launder money that had been acquired by drug lords. Most of these
interventions worked disproportionately in favor of large farmers (Heath and Binswanger 1996).
By raising land prices significantly above the net present value of profits from agricultural
production, they made it nearly impossible for productive small farmers to acquire land through
the land sales market (Carter and Mesbah 1993). Land rental was impeded by tenure insecurity
and ill-conceived laws that outlawed share tenancy in an attempt to improve the welfare of
tenants but instead were conducive to eviction of tenants and increased cattle ranching (Jaramillo
1998). All of this restricted the options for the poor to gain access to land and often left statesponsored land reform as virtually the only mechanism to facilitate land transfers to the poor.
Aggregate data illustrate the tendency toward increasing land concentration during the early
1990s. As table 1 illustrates, despite growing population pressure and the associated
fragmentation, this period was characterized by land transfers from small and medium toward
large farms. Adjusting for land quality, the number of "small" farm units (comprising less than two
Unidades Agricolas Familiares [UAFs]1) increased slightly, from 89.9% to 91.1% of all farms, and
the share of area cultivated by these shows a slight decrease, from 23.1% in 1984 to 21.4% in
1997. A more significant reduction in area, from 30.5% to 24.8% with almost constant share in the
farm units, is observed for medium-sized farms. Large farms increased their share of area from
46.3% to 53.8%. The lower panel illustrates that this conclusion is even more pronounced if
physical area is taken as the basis for the assessment. This situation has increased the
propensity of violence in rural areas creating insecurity and reducing the incentive to invest
(Machado 1999, Mondragon 1999).
235
The data also support the close link between land concentration and inefficient land use whereby
a
significant amount of arable land is left unused while marginal areas that are often ill-suited for
such
exploitation are dedicated to extensive livestock ranching (Grusczynski and Jaramillo 2002). The
extent
of mis-allocation of resources this implies is illustrated in table 2 which compares actual with
potential
land use in Colombia in 1999. Out of a total area of 114.2 million hectares, about 12% is suitable
for
agriculture. In 1999, only 30% of this land was actually devoted to crop production, pointing to
severe
underutilization. At the same time, there was over-exploitation of land for pasture. Although only
17% of
the total land is suitable; more than double this amount is actually used for pasture.
The negative economic and social consequences of such unequal land access have been known
for a long
time: in fact a 1950 World Bank mission identified unequal land distribution as a key impediment
to
economic and social development in the country (Currie 1950).2 While various policies have been
adopted to deal with this, their success was limited by a combination of an inappropriate policy
environment, limited financial resources, cumbersome processes loaded with bureaucratic
obstacles, and
the impact of drug money and violence on the rural economy. The national land reform institute
(INCORA), which was established in 1961, found it easier and politically more expedient to
colonize the
frontier than to redistribute land in the country's interior, and the impact of the government's land
reform
effort is judged to have been very limited. More than a quarter century of land reform has done
little to
bring about substantive change in either land ownership or operational distribution of land."
(World Bank, 30 April 2004, p. 3)
Different methods to displace people from their land (2007)
•
Forced sales
•
Owners of land forced to sign hours before ordered to leave by armed groups
•
Eviction as a result of mega-projects
•
Eviction as a result of failure to honour financial commitements
•
Law on Rural Development facilitates legalisation of land grabbed by the armed groups
•
"Democratic Security" policy involves civilians in the armed conflict, which forces them to
abandon their land
Yira Castro, 18 April 2007
"Muchas personas víctimas de desplazamiento forzado, son obligadas a firmar documentos de
venta de sus propiedades pocas horas antes de ser obligadas a abandonarlo todo. El valor que
aparentemente se pacta nunca es entregado al supuesto vendedor quien es advertido que si
regresa o denuncia, pagará con su vida y la de su familia el haberlo hecho.
Forced sales
236
En otras situaciones conocidas, el propietario recibe una propuesta de compra por un precio
inferior al que corresponde al predio, si se resiste a la venta, comienza a recibir amenazas y
hostigamientos y posteriormente el homicidio y desaparición de sus familiares, hasta que la
víctima no tiene otra opción que abandonarlo todo.
Direct threats
Esta técnica es la más usual y consiste en la amenaza verbal o escrita contra los propietarios de
tierras, vehículos o negocios. En estos casos se hace explícito el interés de algún actor armado
sobre dichos bienes.
Legal methods;
Seguridad Democrática fundamentada en la doctrina de la Seguridad Nacional, se creó la ya
famosa “Red de Informantes”. Esta estrategia que involucró a la población civil en el conflicto
armado, promueve nuevas formas de usurpación de bienes pues convierte a los campesinos en
objetivo militar de los grupos armados, razón por la que se ven obligados a abandonar sus
tierras, teniendo que desplazarse forzadamente para evitar ser asesinados o judicializados por
los señalamientos de los informantes.
Eviction as a result of failure to honour financial commitements
Despojo de bienes rurales, de campesinos beneficiarios de créditos agropecuarios, por parte de
entidades financieras
Otro flagelo que azota a la población víctima del desplazamiento forzado es el “despojo legal” del
que es víctima por parte de las diferentes entidades financieras, ya que un efecto colateral del
desplazamiento es la imposibilidad de cancelar los créditos adquiridos a través de la Caja
Agraria en liquidación -hoy Banco Agrario-, el Banco Popular, ente otros. Entidades que inician
los cobros coactivos sobre los bienes que han sido abandonados con el fin de garantizar el pago
de las deudas contraídas por la población y que no han podido ser canceladas debido al
desplazamiento forzado.
Las grandes industrias, los megaproyectos, las explotaciones mineras y otras empresas
comerciales provocan igualmente el desplazamiento de los habitantes del lugar donde se
pretenden establecer. Es conocido el caso de las represas hidroeléctricas que inundan extensas
zonas y provocan graves cambios en el hábitat primordial, obligando a los pobladores a
desplazarse forzadamente con el fin de garantizar a la multinacional, la posibilidad de aprovechar
estas tierras y darles el uso que sus intereses económicos buscan.
[...]
Law on Rural Development
Este proyecto de Ley pretende desjudicializar el trámite de los procesos de pertenencia de tal
forma, que no se haga necesario iniciar un proceso de carácter judicial para demostrar la
posesión sobre los bienes, sino que sea suficiente la realización de un trámite administrativo ante
los registradores de instrumentos públicos. Este proyecto también reduce los términos de las
prescripciones adquisitivas de dominio."
Property and land rights recurrently violated before, during and after displacement
(2005)
•
Illegal acquisition of land through violence is a major cause of displacement
•
About half of the IDPs come from lands under paramilitary control according to CODHES and
60% according to the WB
237
•
While about 410,000 million pesos are invested in demobilising paramilitary groups only
about 300,000 millions are invested to attend about 750,000 IDPs
•
All human rights observers argue that land reform is needed, all properties acquired through
violence by illegal armed groups and drug barons should be confiscated, the guilty punished
and properties returned to their original owners
•
The areas most affected by expulsions by armed groups are collective lands belonging to
Indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombians
•
The departments with the major concentrations of abandoned property by IDPs are Tolima,
Putumayo, Chocó, Antioquia, Caquetá, Cauca, Norte de Santander, Guaviare Cesar and
Bolívar
•
Land transactions in conflict areas should be effectively frozen as the law dictates
•
Most of the displaced are agriculturalists and therefore suffer greatly from loss of entitlement
to land
•
Women and children separated from their male relatives and with particular problems of
documentation and registration are consequently greatly disadvantaged in obtaining land
titles even where collective property rights exist
•
Guerrillas indiscriminately destroyed many homes in 2001
•
Reports show that 70% of the displaced have lost their lands, which are often occupied or
bought cheaply by drug traffickers
•
Lack of documentation and registration difficulties are important factors contributing to
property loss and obstruction of entitlement to land distribution
“Desde hace más de 15 años se viene dando una contrarreforma agraria por la puerta de atrás.
A través de la fuerza, la intimidación, la coacción y el miedo, los paramilitares –la mayoría
vinculados con el narcotráfico– se han apoderado de entre cuatro y cinco millones de hectáreas,
cifra que casi triplica la tierra redistribuida en más de 40 años de reforma agraria. Las principales
víctimas de esta expoliación han sido pequeños y medianos propietarios, y campesinos
beneficiados por el Incora. Según Codhes, el 50% de los desplazados proviene de territorios
controlados por los paramilitares. El Banco Mundial dice que el 60%. Sin embargo, también
según Codhes, el presupuesto del Gobierno para la desmovilización es mayor que el destinado a
los desplazados: 410.000 millones de pesos para los paramilitares que se desmovilicen, y sólo
300.000 millones para la atención de cerca de 750.000 desplazados. Mensaje errático: más
recursos para los que cometieron crímenes atroces y se apropiaron de tierras, y menos para las
víctimas.
[…]
Es la hora de una reflexión seria sobre el papel de la tierra en el conflicto armado, y para que el
Gobierno se convenza de que si el proceso con las Auc no termina en la devolución de las tierras
a los despojados y en una penalización de los responsables, estaremos sembrando la semilla de
nuevas violencias.” (CODHES, 2 February 2005)
“Uprimny explicó que en el caso de los desplazados colombianos, el derecho a la restitución
integral consiste en varios derechos específicos. El primero de ellos es la restitución, (volver al
lugar de origen con condiciones mínimas), pero si el desplazado no quiere volver a su lugar de
origen, porque eso implicara volver a desarraigarse de una población en donde ha vivido por un
período largo de tiempo, tienen el derecho a una indemnización (que puede ser en especie o en
dinero), ese derecho a la indemnización, en la mayoría de los casos, cubre a todos los
ciudadanos en condición de desplazados.
[…]
Rodrigo Uprimny, aseguró que “para que exista una verdadera restitución de la tierra, lo mejor es
realizar una reforma agraria, siempre y cuando esta sea una real estrategia de restitución y no
una forma para que el Estado incumpla con su deber”. Por último, el profesor prevé que
238
Colombia presenciará una situación muy compleja en donde se hablará de verdad, justicia y
reparación en medio de la guerra”.” (CODHES, 10 November 2004)
“Una de las preocupaciones centrales de la población en situación de desplazamiento es el
restablecer el vínculo con sus tierras, volver a los lugares de expulsión y recuperar sus
propiedades rurales. De no ser posibles los retornos a los territorios ancestrales a las parcelas y
chagras para disponer de un control básico sobre un espacio físico y simbólico significativo, las
expectativas de reubicación en zonas rurales son denominador común en las reclamaciones de
la población en diáspora interna. Los departamentos con mayor número de hogares con predios
abandonados por personas desplazadas son Tolima, Putumayo, Chocó, Antioquia, Caquetá,
Cauca, Norte de Santader, Guaviare Cesar y Bolívar.
De ellos:
El 74% de los predios abandonados corresponden a inmuebles rurales.
El 69% contenían casa y parcela, y el 5% sólo los terrenos
El 24% de los predios abandonados estaban ubicados en ámbitos urbanos
El 76% de los hogares eran propietarios de predios. El 4.8% arrendatarios.
El 5.6% fueron expulsados de propiedades colectivas (resguardos o territorios afrocolombianos)
El 5.1% eran ocupantes.
Las zonas de mayor presión por el control y uso de tierras a través de la expulsión de pobladores
ancestrales corresponden a los territorios colectivos de pueblos indígenas y afrocolombianos.
Las zonas de colonización y de aplicación de políticas de fumigación presentan igualmente
elevados índices de expulsión referidos a conflictos por el uso y dominio de la tierra.” (CODHES,
7 April 2004)
“Land tenure plays a key role in the Colombian IDP equation, both in relation to prevention and
durable solutions. Illegal acquisition of land through threats and violent acts is a common cause
of displacement, which might be prevented if more owners were issued formal titles and if land
transactions in conflict areas were effectively frozen, as dictated by the existing legal framework.
The majority of the displaced population lived off the land prior to displacement, some with formal
titles to their land but most as owners by possession. In general, their preferred and most durable
solution is to return to their lands, or to obtain arable land in an area of resettlement. In Colombia,
large tracts of land have illegally ended up in the hands of drug lords and paramilitary groups.
Durable solutions for IDPs need to be closely linked to the confiscation and return or redistribution of these lands. Current government policy of limited distribution of land to IDPs, at
only a reduced price, is however not going to provide a solution for large numbers of IDPs.” (IDD,
9 February 2005)
“Most of those who suffer displacement, particularly indigenous and Afro-Colombians, are
agriculture oriented and depend on land for their self-support and organization. With regard to the
protection of territories belonging to ethnic groups for example, Paz del Atrato communities in
Uraba and Cacarica (Choco) already have collective property rights. But in both cases, women's
rights to these lands have not been appropriately guaranteed. In the event of separation or
abandonment, women and children will be left in an extremely precarious situations regarding
land. Women, especially women from rural areas cannot access personal documents or
registration very easily. These women consequently face greater difficulties in obtaining land
titles, loans, a home and health and education services. This problem is worse for indigenous
women and those of African descent because of cultural barriers that deepen inequalities.” (UN
CHR, 11 March 2002)
“Indiscriminate guerrilla attacks have caused significant damage to civilian property, destroying
many homes, as in the cases of Saldaña (Tolima) and Granada (Antioquia), where dozens of
buildings were destroyed. The town of Alpujarra (Tolima) was attacked six times in 18 months.
Other examples include the cases of Colombia (Huila) on 12 July, Arboleda (Caldas) on 29 July,
San Alfonso (Huila) on 12 December, Vigía del Fuerte (Antioquia) on 25 March, Bagadó on 20
239
October and Carmen del Atrato (Chocó) on 5 and 6 May.” (UN HCHR 8 February 2001, chapter
V, para. 118)
Studies indicate that 70 percent of IDPs lose their land on which they had always lived and
worked before displacement. (WFP 8 September 1999, para. 31)
“When peasants flee from violence, they generally lose most if not all of their property. In several
regions, abandoned land is occupied or bought very cheaply by drug traffickers in an effort to
increase territorial control and political power; they frequently use agro-industry and cattle
ranching for money-laundering purposes. The displaced have little or no access to legal services
and do not know how to protect their properties. In the cities they become squatters or must pay
rent while constantly under the threat of eviction.” (Obregón and Stavropoulou 1998, p. 422)
"The [Inter-American Commission on Human Rights] notes that the fact that many displaced
persons lack documentation is a source of great obstacles, for adults as well as children.
Undocumented persons face difficulties in getting registered and obtaining documentation of
citizenship. This situation provokes, among other things, a loss of property, due to the inability to
provide documentary evidence, and the inability to obtain protection for human rights. For
example, most of the aid programs available to displaced persons require applicants to provide
certification of their status as displaced persons. This certification is very difficult to obtain, except
in a few municipalities which have made a special effort to resolve the situation of the
undocumented persons. The land distribution problem is also aggravated by the documentation
difficulties of the displaced population." (IACHR 1999, chapter VI, para. 41)
See also "The issue of land: an intimate connection with the phenomenon of displacement"
[Internal link]
Impunity risks undermining IDPs’ right to reparation and restitution of property (2004)
•
The government has yet to design mechanisms to protect and/or return IDPs’ abandoned
property and land
•
Over 4.7 million hectars of productive land have been abandoned due to forced displacement
and over half of these are controlled by armed groups
•
There should be no impunity for groups that displaced IDPs and the current negotiations with
illegal armed groups should include guarantees for land and property restitution
•
In Colombia, 0.4% of landowners owned 61.2% of cultivable land in 2000
•
IDPs have been displaced by paramilitaries in Urabá, Antioquia and Chocó in the 1990s to
enable agro-industrial expansion
•
About 70% of IDPs had ties to rural areas in 1997
•
Displacements and war among other factors caused a stop in agricultural production on over
1,700,000 hectares
•
Negotiations between government and paramilitaries should address questions of IDP land
restitution and compensation and a special reparation fund should be set up
•
Some IDPs cannot return to their farms but only to the capital of their municipality because of
the presence of the armed actors who forced them to flee
•
Despite various laws and Guiding Principle no. 29, IDPs have not been reassigned land nor
received any compensation
•
When resettlement is the only alternative, lost property could count as a first payment
towards a new plot of land
240
•
Resettling IDPs should be exempt from paying the 30% charged other Colombian land-reform
beneficiaries
“Another topic of great importance according to CODHES at the beginning of 2005 is in relation to
the implementation of effective protection mechanisms for the abandoned property of IDPs, and
particularly a discussion on land abandoned in areas that have been under the control of illegal
armed groups. CODHES indicated that to date, the area of productive properties abandoned
band IDPs is estimated at 4.7 million hectares. According to the NGO, more than 50% of these
lands are under the control of an illegal armed group that is currently in negotiations with the
Government. CODHES affirms that it is necessary to establish transparent mechanisms to
guarantee the return of these lands to their legitimate owners (mostly IDPs displaced band the
armed conflict).” (UNCT, 31 December 2004)
The controversial Justice and Peace Law granting impunity to paramilitary groups may be
accessed here, in spanish only.
“A miniscule 0.4 per cent of landowners (10,000) owned 61.2 per cent of the arable land in 2000,
while 57.3 per cent of landowners were small peasants who owned 1.7 per cent. […]Typical is
Middle Magdalena Valley, where the paramilitary organiser and emerald miner Víctor Carranza is
believed to own close to 250,000 hectares of the best land. […] Landholding is the “best
paramilitary instrument for laundering and saving money”, according to land issue experts. […] In
turn, the most efficient way to build a concentration of wealth is to force people to leave their land.
[…] By 1997, approximately 70 per cent of Colombia’s internally displaced persons (IDPs) had
rural links, and 42 per cent were proprietors, tenants or settlers. Of the former, 94 per cent
admitted that they had abandoned their land, while 6 per cent had sold it. […]
“Between 1995 and 1999, 1,738,858 hectares belonging to small and middle-sized proprietors,
settlers, peasants, Afro-Colombians and indigenous peoples were abandoned. The number
coincides with reports that in the 1990s production almost stopped on 1,700,000 hectares for
diverse reasons, many related to violence and displacement.” […] For example, in 1996 the
eastward expansion of large-scale cattle ranching from the Urabá region in Antioquia province to
the northern parts of the department of Chocó displaced 15,000 to 17,000 farmers. Similar
displacements occurred with the introduction of African palm plantations in Chocó. In both cases,
paramilitary groups drove out the small farmers in order to permit agro-industrial expansion. […]
Thus, any negotiation between the government and the AUC needs to address the question of
how to deal with the land of the displaced population. An additional problem is how the authorities
will differentiate between drug-traffickers’ land and the properties owned by the AUC leadership.
Issues such as the return of IDP families to their former lands and compensation to the victims of
paramilitary crimes are key concerns that cannot be avoided in any peace process with the
paramilitary groups.
[…]
It might do this through the creation of a special reparation fund for victims of illegal armed groups
and the distribution of illeglly acquired land, including of drug traffickers, among farmers forcibly
displaced by paramilitary groups.” (ICG, 16 September 2003, pp.11,12, 29)
“En otros casos, los retornos promovidos por las autoridades no han sido genuinos en el sentido
de que las personas desplazadas no han podido retornar a sus fincas sino al casco urbano del
municipio de origen. En estos casos, el Estado no ha garantizado la recuperación de la tierra que
permanece bajo el control de los actores armados que las desplazaron y, a pesar de la
legislación existente (ley 160 de 1994, ley 387 de 1997 y Principio Rector 29), no se han
adoptado medidas para la reasignación o indemnización de sus tierras y bienes abandonados.
Preocupa que esta situación se agrave por la reforma presentada a la ley 160 […], la cual
limitaría las posibilidades de acceso a la tierra de las personas desplazadas. Este proyecto de
241
ley se basa en la regulación del mercado y niegan la autonomía campesina en los procesos de
desarrollo rural y su derecho a la seguridad y soberanía alimentaria. Esta reforma desconoce la
recomendación del Representante de Naciones Unidas para las personas desplazadas sobre la
necesidad de apoyar su autosuficiencia […] y las recomendaciones del Comité de derechos
económicos sociales y culturales para llevar a cabo una genuina reforma agraria […].”
(Mencoldes, 20 August 2003, pp.4,5)
"Como incentivos para el retorno voluntario, la Red de Solidaridad Social coordinará con el
Ministerio de Agricultura, el INCORA y el Ministerio del Interior la definición, diseño e
implementación de un procedimiento especial para la identificación de los derechos y títulos de
propiedad de la población que retorna, con el fin de devolverle la tierra que temporalmente
perdieron como consecuencia directa del desplazamiento. Igualmente, se establecerán
mecanismos para clarificar la propiedad de las mejoras y establecer esquemas de compensación
de bienes inmuebles abandonados como parte de pago de nuevos predios. La Red de
Solidaridad Social promoverá la prestación de asesoría jurídica a los desplazados en materia de
tierras." (Departamento Nacional de Planeacion, GOC, 10 November 1999, Sect. IV.A3a)
"The workshop recognized the difficulties involved in the application of Guiding Principle 29.1,
which spells out the right of displaced persons to recover abandoned property and possessions.
First, the majority of IDPs in Colombia do not have legal title to the land they left behind. Second,
the actors causing displacement, or persons sympathetic to them, often destroy or take
possession of property and belongings left behind. Furthermore, IDP participants described the
fear caused by the violent acts leading to displacement, which effectively prevented displaced
persons from returning to their homes. Given this situation, the workshop encouraged the
Government of Colombia to design and implement programmes aimed at recovering IDP property
and possessions, in accordance with Principle 29. When recovery of property and possessions is
not possible, authorities should facilitate alternative solutions leading to compensation or just
reparation. In Colombia, such compensation has not been offered to IDPs. Instead, agrarian
reform Law 160 has been applied to IDPs, just as to any other peasant in need of land, making
them pay 30 per cent of the total cost of the new plot of land. Workshop participants did not find
this system reasonable, given that most IDPs, as a result of violations of human rights or
humanitarian law, have lost their belongings and means of making a living. Concern was also
expressed that IDPs would have to assume a debt burden so large as to prevent a durable
solution to their situation. It was, therefore, suggested that displaced persons should be exempt
from paying the 30 per cent charged other land-reform beneficiaries." (UN CHR, 16 November
1999, paras. 64-65)
Law and Policy
Narco-traffickers and paramilitaries will not be prosecuted for crimes against IDPs
•
Colombian "Justice and Peace" law of June 2005 will grant former members of death squads
near-immunity and allow their leaders to retain their loot and seized property
•
Decree 4760 of December 2005 regulating the law grants amnesty for front-men,
representing the interests of the land-grabbers
"Land grabs by narco-traffickers and paramilitaries
Colombia's death squads get respectable
242
The United Nations and other organisations have condemned a new Colombian law that will grant
former members of death squads near-immunity and allow their leaders to retain their loot and
drug profits. Is this demobilisation or legitimisation?
By Carlos M Gutiérrez
THE justice and peace law passed by Colombia's parliament on 21 June allowed the president,
Alvaro Uribe, to claim he had made peace with, and demobilised, the extreme-right paramilitaries.
There was widespread and varied reaction from multilateral bodies, politicians, human rights
campaigners and the press. An editorial "Colombia's capitulation", on July 4 in the New York
Times suggested: "It should be called the impunity for mass murderers, terrorists and major
cocaine traffickers law."
The Colombian congress knows how the paramilitaries came into existence, what they have done
and who has been, and continues to be, behind them. It has given them political status without
the approval of the international community or the prior national consensus that the law's
promoters had sought. As the director of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights office in
Colombia, Michael Frühling, remarked a week before the law was passed, "it is not a good idea to
treat paramilitarism as a mere political misdemeanour" (1).
The government may deny parentage, but the extreme-right groups are happy to admit that they
are the children of the state. "We were born paramilitaries," says one of their most prominent
leaders, Ernesto Báez. "The weapons sent to us in June 1983 at Juan Bosco Laverde, San
Vicente de Chucurí and Puerto Boyaca and in the Magdalena Medio region, had government
stamps on them."
Shortly before the law came into force, several Democratic members of the United States Senate
wrote to Uribe to express their anxiety about "the very negative impact that this law could have on
peace, justice and the rule of law in Colombia" (2). Earlier, a group of their Republican opposite
numbers had declared their support for efforts to achieve peace in Colombia, provided that "such
a process is conducted pursuant to an effective legal framework that will bring about the
dismantling of the underlying structure, illegal sources of financing and economic power" of
terrorist organisations. "It is also critical," they added, "that the provision of benefits to
[paramilitary] leaders be conditioned on the groups' compliance with the ceasefire and cessation
of criminal activity" (3). Uribe promised to take their demands into account and then ignored them.
This is all about cocaine, and such narco-traffickers as Pablo Escobar, Gonzalo Rodrí-guez
Gacha, Carlos Lehder and the Rodríguez Orejuela brothers. These were the idols and role
models of many Colombians in the 1980s, accepted in political circles and secretly visited by
national leaders. In towns such as Medellín and Cali, where their word was law, local authorities
kept out of their way, teamed up with them or turned a blind eye.
The drug barons could be useful allies. Their supplies enabled the CIA to finance the Contras'
vicious war against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua. They acquired enormous power and enough
wealth to pay off Colombia's foreign debts, an offer they actually made in 1983 in an attempt to
legalise their business and escape extradition to the US."(Land Research Action Network, 10
November 2005)
"Amnistía para los testaferros
También de manera ostensiblemente ilegal, el decreto 4760 otorga, en cuarto lugar, amnistía a
los testaferros de los paramilitares, es decir, a quienes aparecen como propietarios o
detentadores de los bienes adquiridos o usurpados por ellos. Un decreto presidencial no tiene
jurídicamente posibilidades de conceder tal amnistía, lo cual sería, si acaso, competencia de una
ley. Pero además, el decreto trata a los testaferros como criaturas inocentes, cuando en la
243
mayoría de los casos se trata de verdaderos cómplices de los crímenes de guerra y de lesa
humanidad cometidos por los jefes paramilitares. En algunos pocos casos puede haber
testaferros que sean subordinados de los delincuentes, y que no podían resistirse a sus órdenes,
lo cual los exoneraría de responsabilidad penal. Pero para los restantes, el decreto 4760 autoriza
al Fiscal que se abstenga de investigarlos, en aplicación del “principio de oportunidad”,
incoporado a nuestra legislación con la introducción del sistema acusatorio en materia penal en
2003. Varias voces autorizadas han criticado la forma laxa como se reguló el principio de
oportunidad en aquel entonces. Este decreto agrava la arbitrariedad del principio de oportunidad
al autorizar su aplicación, por virtud de un decreto, a criminales de guerra y de lesa humanidad.
El Gobierno ha justificado esta medida diciendo que es la apertura de una salida para la
devolución de los bienes a las víctimas. Una salida más adecuada sería la aplicación de la figura
de extinción del dominio en relación con esos bienes ilícitamente detentados."(CCJ, 7 February
2006)
Alternative land survey to repair IDPs (August 2007)
•
Victims organisations propose alternative land survey to measure land seized from IDPs
•
More than 10 million hectares of land belong to indigenous and Afro-colombian communities
•
Agro-industrial and mega projects threaten the communities
•
The proposed land survey meant to show how land seizure and forced displacement is part of
a political strategy
Movimiento Nacional de Victimas de Crimenes del Estado, 13 August 2007
"Como es de amplio conocimiento el conflicto colombiano oculta en la tras escena un gigantesco
problema de despojo, especialmente de tierras que en cuentas superficiales se acerca a los
10’000.000 de hectáreas, tierras y territorios en los que campesinos, colonos comunidades, afro
e indígenas tenían sembradas sus esperanzas, un proyecto de vida y un factor productivo para la
familia y el país.
Sin embargo, más allá de esta información, lo que se conoce de esta expropiación es poco, ó en
todo caso la información existente es fragmentada e incompleta. Por ello el Catastro Alternativo,
es un esfuerzo de las propias organizaciones para realizar un balance exhaustivo de la magnitud
del despojo de los bienes muebles e inmuebles de la población desplazada inicialmente, y de
manera experimental con las personas vinculadas a las organizaciones de la CND y del
Movimiento Nacional de Víctimas y posteriormente a las víctimas que logran articularse a estas
dinámicas.
El catastro alternativo es una iniciativa de carácter político, que pretende a través del esfuerzo
conjunto de diversas organizaciones que trabajan con población víctimas de la violencia, para
recaudar la más completa información sobre los bienes que fueron arrebatados, y con el uso de
la violencia a miles de familias campesinas, para evidenciar que el desplazamiento no es
solamente un drama humanitario que afecta a más de tres millones de colombianos, si no,
fundamentalmente una estrategia de carácter político tras de la cual se expropió violentamente,
en una especie contra reforma agraria más de 10 millones de hectáreas de tierra productiva, y
que hoy hacen parte de los planes de expansión agroindustrial, caso palma aceitera, o son
terrenos para el desarrollo de macroproyectos, o en ellos simplemente ,se alberga gran riqueza
que están en su subsuelo o son fuente de enorme e incalculada biodiversidad.
244
Access to land and socio-economic reintegration have been the weakest aspects of
government response (2005)
•
While access to land, micro-credit and capacity-building are the three pillars of the National
Development Plan (2002-2004) no significant results have been achieved
•
The policy of socio-economic reintegration has focused on micro-income-generation schemes
in rural areas rather than on re-insertion into the labour market and in spite of the fact that
most IDPs are in urban areas because the conditions for voluntary return do not exist
•
The allocation of land for IDPs has been minimal with only 1,740 families benefiting from land
allocation between 1996 and 2004
•
Income-generating schemes mainly focus on self-employment while subventions for seeds,
training, technical assistance and follow up have been suppressed
•
Credit has become the only source of assistance and among the banks that finance urban
projects no credits had been disbursed between January 2003 and August 2004 and only a
few for rural projects
•
Devolution of land to IDPs has received no attention in the current negotiations with
paramilitary groups
•
A law initiative aimed at legalising land titles for those owning land belonging to IDPs was
proposed in 2004 but did not pass
•
Decree 2007 of 2001 which prohibits selling or buying of land in war zones has never been
applied
•
Colombia figures among the countries with the most inequitable distribution of land
exacerbated by war and displacement: about 0.4% landowners own 61.2% of land
“Discussions at the event emphasized the return of land to displaced peasants. To date, there is
no census of how much land displaced farmers have lost in the war, because many IDPs do not
register the land they abandon and because it is difficult to verify losses in zones of ongoing
conflict. Today, Colombia is one of the countries with the greatest concentration of land
ownership, [footnote 15: According to a study done by the Instituto Geográfico Agustín Codazzi
and the Corporación de Investigación Agropecuaria (Corpoíca) 0.4 percent of landowners, in
other words 15,273 people, possess 61.2 percent of the registered rural land area in Colombia.
Most of these owners possess lands with extensions greater than 500 hectares. Meanwhile, 97
percent of the registered landowners, some 3.5 million people possess only 24.2 percent of the
national rural land area, equivalent to 18,646,473 hectares] a situation, which has been
exacerbated by forced displacement over the past eight years. Decree 2007 of 2001, which
states that in war zones land cannot be bought or sold, was set up to protect civilians and their
land. […] However, this law has never been applied, largely because irregular armed actors
remain in control of large parts of the country and because civil servants have little power at the
local level and they fear retaliation if they insist on its application.
[…]
There are few cases where justice has been done. In 2004 the Bogota court ruled that the state
responsible for causing displacement in Tibu (Catatumbo region) in 1999. The state has been
ordered to pay 44 billion pesos (US$18 million) to the victims of this particular displacement.
Some organizations have sporadically documented cases that highlight the need for reparations.
The National Commission for Displacement (CND), which groups together approximately 200
245
grassroots organizations (GROs), has started a census of property losses by IDPs. The
organizations suggest that more coordinated efforts between NGOs and GROs are needed to put
the topic on the agenda. While using the existing justice system is important, some NGOs insist
on the need for a systematic process of information gathering and political advocacy to change
the existing state policies and practices.” (PCS, 22 December 2004)
“La efectiva provisión de los medios y las condiciones necesarias para la estabilización
socioeconómica de la población internamente desplazada, entre los cuales se encuentra el
acceso a la tierra, al empleo en condiciones dignas y la generación de ingresos, ha sido uno de
los aspectos más débiles de la respuesta del Estado durante el período analizado.
42. La conclusión general, compartida ampliamente por la mayoría de los actores humanitarios,
incluso por entidades del gobierno, es que en el cumplimiento de los tres objetivos principales de
la política de estabilización socioeconómica de la población internamente desplazada previstos
en el Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2002-2004 “Hacia un Estado Comunitario”, como son el
acceso a tierras, microcrédito y capacitación productiva, no se han logrado resultados
significativos.
43. El enfoque de la política de estabilización socioeconómica para la población
internamentedesplazada ha puesto mayor énfasis en la opción de generación de ingresos por
cuenta propia que en la vinculación al mercado laboral, particularmente en emprendimientos
productivos rurales, en un contexto en que no existen las condiciones para el retorno voluntario,
seguro y digno, y en el que más de la mitad de la población internamente desplazada está
localizada en las grandes ciudades.
44. Los resultados han sido mínimos en materia de asignación de tierras —cobertura e
impacto— y están focalizados en experiencias piloto de pequeña escala. Entre 1996 y 2004 se
han adquirido 25.838 hectáreas para beneficiar a 1.740 familias desplazadas, con un costo de
$37.286 millones; sin embargo, el gobierno estimaba en mayo de 2004 que existen 42.124
hogares desplazados no atendidos.
45. Se redujo el alcance de la ayuda que antes prestaba el gobierno para la generación de
ingresos por cuenta propia, suprimiendo los subsidios para capital semilla y los componentes de
capacitación, asistencia técnica y acompañamiento. En la actualidad el crédito es la única
modalidad de apoyo, a través del Fondo de Financiamiento del Sector Agropecuario, Finagro,
para proyectos rurales y del Banco de Comercio Exterior de Colombia S.A, Bancoldex, para
proyectos urbanos. Entre enero de 2003 y agosto de 2004, se habían aprobado unos pocos
créditos de la línea especial de Finagro, y ningún crédito de Bancoldex.
46. El Servicio Nacional de Aprendizaje, SENA, es la única entidad pública que ha prestado
servicios de capacitación productiva a la población internamente desplazada. El SENA ha
atendido un total de 14.335 personas entre 2002 y 2004, que corresponden al 2.78% de las
personas registradas entre 1995 y 2004 por la RSS en edad de trabajar que requieren
capacitación laboral (505.805 personas).” (UNHCR, December 2004)
“In addition, the issue of reparation for the harm caused to the victims of acts of violence and
displacement, including control over lands, does not appear to be addressed with the appropriate
levels of participation. The conditions under which the members of illegal armed groups join the
demobilisation process should be closely monitored to ensure it does not become a conduit
towards impunity”
[…]
However the devolution of land to thousands of peasant families displaced by the violence has
not received attention in the negotiations with armed groups. On the contrary, in 2004 a legal
initiative existed which looked to legalise land titles for those who owned belongings or land of
246
displaced peoples […] thus ignoring the Guiding Principles of the United Nations on Displaced
Peoples. Fortunately this Bill was shelved.” (OIDHACO, 28 January 2005,p.10)
Restructuration of INCORA the Institute for Agrarian Reform in charge of distribution
of land and resettlement (2003)
•
The Colombian Institute of Agrarian Reform has been restructured and fused with other
institutions in charge of agrarian reform
•
Recent reforms will make access to reparation and land titling even more elusive for returning
IDPs
•
INCORA contributes to the resettlement process by facilitating the purchase of land to the
displaced and providing basic assistance to the resettling families
•
This resettlement process has been so far employed for very few communities and with
limited success
•
Some resettlement programmes have benefited from the technical assistance of the Office for
Rural Women of the Ministry of Agriculture
" Además, la reestructuración del Instituto Colombiano para la Reforma Agraria (INCORA), que
incluye la fusión de varias entidades encargadas de la reforma agraria y de apoyar al
campesinado, podría dificultar aún más el acceso a soluciones duraderas para la población que
quiere retornar al campo con la titulación de sus propiedades como en el caso del Naya
(Cauca)[…].” (Mencoldes, 20 August 2003, pp.4,5)
"For most displaced families, their future is filled with anxiety and uncertainty. While most would
like to return home, they will not if they have no promise of security. There have been some
attempts to resettle families to other areas, but most have not met with much success, usually
because of lack of government commitment and resources.
To resettle on new land, the government works through the Institute for Agrarian Reform
(INCORA) to locate appropriate farm land, make arrangements for the displaced to purchase the
land, and provide basic assistance for the families to move and establish new homes and farms.
Unfortunately, this resettlement process has been employed for very few communities and with
limited success. In one case, a group of 12 displaced families, mostly headed by farm women,
organized them into a small association and requested a farm from the government. (They had
initially fled to the city of Monteria, but found they could not get work and had no means to
support their families or send their children to school.) In 1998, the government agency INCORA
gave the women a finca, La Duda El Tomate, and they moved to the countryside. The Office for
Rural Women of the Ministry of Agriculture provided technical assistance in getting the project
organized.
But by the end of 1998, the women were struggling to succeed on their new land. Those families
with men have been able to construct their own wood houses, but female heads of households
with smaller children and no extended families are still living in communal shelters. The Women’s
Commission talked to the women who explained they had to till their land, care for their children
and build their houses at the same time. They received three months worth of food as
humanitarian assistance, but are now struggling to find food. Sometimes they receive food from
their neighbors and sometimes they look for odd jobs or they return to Monteria to beg for food in
the streets. Some said they were considering moving back to Monteria because they are so
desperate.
247
The women also described many health problems, saying their children suffered from malnutrition
and rashes. The women said they were having difficulty obtaining credit for income-generation
projects, and although they had requested training, they never received it. (This training is
important, because they are required to develop project plans which are then submitted to the
agrarian bank for financing.)
In a more successful resettlement, INCORA has supported 58 displaced families, 14 of them
headed by women, who escaped violence in their villages in the province of Cordoba. INCORA
provided land for these families in the village of Valencia, and also offered technical assistance
and supplies to build houses, which are made of brick and wood. In addition, the Office for Rural
Women provided technical assistance and pushed for gender sensitive programming, so that the
female headed-households would not be left to beg and borrow. The women earn income through
micro-enterprise projects, including sowing rice and corn, and raising livestock, and selling these
on the market. The biggest concern for these families now is education for their children, as there
is no school in the area." (Women's Commission May 1999, p. 9)
248
PATTERNS OF RETURN AND RESETTLEMENT
General
Government's return figures contested by a public supervisory institution (February
2006)
•
In law 812 of 2003, the current government proposed to return around 30,000 families by
2006
•
In a progress report of 2005, the government claimed that more than 19,000 families had
returned, representing 65 per cent of the objective
•
Information collected by the Prosecutor General's Office indicate that between 2002 and
2005 only around 8,000 families had returned
•
The local authorities are in many cases unaware of their obligations towards the IDPs and the
returnees, according to the Prosecutor General's office
•
The competent authorities in Narino did not report any support to return movements in the
assessed period, while the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights reported several return
movements in the department
•
The army only assessed the security situation in 18 out of 50 areas of return, in a clear
violation of its obligations as outlined in the Constitutional Cout's sentence T-25 of January
2004
"En la Ley 812 de 2003 el actual gobierno se propuso el retorno a sus hogares de cerca de 30
mil familias campesinas entre los años 2002 y 2006. En este aspecto, en el informe sobre la
aplicación de la Política de Seguridad Democrática, presentado por el Gobierno Nacional al
Congreso en el 2005, se afirma que “en cuanto al retorno, en lo corrido del Gobierno han
regresado a sus lugares de origen, entre masivos e individuales, más de 19 mil familias (82.008
personas), lo que representa el 65% de la meta del cuatrienio. De éstas, cerca de 2 mil
retornaron en 2005”.
Sin embargo, en el análisis de la información entregada a la PGN por 428 Comités Territoriales
de Atención Integral a Población Desplazada, éstos reportaron la realización, entre los años
2002 y 2005, de 1.630 procesos de retorno de aproximadamente 8.129 familias, equivalentes a
cerca de 34.916 personas.
En general, las respuestas de los Comités Territoriales dan cuenta de que aún la mayoría de
alcaldes y gobernadores no conocen sus obligaciones como presidentes de los mismos,
encontrándose que en muchos casos la información reportada a la PGN a su vez fue
proporcionada por la Red de Solidaridad Social o las Personerías Municipales. También en
muchas respuestas, algunos alcaldes sostuvieron que la atención a población desplazada es
competencia de la Red de Solidaridad Social o de instancias de orden departamental o nacional.
La PGN manifiesta su preocupación ante el hecho de que muchos alcaldes y gobernadores
desconocen sus obligaciones como presidentes de los Comités Territoriales, lo cual se traduce
en fallas en la atención de la población desplazada en los municipios o departamentos que
gobiernan. En el mejor de los casos, estos hogares solo reciben Atención Humanitaria de
Emergencia. Llama la atención de la PGN que en cincuenta de los informes revisados, no se da
cuenta del número de retornos realizados, y en 62 de ellos no se informa el número de hogares
249
retornados o se indican cifras aproximadas, entre otras razones porque se afirma que los
procesos de retorno son responsabilidad exclusiva de la Red de Solidaridad Social, o porque en
lugar de reportar información sobre retornos lo hacen respecto de desplazamientos, de las
declaraciones recibidas en las Personerías Municipales o sobre reubicaciones, o porque se
confundió lo solicitado por la PGN y se entendió que este Órgano de Control solo indagaba por
retornos masivos. También observa la PGN que en varios casos se argumentó que los Comités
no tienen esta información porque muchas familias desplazadas retornan a sus lugares de origen
por sus propios medios, “sin informar” de ello a las entidades competentes.
En cuanto a la información entregada por la Red
que no participó en algunos procesos de retorno
Unidad Territorial Guaviare afirmó que “(...)
desplazamientos masivos entre agosto de 2002 y
ese mismo período se presentaron 8 retornos.
de Solidaridad Social, dicha entidad sostuvo
colectivo. Por ejemplo, el Coordinador de la
no ha acompañado a ninguno de los
febrero 11 de 2005”, aunque reporta que en
En el caso del departamento de Nariño, la RSS no reporta ninguna actividad como entidad
coordinadora en temas de retorno en el período evaluado, lo que se observa como una omisión
si se tiene en cuenta que la oficina en Colombia del Alto Comisionado de Naciones Unidas para
los Refugiados, en su informe sobre desplazamientos masivos y retornos, reporta la ocurrencia
durante el primer semestre de 2004 de 6 retornos derivados de desplazamientos masivos en el
departamento de Nariño, correspondientes a 2.688 personas.
Lo anterior, pone de manifiesto las debilidades de la RSS en su intervención en los procesos de
restablecimiento, por vía del retorno en los casos señalados y una baja capacidad de
sistematización y organización de la información relativa a retornos.
Seguridad de los retornos realizados
Como ya se dijo, este principio está expresado en la obligación de la Fuerza Pública de evaluar
las condiciones de seguridad de las zonas a las que pretende retornar la población desplazada
que así lo haya manifestado. Tal como señaló la Corte Constitucional en la sentencia T–025/04,
los resultados de esas evaluaciones deben ser comunicados a los interesados en retornar y
deben constar en un informe escrito o en las actas de los Comités Territoriales.
Cabe señalar que las que se han denominado “certificaciones de las condiciones de seguridad
de la Fuerza Pública”, no se refieren solamente al producto de evaluaciones de seguridad en las
cuales la fuerza pública concluya que existen condiciones de seguridad para promover un
retorno, sino que además y de forma más relevante, deben tener en cuenta el riesgo que pueden
correr las familias retornantes.
Este punto es especialmente importante, teniendo en cuenta que de los 50 retornos masivos de
comunidades desplazadas reportados por la Red de Solidaridad, en 18 la Fuerza Pública no
realizó la evaluación de seguridad.
Así mismo, solo en 101 de los 1.630 procesos de retorno reportados por los Comités
Territoriales, la PGN pudo comprobar que éstos hicieron las respectivas solicitudes de informe
de seguridad y en 43 de ellos éstas fueron dirigidas a las Personerías Municipales, que a su vez
las remitían a la Fuerza Pública, lo que implicó que transcurriera más tiempo entre la solicitud
inicial y el correspondiente reporte. En los casos restantes, los Comités no reportaron ninguna
información al respecto o hicieron alusión a la realización de Consejos de Seguridad sobre orden
público del municipio en general y no en relación con los procesos de retorno.
Todas las solicitudes fueron respondidas por la Fuerza Pública. Sin embargo, la PGN manifiesta
su preocupación ante el hecho de que varios de estos informes se limitan a manifestar que se
250
garantiza la presencia de tropas y la realización de operaciones en las zonas de destino de los
retornos, sin precisar la existencia o no de condiciones de seguridad, lo cual constituye omisión
al deber de protección."(Procuraduria General, 22 February 2006)
The government accompanied the return of over 70,000 displaced Colombian between
August 2002 and December 2004 (2005)
•
Between August 2002 and December 2004 the government accompanied the return of about
73,622 people, about 58% of the target of 30,000 families planned for 2006
•
Only about 58,000 IDPs out of the 150,000 planned for 2006 have been returned to their
areas of origin by the government, however with no guarantees of security and recovery
assistance according to ICRC and WFP
•
Only 11% of individually displaced wish to return and 46% wish to stay and settle where they
have fled and 19% wish to resettle elsewhere (ICRC)
•
Since Sentence T-025, the RSS estimates 4,199 families (19,593 people) returned en masse
while 302 families returned individually in 2004
•
During 2003 the government accompanied the return of about 36,000 IDPs
•
The government aims at returning 150,000 IDPs (30,000 displaced families) between 20022006
•
12,000 IDPs returned to Valle del Cauca between August 2002 and August 2003
•
The government signed an ‘Acta de Compromisos’ which promises investment in education,
roads, food security, relief aid and health care
•
UNHCR reports return movements increasingly sporadic
•
ICRC reports most IDPs return within the first 6 weeks of displacement and long-term
displaced are less likely to return
•
The government assisted the voluntary return of 1,700 IDPs in department of Caldas
•
1,571 IDPs returned to Rio Munguidó after having been displaced for 5 months in Quibdó in
Chocó department (Feb 2003)
•
During 2001 return indicator fell to 11% compared to 37% in 2000 and according to RUT only
13% expressed wish to return
“En cuanto a los procesos de retorno de la población desplazada a sus lugares de origen, según
la Consejería para la Acción Social, entre el 7 de agosto de 2002 y el 31 de diciembre de 2004,
retornaron 17.317 familias desplazadas (73.622 personas), gracias a los programas de apoyo y
acompañamiento liderados por la Red de Solidaridad Social. De esta cifra, 4.382 familias
retornaron durante el último semestre de 2002; 7.786 lo hicieron en 2003 y 5.149 volvieron a sus
lugares de origen en 2004. Durante 2004, del total de 5.149 hogares, conformados por 23.325
personas que regresaron a sus localidades, 4.837 corresponden a retornos masivos y 312 a
retornos individuales. Los resultados obtenidos hasta el momento representan un avance del
58% en el cumplimiento de la meta propuesta por el Gobierno Nacional de auspiciar el retorno de
30 mil familias desplazadas durante el cuatrienio 2002-2006.” (GoC, 11 April 2005)
“Even though the Government’s objective is to facilitate the return of 30,000 displaced
households (approximately 150,000 persons) by 2006, it is not in a position to ensure safety and
assistance. Most returnees have no guarantee of security and protection as they to return on the
basis of fragile agreements with illegal armed forces […]. To date, only 12,000 displaced families
(around 58,000 persons) have been assisted by RSS in returning to their place of origin. But in
many cases, the conditions are not conducive to sustainable re-integration. Though the
Government’s policy envisages the provision of
251
housing subsidies, income-generating activities, vocational training and land titles, these are
rarely made available to returnees. According to ICRC, only 11 percent of IDPs individually
displaced wish to return, while over 46 percent want to stay where have settled and almost 19
percent would like to be resettled in other areas.” (ICRC, WFP, 27 December 2004, p.9)
“SSN reported that through its return program, and based on Court decision T-025 of 2004, 4,199
homes (19,593 persons) returned to their places of origins in 35 mass events, and 302 homes
returned individually. According to SSN, these return processes were implemented taking into
consideration the principles of voluntariness, dignity and security.” (UN CT, 31 December 2004)
“The Government of Colombia is promoting the return of IDPs, and intends to facilitate and
support the reintegration of IDP families into their areas of origin by providing them with access to
shelter and productive activities. The emphasis on return has affected the implementation
ofpolicies and programmes in favour of IDPs’ local integration. In 2003, UNHCR’s government
counterpart, the Red de Solidaridad Social (RSS) reported the return of some 36,000 IDPs.
UNHCR and other international organisations are monitoring the return movements to ensure that
the minimum criteria of voluntariness, safety and sustainability are met.” (UNHCR, 1 March 2004)
As of 23 December 2003, the RSS had already assisted the return of 11,143 displaced
families or about 55,715 IDPs since the New President took office in August 2002. To see
table click here [External Link]
« En los últimos años se ha evidenciado una disminución drástica del número de personas
desplazadas que retornan a su lugar de origen, pasando de ser el 37% del total de la población
desplazada en 1997 a tan solo el 2% en el primer semestre de 2002 […]. Una encuesta reciente
también demuestra que la mayoría de las personas desplazadas están favorables a permanecer
(el 46,22%) o reubicarse (18,96%), cuando solo el 11,30% quiere retornar» (Mencoldes, 20
August 2003)
« La meta de este Gobierno como mínimo es retornar a 150.000 personas unas 30.000 familias a
sus sitios de origen, con el componente de organización comunitaria y con condiciones de
seguridad alimentaria para dar un paso importante en esta materia. » (RSS, 12 September 2003)
“Para el periodo 2002-2006, el Gobierno Nacional tiene como meta el retorno a sus lugares de
origen de 30.000 familias de las cuales, gracias a la acción coordinada de la Red de Solidaridad
Social, la Fuerza Pública y otras entidades del Estado, ya han retornado 7.401. » (GOC, 14
August 2003)
“El director de la Red de Solidaridad, Luis Alfonso Hoyos, informó que desde agosto de 2002
hasta la fecha, 12 mil desplazados vallecaucanos han retornado a sus lugares de origen.
[…] "Con este número de personas retornadas, el departamento del Valle del Cauca ocupa la
segunda posición en retornos luego del Chocó" » (GOC, 13 September 2003)
“Since Dec 2002 the state has been advocating a rapid return of IDPs into rural Convención with
no guarantees whatsoever. It proposed to provide returnees with food and medicine kits, but no
longer-term humanitarian and development strategies were proposed. In particular, the RSS, the
government institution responsible for tackling the humanitarian situation, came under fire for not
promoting an adequate humanitarian and protection plan that would reflect the real necessities of
returnees. Although the state has signed an ‘Acta de Compromisos’ (which promises investment
in education, roads, food security, relief aid and health care) following pressures, it remains to be
seen whether local state institutions will live up to those promises. Policy makers emphasized that
the implementation of state-led programs will depend on whether the levels of insecurity will allow
the state to enter the region.” (PCS, 30 May 2003)
252
“Return movements are becoming more and more sporadic […]. The return movement of 1
September 2002 from Quibdó to Bojayá was an exception. Generally, it was felt that the
conditions for return have not yet been met in most expulsion areas. ICRC has reported that
many IDPs return within the first six weeks after displacement. The longer-term IDPs and the
ones that have passed the emergency phase are less likely to return to their place of origin.”
(UNHCR, 3 May 2003, p.11)
Department of Caldas
“El pasado fin de semana retornaron voluntariamente a sus hogares alrededor de 1.700
personas, unas 460 familias, luego de permanecer por 10 días en la cabecera municipal y recibir
acompañamiento por parte de la Red de Solidaridad Social, la Alcaldía Municipal, el ICBF, la
Unidad Móvil de la Dirección Territorial de Salud de Caldas, la Gobernación de Caldas y
Organismos Internacionales.» (RSS, 15 August 2003)
« Ya son 19.489 los colombianos y colombianas que han retornado desde el 7 de agosto del año
pasado fecha en que se posesionó el presidente Alvaro Uribe Vélez. Felices por saber que
retornan a la cuenca del río Munguidó a realizar las labores que por largos años han fortalecido
su tejido social se mostraron 1.571 chocoanos desplazados que permanecieron durante cinco
meses en Quibdó.
[…]
Según explicó Luis Ángel Moreno, Coordinador de la Red en el Chocó, cada hogar que
voluntariamente tomó la decisión de retornar, recibe un kit de seguridad alimentaria compuesto
por herramientas, semillas, concentrado y pollos de engorde o gallinas ponedoras así. un
machete, un azadón, una pala, una lima, un palín, un barretón, 12 kilos de semilla de maíz, 40
gramos de semilla de tomate, 30 de pepino y 100 de cilantro, 8 kilos de semilla de arroz y 17
gallinas ponedoras o pollos de engorde. Contratados por la Red de Solidaridad, 20 botes
grandes, más de 40 pequeños y unos 1.300 galones de gasolinas se necesitaron para
transportar a los 431 hogares de las comunidades de Bella Luz, Calahorra, Winandó, Guarandó,
Alta Gracia, Jitradó, Mojaudó, Puerto Aluma y La Comunidad. Este nuevo regreso a sus hogares
de 1.571 personas, se suma a los 24 eventos de retorno de población desplazada que se han
registrado desde el pasado 7 de agosto, fecha en que asumió como nuevo presidente de los
colombianos Alvaro Uribe Vélez. Hoy la cifra de hogares retornados luego de permanecer en
condición de desplazamiento alcanza los 3.788 hogares, 19.489 personas. » (GOC, 28 February
2003)
“En el 2001 el índice de retorno fue de 11%, lo que supone una disminución del 70 % repecto al
2000 cuando la tasa de retorno fue de 37%. Un total de 23.211 personas retornaron o se
reubicaron en el 2001 (21.172 retornaron y 2039 se reubicaron). Estos datos indican que el
retorno es cada vez menos una solución posible para los desplazados, que sólo manifiestan en
un 13 % su deseo de retornar, según la encuesta del RUT, ó en un 11 % según la encuesta de
OIM.
[…] Sin embargo, la práctica más habitual continua siendo el retorno individual y espontáneo sin
garantías de parte de las instituciones. Ejemplos de esta práctica han sido detectados en Santa
Rosa y en San Pablo. Por lo general, la reubicación no es una alternativa de solución para la
población desplazada de la Región.” (GTD, 23 November 2002p. 34-5)
"La intención de las poblaciones desplazadas de regresar a sus lugares de origin aumentó en
cinco puntos porcentuales, pues la medición mostró un 24% con un precedente de 19% en el
año 99; las expectativas de permanecer presentan un incremento de siete puntos porcentuales,
es la más alta con un registro del 60% del total. La alternativa de migrar a otro lugar disminuyó
en 10 puntos porcentuales pues solamente el 16% manifestó el querer hacerlo mientras que en
1999 este porcentaje fue de 26%." (CODHES, January 2001)
253
To read the presentation of Brookings at Seminar/Workshop on Return, Resettlement and
Reintegration of IDPs in Colombia 3 December 2003 see bibliography below.
To read CODHES’ comments on the Brookings presentation of the 3 December 2003 see
bibliography below.
IDPs return to unsafe areas often due to lack of assistance and protection in areas of
refuge (2005)
•
Civilian authorities in charge of accompanying re-turnees are failing to provide them with
promised basic services(2005)
•
Element of force in many of the government's return programmes (2005)
•
Most IDPs in Cúcuta have expressed desire to return to rural areas emphasizing lack of
humanitarian assistance, jobs, too much violence, no access to schools and poor housing
conditions
•
Rural Convención has suffered food and medicine supplies blockades since paramilitary
incursions in 2001
•
Return to rural Convención is also hampered by uncleared landmines and lack of school
teacher who are considered ‘military targets’
•
Despite all these impediments over 400 people returned to rural Convención without
assistance and with the causes of flight remaining unchanged (2003)
•
The security of the returned will not be guaranteed as there is no state nor military presence
in the region
•
Many returns prompted by high presence of armed actors in urban centres undermining
physical security of IDPs
•
The voluntary nature of return is questioned as it is most often motivated by inhuman
conditions of living rather than by guarantees of safety and dignity in places of return
"Colombians who were forced to abandon their villages after being targeted by armed groups are
still returning to unsafe areas with little support, leaving them under constant threat of new
displace-ment. The implementation of the Government of Colombia’s democratic security policy is
putting civilians in danger while civilian authorities in charge of accompanying re-turnees are
failing to provide them with promised basic services. Due to the persistence of the internal conflict
in areas of return, displaced groups should have the opportu-nity and support to either resettle or
integrate in safe areas, whether rural or urban. Additionally, greater support should be provided to
communities which are developing internal mechanisms to resist displacement and opt to
re-locate in safer areas within their own territory.
The Colombian Government considers return as the most preferable solution, particularly to
recent displacements. But returns must be voluntary and implemented in full re-spect of the
principles of safety and dignity. Lack of eco-nomic opportunities in urban settings, conditionality of
receiving additional assistance, and excessive leadership of the army in the promotion and
implementation of the re-turns are making returns a coerced process."(Refugees International 11
October 2005)
“NORTE DE SANTANDER
Catatumbo: 125 families expressed their intention of abandoning once more their villages after
their return in May. These are peasant families of the rural areas of Convención and Teorama
who, for lack of basic conditions, are considering again taking refuge in the urban areas of these
municipalities.
254
According to CODHES, the return of this community on 21 May, did not meet the minimal
guarantees demanded by the guiding principles of displacement. After three months, several of
the commitments subscribed by the Office of the Governor of Norte de Santander are still unmet.
The greatest concern is that a hose required for drinking water to be made available to the homes
has not yet been bought. Difficulties for transportation to the urban area of Convención, the main
market center of the area, for lack of adequate security.” (UNCTC, 30 August 2003)
“Given the precariousness of humanitarian assistance, the criminalization of IDPs, the crudeness
of urban violence and the lack of economic opportunities (which is closely connected to the
stigmatization of IDPs) large numbers of people are voicing a clear desire to return to their rural
centers. However, most displaced people living in Cucuta go virtually unnoticed; indeed, little is
known about their situation and how long they tend to remain in Cucuta before returning to their
villages. This has to do with the lack of organizational structures that would permit displaced
communities to pressurize the state to respond to their needs.
The plight of internally displaced people living in Cucuta has been highlighted by the situation of
72 families from the rural area of Convención, who have been staying at the Centro de
Migraciones, a church-let home that provides shelter for migrants, for the past 14 months. Given
their uncertain situation people at the Migration Center have long expressed a clear desire to
return home. There are various reasons for wanting to return. Comments about return are
frequently linked to the precarious situation in Cucuta, while others are linked to economic
reasons (owing land). Thoughts about return generally reflected a direct comparison of life in the
urban shanties of Cucuta with that of rural life at home (attachment to rural life, being better off,
possibility of work). Many people who intend to return explained their decision by emphasizing on
the negative aspects of live in Cucuta: lack of humanitarian aid, lack of job opportunities, urban
violence, children unable to attend school, poor housing conditions are the most common
reasons for wanting to return.
Indecisions about returning are based upon uncertainties regarding the conditions back home.
IDPs are generally wiling to return if the government committed itself to ensure conditions for a
collective and organized return, if they were accompanied by foreign organizations who would
ensure their safety and protection and if the state would commit to the provision of socioeconomic security back home (micro projects, reconstruction of infrastructure, provision of
schooling and health care facilities).” (PCS, 17 March 2003)
“Returning IDPs: stumbling stones, dilemmas, difficulties
Whether or not to promote a return has become a highly controversial and contested issue. There
is no black and white answer to this. Rather a number of issues must be looked at. Rural
Convención is a region which continues to be disputed by armed actors. As outlined in the
previous report, roads leading to the rural veredas of Convención have been blocked off since the
paramilitary incursions at the end of 2001. The commission established that since July 2002
disputes between armed actors have calmed down considerably, however, warring groups are
continuing to sow fear and hatred and blockade the entrance of food and medicine supplies,
which in turn impedes the revival of local peasant economies. Indeed, many peasants are
questioning the utility of reactivating agricultural production projects given the continuation of
blockades, extortion and rent-seeking activities by warring groups.
The issue of uncleared land mines looms as an obstacle to return, which also undermines the
recovery of the local peasant economy as well as the reconstruction of schools. To date five
cases of landmine victims have been known. What is more, school teachers are considered
military targets; those who remain in or have returned to the zone are constantly threatened by
warring parties while others are reluctant to return given the obvious risks.
255
In spite of the continuing precarious conditions, the inability and disinterest of the state to provide
protection and welfare in rural Convención, the continuing predominance of paramilitary and
guerrilla groups as well as the reality of and fears about the likelihood for further human rights
violations, more than 400 people are said to have already returned independently and without
receiving any assistance by state institutions. Given this, assistance is not only required for the
200 or so people in Cucuta and other urban centers, who have expressed a clear desire to return.
There is a need for humanitarian and development assistance for the entire population in rural
Convención.
As war continues in the zone, and no-one is able to foresee future actions by warring parties
(guerrillas are said to prepare a counterattack), promoting a return has proved controversial.
Indeed, the circumstances that forced people to leave have not actually changed. Nevertheless,
in the light of the precariousness of conditions in urban centers such as Cucuta, the tendency
towards an urbanization of warfare, the absence of a political will to deal with displacement and
the newly developed state approach to promote the return or resettlement of 30,000 families
national and international NGOs and the UN system are faced with a tough decision: either assist
a return or stay out of it.” (PCS, 17 March 2003)
“Numerous factors play into the decisions of individuals, families and groups of people to return
home without formal assistance of government officials or humanitarian agencies. For once,
state-let humanitarian aid in the urban centers of Cucuta, Ocaña and Convención has always
been precarious. Large numbers of IDPs do not even make it onto the government register which
ensures assistance. Employment opportunities are extremely rare, while many displaced are
stigmatized as guerilla supporters. What is more, given the strong presence of armed actors in
the urban centers of Cucuta, Ocaña and Convencion, the physical security of IDPs is constantly
being undermined. Threats, disappearances and forced recruitment and inter-urban displacement
have become commonplace in urban centers, in particular the slums at their outskirts.” (PCS, 11
February 2003)
"With regard to returns, the Office has noted that in several cases it is questionable whether the
return was in fact voluntary. One formally “voluntary” return in Alto Baudó, Chocó, for example,
occurred with no minimum guarantees of security and dignity.[...] It was mainly desperation at the
subhuman living conditions in Quibdó, and the lack of prospects, that impelled many to return,
rather than a sober, informed assessment of the security conditions. There is thus a serious risk
that the tragedy of displacement will be repeated as a result of the fragility of the process in the
key area of effective security.
[…]
In any case, considering the fact that the majority of displaced persons, especially those in the
cities who are of rural origin, are unwilling or unable to return, there are still serious deficiencies in
social policy to deal with the problem, including job-creation initiatives." (UN HCHR 28 February
2002, paras. 241, 242)
Most IDPs return without proper guarantees of security voluntariness and dignity
(1999-2003)
•
The state organized the return of 500 people to North of Santander without guarantees of
security, protection and dignity in May 2003
•
Houses destroyed by the 2001 confrontations were not rebuild and many returnees will be
homeless
•
Armed groups blockades will hamper the economic recovery in the area
•
IDPs nevertheless are willing to return and hundreds have already done so without
assistance
256
•
UNHCHR is concerned about returned indigenous communities who returned to unsafe areas
along the Atrato River, Slaqui, Truandó, Quiparadó, Domingodó, Curvaradó and
Jiguaminandó rivers
•
Many people continue to return individually on the basis of fragile agreements with illegal
armed groups and without appropriate state protection
North of Santander
“Otra preocupación se origina en el hecho de que las autoridades locales y nacionales han
promovido retornos a los cascos urbanos de municipios que son de conocido control paramilitar.
En zonas como el Oriente Antioqueño y los Montes de María, la permanencia de miembros de
grupos paramilitares responsables de numerosas violaciones de los derechos humanos e
infracciones al derecho humanitario, permitidas por la omisión y aquiescencia de la fuerza
pública, genera condiciones de inseguridad para la población civil […].” (Mencoldes, 20 August
2003, p.4)
“After more than a year since the forced displacement of over 12,000 people and lengthy
discussions among the displaced population, NGOs and governmental bodies, last week the
state organized the return of more than 500 people back home to rural Convención, particularly
Miraflores, Cartagenita, Honduras and La Trinidad […]. However, in spite of intense lobbying
work by NGOs, particularly the Project Counselling Service (PCS), the government has not taken
the necessary steps to guarantee a return with dignity and provide security and protection to
returnees once they arrive home. Discussions regarding the return have been polemic at best
given that the return takes place under unstable conditions of an ongoing low intensity conflict,
continued uncertainties, disorder and attacks on civilians. Returnees as well as state institutions,
NGOs and the international community face a wide range of challenges given the current
situation in rural Convención.
[…]
Physical problems include the presence of land mines and the destruction of housing. The
region is heavily contaminated with landmines, which continue to kill and maim people, restrict
access to agricultural land, schools, markets and so on, impeding mobility, security and economic
activities. Though the army had some landmines cleared in the urban centers of Miraflores (see
map) following advocacy work by NGOs and government institutions, active landmines remain on
fields, impeding the recovery of the local peasant economy. Housing conditions have not yet
been verified; however, many fear that some returnees may be homeless following their return.
Many houses were partially or completely destroyed during and following the armed
confrontations of December 2001.
People are returning to a zone where tight guerrilla- and paramilitary imposed food and
economic blockades remain in place. With a landscape of vast mountains, the few poor roads
and pathways conveniently lend themselves to blockades imposed by irregular armed actors,
who also extort local farmers and merchants, prohibit or partially restrict the entry of goods,
particularly food and medicine, and impose taxes on commodities. The economic and food
blockades are imposed to prevent the enemy from accessing provisions and strategically impose
hardship on the civilian population. Communal leaders are frequently targeted, kept under close
surveillance and their movements are restricted. Any form of movement in guerrilla and
paramilitary-controlled areas becomes hazardous and expensive. These ongoing blockades are
hampering socioeconomic development and impeding security and stability in the zone.
[…]
NGOs and the UN system are justifiably sceptical and worried about the return process into a war
zone. Although the position of returnees proves at best precarious, however, the main argument
for a return has been the clear desire by IDPs to go home. Hundreds of people already returned
to their villages spontaneously and individually and without government support.
257
NGOs and the UN have raised serious questions regarding the promotion of a dignified,
voluntary and secure return home.
Regarding a dignified return:
Although the state has promised to invest in education, health care and productive projects,
which were presented in an ‘Acta de Compromisos’, such vows don’t live up to the real needs of
the approximately 10,000 people currently said to inhabit the zone, who have historically been
neglected by the state. There are also worries about the credibility of such a state pledge given
that state institutions are notoriously bad in living up to promises, particularly when it comes to
investing money in return process.
Regarding the voluntary nature of return:
Serious questions must be raised about the voluntary nature of people’s decision-making
process. There are factors ‘pushing’ from urban centres of Cucuta, Convención and Ocaña,
where most people fled to, and ‘pulling’ towards rural Convención. In order to understand why
IDPs sought to return, it is important to examine both the factors related to people’s living
conditions in urban centres and those pertaining to the improvement ofconditions once they go
home. Indeed, the stigmatization of IDPs in urban centres, arbitrary delivery of relief aid,
overcrowded and poor living conditions in marginal shanties, lack of employment opportunities
and thus, total dependency on aid handouts, as well as pressures exerted by authorities for IDPs
to return home, constitute decisive elements in people’s decision-making process. So do the
prospects of selfsufficiency anda life under dignified conditions back home, a desire for
communal and family ties and potential economic opportunities in the wake of merely minor
incidents of armed confrontations acknowledged in rural Convención.
Regarding ensuring security and protection:
In light of the persistence of landmines and illegal checkpoints close to the zones controlled by
Public Forces, the state has failed to forward a protection strategy which would ensure an
adequate accompaniment of returnees, prevent attacks against returnees,dissuade armed actors
from involving civilians in armed conflict and involve local public officials in accompanying and
protecting the returnee population.
Regarding its sustainability:
The main challenge lays in making return a sustainable solution by supporting sustained
reintegration of returnees in their areas of settlement. But many wonder whether the government
has the political will to invest in much-needed health, education, communication and roads
sectors. Socio-economic development may also be hampered by the continued presence of
irregular armed actors, road blockades and potential renewed confrontations, which may provoke
new displacement.
Regarding the perpetuation of conflict:
Returns are likely to lead to a cycle of disaster and migration given that people are returned to
war zone areas of chronic poverty and food insecurity. There are also concerns that the return
process may exacerbate localized conflict and tensions given that the returnee population and aid
may play into the hands of one or the other irregular armed actor.” (PCS, 30 May 2003)
Choco
“99. These ethnic groups are especially hard hit by displacement owing to the close relationship
between their culture and the land they live on. Particular concern is felt for the situation of
displaced persons who have returned to their places of origin without proper guarantees of
security, in view of persistent threats from illegal armed groups, especially in the peace
communities living on the banks of the Atrato River and along the Salaqui, Truandó, Quiparadó,
Domingodó, Curvaradó and Jiguamiandó rivers, which increase the risk of further
Displacements.” (UNCHR, 24 February 2003, para 99)
258
« En el departamento del Chocó, las comunidades indígenas de los resguardos de Opogadó y
Dubadó, municipio de Bojayá, han venido denunciando, desde el 24 de septiembre de 2003, la
presencia de unos 600 paramilitares en sus territorios y lugares de vida. Preocupa la ausencia de
acciones efectivas por parte del Estado para evitar que se vuelvan a repetir daños irreparables
contra la población civil como pasó el 2 mayo de 2002 en este mismo municipio […].
[…]
Las personas desplazadas de la región del Ariari exigieron al Estado una atención integral y
efectiva durante el tiempo que se prolongue su situación y en su proceso de retorno en
condiciones de dignidad y de seguridad. Sin embargo, no recibieron una respuesta adecuada por
parte de las autoridades y su proceso de retorno ha sido afectado por el asesinato de algunos de
sus líderes.
[…]
El retorno de 828 familias (aproximadamente 2923 personas) a sus veredas del municipio de
Viotá (Cundinamarca) el 7 de abril de 2003 Red de Solidaridad Social, oficio AGAD 1335 del 11
de abril de 2003., se realizó menos de 8 días después de haber ocurrido el desplazamiento
forzado. Este desplazamiento masivo fue generado por los asesinatos, desapariciones forzadas,
intimidaciones y amenazas de muerte de grupos paramilitares, perpetrados con la omisión y
aquiescencia del Ejército nacional que no actuó ante las alertas sobre la presencia de estos
grupos […].” (CCJ, 8 October 2003)
Also see the Seminar/Workshop on Return, Resettlement and Reintegration of IDPs in
Colombia, by Sánchez-Garzoli Gimena, 3 December 200 3 in the bibliography below.
To access the report of the Bogotá Working Group on IDPs return ( 30 June 2003) see
bibliography below
Resettlement
Integration and resettlement of IDPs: a neglected option (2003)
•
Local residents are often as poor as IDPs, therefore cannot help the displaced to reintegrate
without significant support
•
Integration of IDPs in urban areas is overlooked by government policy as an ‘overwhelming
problem’ affecting 40% of IDPs
•
To respond to the needs of urban IDPs constituing poverty belts of big towns would require
funds to implement development projects in the urban periferies
•
Return of people displaced may appear cost cost-effective in the short term to the
government
•
Socio-economic re-establishment of returned and resettled IDPs hampered by insufficient
resources allocated to RSS (2002)
•
11,000 displaced households were allocated housing assistance upon return in 2002
according to RSS
•
Some macro-productive projects for the Peace Communities were planned with no
consultation with the affected populations
•
Out of the 495,000 million pesos allocated to the Development Plan for Departments of
Turbo, Apartadó, Chigorodó and Carepa, only 1.6% (7,200 million) are planned for the
displaced populations
•
Possibilities of return shrunk from 37% in 2000 to 2% in 2002, owing to the fact that 68% of
the IDPs flee from 20 zones where conflict is most intense, according to the Presidency
259
•
RSS registered 14,865 returns during the first half of 2001, thus 47,338 less than in 2000,
however there are no state policies designed to restore safety in areas of return and budgets
for assisting families to resettle are insufficient
•
Where there is no effective state policy on return, resettlement is another alternative which
however risks to serve the interest of the armed groups causing displacement
“A lo anterior se suma que las personas desplazadas pocas veces cuentan con alternativas al
retorno, como lo es el reasentamiento en otro lugar o la integración en el lugar de recepción. La
ausencia de una voluntad política de ofrecer alternativas al retorno desconoce la normatividad
nacional y las recomendaciones en materia especialmente de reasentamiento agrario y de
reintegración.” (Mencoldes, 20 August 2003, p.8)
“Integration of IDPs in host communities has been difficult as well. Receiving populations, like
IDPs, often face hardship and are not able to share their already scarce resources. The arrival of
large groups of IDPs can lead to tensions. Intervention with the idea of facilitating integration will
have to take the needs of the host communities into account.
[…]
38. Integration of IDPs in urban areas is even more complex. As many as 40 per cent of all IDPs
end up in larger cities, where they “integrate” or “disappear” amongst the urban poor. The
government and international community are hardly addressing the issue of urban displacement
arguing that it is a huge, overwhelming problem, which requires substantial additional resources.
Another argument for not getting involved is the difficulty of distinguishing between the urban poor
(pobres historicos) and the IDPs. UNHCR is involved in an education programme in Soacha, a
poor neighbourhood of Bogotá.” (UNHCR, 3 May 2003, p.11-12)
“In spite of the fact that Bogota is the main receiver of IDPs, Codhes highlights that there are no
clear government strategies designed to respond to the problem[…]. What is more, government
approaches put emphasis on humanitarian aid only, without developing coherent mid and longterm strategies. Indeed, government services are often considered an act of charity rather than a
holistic well planned strategy, which responds to the social dynamics that result from IDP influxes
and seeks to find long-term solutions to their problems. Many would agree that the government
lacks the political will to better respond to the crisis.
[…]
Currently, RSS is operating in a vacuum while Uribe is defining his response to displacement. It is
foreseen that Uribe will emphasize on a politics of return or resettlement of IDPs. Given the levels
of overcrowding, the increased visibility of displacement in the city and the subsequent pressure
of Bogotanos on government institutions urging them to do something about the problem as well
as the amount of money that would be required to adequately deal with the humanitarian crisis
and augmentation of levels of poverty in the city, and closely linked the need to extend
development projects to the urban periphery (costly investment in electricity and water) constitute
considerations behind the development of a politics of return. It is indeed far less costly to attend
people in rural areas.” (PCS, 31 December 2002)
“En la Región de Urabá, a pesar de las gestiones de la RSS para promover la estabilización
socioeconómica de la población desplazada, reubicada o retornada, los procesos no han
producido resultados concretos hasta la fecha. [...] Insituciones como la UMATA y el SENA han
presentado una mayor disponibilidad para apoyo técnico a proyectos durante el último año. Sin
embargo, se ha detectado la escasa participación de la población desplazada en el diseño y
gestión de los proyectos. Además estos proyectos se dan, en muchas ocasiones, al margen de
los Comités Municipales. En particular, la aprobación de un número de macro proyectos
productivos que iniciarían su ejecución en el 2002 para las Comunidades de Paz se hizo
inicialmente sin consulta con las comunidades afectadas incumpliendo lo dispuesto en la Ley 70
de comunidades negras. Ante la protesta de las comunidades, la RSS ( con apoyo financiero de
260
la Pastoral Social, el PNUD y el ACNUR) organizó un encuentro de comunidades con las
autoridades municipales. El encuentro sirvió para diseñar proyectos productivos que tuvieran en
cuenta las formas de vida tradicionales de las comunidades del río Atrato.
Finalmente, el Plan de Desarrollo del Eje Bananero (Turbo, Apartadó, Chigorodó y Carepa)
contiene recursos destinados la PDV. Del total de 495,000 millones de pesos durante 3 años, se
ha destinado 1.6% (7,200 millones) para el beneficio de la población desplazada. Sin embargo,
la gran mayoría de estos recursos está dirigido a la construcción de dos albergues, uno en
Carepa y el otro en Apartadó, lo cual no contribuye a la solución del problema de desplazamiento
en la zona.” (GTD, 23 November 2002,p.35-6)
« En términos regionales se identifican 20 zonas críticas desde donde huye el 68% de la
población desplazada. Dichas zonas coinciden con las áreas de mayor intensidad del conflicto
armado con lo cual las oportunidades de retorno se han reducido al pasar de un 37% en 2000, a
11% en 2001 y a solamente 2% en el primer semestre de 2002. Esta situación ha generado una
creciente demanda sobre los recursos disponibles para la reubicación en nuevos asentamientos,
generalmente en las grandes ciudades, donde los costos de atención y de reinserción social son
mayores. » (Presidencia, 1 October 2002, p.61, 129)
"It is difficult to find durable solutions in a context of conflict and stigmatization. The Network
registered 14,865 returnees during the first half of 2001, which represented a decrease from the
47,338 recorded in 2000. The Network also reported one family resettled for every 10 returning,
owing to the greater complexity of the process. In this respect, if there is no State policy to
actively seek to restore security in the areas of return, the only alternative is basically
resettlement, with the risk that this would unintentionally favour the economic or strategic
interests of those responsible for displacement. During the first half of 2001, the Network
approved 110 production projects for the resettlement of 11,354 families, with a budget of nearly
20 billion pesos, joint financing and international contributions accounting for nearly half the
amount. This represents nearly 1.7 million pesos per family, which generally is not enough to
achieve sustainable socio-economic stability." (UN HCHR 28 February 2002, paras. 240)
"Some displaced persons have opted for resettlement as provided in Act No. 387. A displaced
person wishing to buy land has to pay only 30 per cent of the land's value. The procedure is slow,
however, and relatively few displaced persons have been able to take advantage of it. In some
cases, resettlement has brought new security problems due either to the fact that the land
allocated has been in areas of influence of the parties to the armed conflict or to internal problems
within the settlements themselves. Those who have decided to return to their communities have
also been victims of further violations, thus demonstrating that the protection afforded by the
authorities has been insufficient and ineffectual." (UN CHR 16 March 1999, para. 100)
Policy
Voluntariness, safety and dignity overlooked in government return policy (2002-2006)
•
Uribe plans to return 30,000 displaced families between 2003-2006 who will have either to
agree or be deprived from humanitarian assistance
•
The government has assisted the return of 14,939 families between 2002-2004 out of which
90.3% were mass returns and only 9.6% were individual returns and represents about 15.7%
of families displaced registered during the same period
261
•
The great majority of mass returns are “quick”: they happen within the first weeks or first three
months following displacement therefore the conditions which caused displacement in the
first place remain unchanged
•
UNHCR is concerned that these quick returns could prevent people from seeking protection
in other parts of the country, that no other alternatives to return have been sought by the
government, and that return is not a durable solution because insecurity prevails in areas of
return
•
UNHCR considers that conditions do not allow for returns which guarantee basic principles of
voluntariness, dignity and safety or the rights stipulated in national legislation
•
IDPs who returned to Bellavista and Las Palmas were never allocated the reconstruction
funds promised by the government
•
Uribe return policies undermine the Guiding Principles and arts. 16-17-18 of Law 378
•
IDPs from Medellín will be returned to East of Antioquia department, those from Bogotá, to La
Palma and those from Cúcuta to rural Convención
•
900 IDPs were returned to La Palma in November 2002 and hundreds of them were
displaced again shortly after
•
The Presidency mentions that 68% of all IDPs flee from 20 zones undergoing the most
intense conflicts in the country, however it does not address issues of protection for those
who return to territories controlled by illegal armed groups
•
GOC proposes a pilot return plan for 30,000 farmer households who fled their land, who will
be provided with subsistence subsidies, land titles, income-generating projects and capacity
building
•
GOC in collaboration with the Red Cross and the RSS will create incentives for return of IDPs
in areas of origin, supported by a ‘security strategy’ and projects in support of subsistence of
livelihoods
“El gobierno ha establecido como meta retornar como mínimo 30,000 familias entre 2003 y 2006.
En el período comprendido entre agosto de 2002 y agosto de 2004, dicha entidad reporta haber
acompañado 14.939 familias retornadas, de las cuales 13.496 corresponden a retornos masivos
(90.3%) y 1.433 (9.6%) a retornos individuales. Ello equivaldría al 15.7% de los hogares
desplazados registrados en el SUR durante los dos años analizados. En la práctica, las
operaciones de retorno masivo por lo general son de tipo “rápido”, es decir que comprenden en
la mayoría de los casos entre las primeras semanas y los tres primeros meses siguientes al
desplazamiento, lo cual significa que se han promovido procesos de retorno sin que se hayan
superado las causas estructurales que generaron el desplazamiento.
53. El seguimiento que adelanta el ACNUR a 28 procesos de retorno, permite anticipar que
lapromoción de retornos “de corto plazo” y el afán de cumplir o rebasar las metas
gubernamentales, podrían conllevar el grave riesgo de convertirse en un mecanismo de presión
para evitar el desplazamiento, disminuir la presión política de las personas desplazadas en los
cascos urbanos, en especial de las grandes ciudades, y con ello limitar las distorsiones del
desplazamiento sobre las políticas sectoriales; al mismo tiempo desconoce que el
desplazamiento es un mecanismo de autoprotección de la población y que ésta tiene el derecho
de trasladarse a los lugares donde su vida, integridad, libertad y salud puedan estar en peligro.
54. El ACNUR considera que, en términos generales, a la fecha: i) no existen las condiciones
paragarantizar la aplicación efectiva de los principios básicos de voluntariedad, seguridad y
dignidad; ii) no se están garantizando los derechos consagrados en la normatividad interna; y iii)
la respuesta del Estado no ofrece alternativas reales de integración distintas al retorno de la
población. Los procesos de retorno no constituyen soluciones duraderas, porque permanecen las
situaciones de inestabilidad.” (UNHCR, December 2004)
262
“Uribe has promised to return 30,000 families through a serious of ‘pilot’ return projects. Indeed,
funds assigned to the RSS are to be spent predominately on emergency assistance and return
and resettlement processes. The idea is that returnee aid will be required during the initial stages
of the return process, while subsequently; municipal and regional government entities will take
responsibility for the returnee population, issuing development funds to ensure their
integration/re-integration. The gap between returnee aid and development assistance has already
become clear during return processes in Bellavista (Choco) and Las Palmas (Cundinamarca),
where the state did not comply with its promises to send funds for reconstruction (PCS will soon
forward studies on the return processes in those and other places).
The government has identified the following regions for the implementation of pilot return projects:
• Return IDPs from Medellin to the Oriente Antioqueño
• Return IDPs from Bogotá and neighboring municipalities to La Palma (approx 900 people have
already been returned, of which hundreds have been displaced again following the return process
• Return people from Cucuta and urban centers of Ocaña and Convención to rural Convención.
Those locations identified by Uribe as potential returnee or resettlement zones are regions where
paramilitary groups are prevalent. Some analysts have argued that the return process is part of
the government’s overall strategy to legalize and re-integrate the paramilitary (which fits with
other tactics that are said to do the same: zones of rehabilitation, peasant soldiers, red of
informants). The Deng Principles and the 378 law emphasize (article 16, 17, 18) on the voluntary
and dignified nature of returning IDPs, which guarantee physical and socio-economic security.
However, Uribe’s pilot projects pressurize people to return or resettle given the ‘take it or leave it’
proposal in which state institutions threaten to cut off assistance if people don’t disagree.
There is a need to further look at return processes in order to pressurize state institutions to
initiate sustainable return processes. The Catatumbo return process will be followed closely by
INGOs, it is significant in the way that it will determine future government initiatives. Pressing
state institutions to develop more coordinated and integral strategies in promoting a return may
prevent a second displacement of returnees.” (PCS, 17 March 2003)
« En términos regionales se identifican 20 zonas críticas desde donde huye el 68% de la
población desplazada. Dichas zonas coinciden con las áreas de mayor intensidad del conflicto
armado con lo cual las oportunidades de retorno se han reducido al pasar de un 37% en 2000, a
11% en 2001 y a solamente 2% en el primer semestre de 2002. Esta situación ha generado una
creciente demanda sobre los recursos disponibles para la reubicación en nuevos asentamientos,
generalmente en las grandes ciudades, donde los costos de atención y de reinserción social son
mayores.
[…]
iii. Restablecimiento
[…]
Para lograr lo anterior, el Gobierno Nacional comenzará con la implementación de un programa
piloto para el retorno de 30.000 familias campesinas, que hayan tenido que abandonar sus
tierras. Dicho programa se soportará en: a) un esquema de subsidios de vivienda; b) la
promoción de procesos de titulación de tierras; c) el apoyo a proyectos productivos y la
generación de ingresos; y d) la promoción de esquemas de capacitación productiva. Los
subsidios de vivienda comprenden cuatro modalidades habitacionales: arrendamiento […],
adquisición de vivienda nueva, construcción en sitio propio, y reconstrucción de vivienda. Para la
aplicación de los subsidios y la asignación de los recursos, se aplicará una fórmula de
calificación que tendrá en cuenta las condiciones de tenencia del hogar en el momento del
desplazamiento, el nivel de vulnerabilidad, el tipo de jefatura y el tiempo de desplazamiento,
entre los principales aspectos. Como incentivo adicional para el etorno voluntario, se pondrá en
marcha un procedimiento especial para legalizar los derechos y títulos de propiedad de la
población que retorna, con el fin de devolverles las tierras que perdieron como consecuencia del
desplazamiento. Dichos procesos de titulación estarán articulados con planes integrales de
reubicación y retorno, en los cuales se contemplarán los demás elementos del restablecimiento.
263
Con el fin de generar alternativas económicas que garanticen un restablecimiento efectivo, se
impulsarán proyectos productivos rentables y asociativos, para lo cual se promoverán esquemas
de microcrédito y apoyo a la gestión microempresarial.
[…]
Como un soporte para las actividades económicas de restablecimiento, se complementará el
desarrollo de proyectos productivos con capacitación agropecuaria, agroindustrial y
administrativa, según sea el caso. Con esto se buscará la viabilidad de dichas alternativas, así
como mayores y mejores posibilidades de empleabilidad de la población desplazada y para lo
cual se pondrán en marcha programas especiales de capacitación en oficios y actividades que
permitan aumentar la competitividad.
[…]
El Gobierno pondrá en marcha proyectos y estrategias para atender a la población desplazada
por la violencia. Inicialmente se promoverá un trabajo conjunto con la Cruz Roja, el sector
privado y la Red de Solidaridad para incentivar el regreso de la población desplazada a sus
lugares de origen. Con este propósito se diseñarán proyectos orientados a la financiación de
vivienda, crédito productivo para el campo, y una estrategia de seguridad. De manera
complementaria, el Gobierno trabajará en la implementación de proyectos de oferta educativa en
las áreas urbanas en coordinación con organismos de cooperación internacional.» (Presidencia,
1 October 2002, p.61, 129)
NGOs tough choices: assist controversial return or leave IDPs on their own (2003)
•
Return to areas where conditions which forced people to flee have not changed but war
continues is controversial
•
Although IDPs express wishes to return, decisions are influenced by sub-human conditions in
‘refuge’ areas
•
PCS highlights urgent need to promote state presence, have protection mechanisms and
humanitarian corridors
•
IDPs need to be given possibility to take informed decisions
•
CODHES underlines that there are no guarantees for sustainable return, security and
protection and voluntariness is manipulated, therefore new displacements are likely
•
Prevention of displacement, humanitarian assistance, reparation and justice remain
unaddressed in GOC return policy
•
It is unclear whether the GOC will resettle IDPs or return them in their areas of origin, who will
be returned and according to what criterions
“As war continues in the zone, and no-one is able to foresee future actions by warring parties
(guerrillas are said to prepare a counterattack), promoting a return has proved controversial.
Indeed, the circumstances that forced people to leave have not actually changed. Nevertheless,
in the light of the precariousness of conditions in urban centers such as Cúcuta, the tendency
towards an urbanization of warfare, the absence of a political will to deal with displacement and
the newly developed state approach to promote the return or resettlement of 30,000 families
national and international NGOs and the UN system are faced with a tough decision: either assist
a return or stay out of it. Whatever will be decided, the flood of returnees will not halt,
notwithstanding whether they will receive assistance or not. Prospects are that violent conflict is
going to perpetuate and escalate further in the months and years to come, making it virtually
impossible to promote ‘durable’ solutions. Many fear that promoting a return to a zone where
peace, physical infrastructure and political institutions remain absent will most likely generate new
displacement in the near future.
264
Given that IDPs are already returning independently and the precariousness of peasant and
indigenous communities who have been suffering from blockades for more than a year now, there
is an urgency to promote a state presence able to introduce protection mechanisms and
humanitarian corridors in conjunction with NGOs and the UN system. However, building state
institutions should not be confused with Uribe’s promotion of security measures. There is a fine
line between ensuring security and promoting protection mechanisms. Given the strong presence
of warring parties in the region, there is an obvious need for better military and police forces to
reinforce state control over means of violence. NGOs stress that this must go hand in hand with
the building of state institutions through the introduction of development programs (emphasis on
housing, education, health care), which address the needs of returnees and the local population.
There is also a need to find strategies and support the advance of humanitarian accords which
would guarantee citizens’ neutrality in accordance with international humanitarian law (IHL).
The verification commission constitutes the first move into the right direction. While the voluntary
nature of a return is highly questionable given current conditions in urban centers outlined above,
it is important to give people the possibility to make an informed decision on whether or not to
return. This means outlining clearly what the risks are. Further, it is important to set clear
benchmarks on conditions for a return, in order to exceed government actions. Joint planning and
implementation between the state, NGOs and the UN systems are paramount in order to promote
coherent and timely response.
Given that the Uribe government is planning to return 30,000 families in the following three years
and the fact that IDPs themselves ‘favor’ a return, NGOs must critically investigate state-let return
processes to ensure a better organized and sustainable return process and the continuous
attention of returnees.” (PCS, 17 March 2003)
« El esquema de retornos como eje fundamental de la política -en medio de uno de los
momentos de mayor agudización y degradación de la guerra- ofrece serios interrogantes
respecto de su viabilidad y pertinencia. ¿Cuáles son las condiciones de voluntariedad -que
implica que se escoge el retorno como la mejor opción entre otras, y no como la única elección
frente al hambre, el hacinamiento o las infrahumanas condiciones en los lugares de
asentamiento? ¿Cuáles las condiciones de seguridad y protección, que incluyen inversión
social? ¿Cuáles las posibilidades de sostenibilidad que garanticen soluciones duraderas y el
derecho a no repetición del desplazamiento forzado? ¿Dónde quedan las políticas de
prevención, atención humanitaria, restablecimiento, los derechos a la verdad, la justicia y la
reparación en la propuesta gubernamental? ¿Cuáles son los criterios de selección de los
beneficiarios de los procesos de retorno? ¿Cómo se van a garantizar los derechos de los
poseedores y propietarios de buena fe que ocupan los predios y territorios objeto de los
retornos? ¿Qué garantías de protección se van a establecer en zonas de disputa en el marco del
conflicto armado o bajo dominio de actores armados irregulares? ¿Son retornos -regreso a los
lugares de expulsión- o son reubicaciones, lo cual implicaría una propuesta muy distinta a la
actual ?. (CODHES, 18 November 2002)
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HUMANITARIAN ACCESS
General
Humanitarian organisations prefer not to reveal identity of armed groups (2006)
•
The World Food Programme does not unveil information on identity of armed groups
hampering their operations or kidnapping their personnel (2006)
•
Lack of access particularly in Caquetá hampered preventive and protection activities for IDPs
in 2004
•
The actors involved in the conflict use hunger and economic embargoes as a war tactic
"Dos funcionarios y un vehículo del Programa Mundial de Alimentos de Naciones Unidas fueron
retenidos por un grupo armado ilegal en la región del catatumbo, Norte de Santander, el pasado
sábado 18 de febrero.
Los funcionarios del PMA fueron liberados el día domingo 19 de febrero, sin embargo el grupo
armado aun tiene en su poder un vehículo de este organismo, el cual se encuentra debidamente
identificado con logotipos y banderas del PMA.
Ante la gravedad de los hechos, el Programa Mundial de Alimentos ha suspendido las entregas
de alimentos en la región del Catatumbo , Norte de Santander afectando aproximadamente a
12.500 personas
Con el fin de proteger la integridad de nuestros funcionarios y garantizar la continuidad del
trabajo en terreno en esta y otras áreas del país y ante la neutralidad del Programa Mundial de
Alimentos de las Naciones Unidas, no hacemos referencia específica a puntos geográficos
detallados ni nombramos a los grupos armados ilegales involucrados en estos hechos."(UNHCR,
23 February 2006)
“At the same time, the NGO declared that the closure of humanitarian spaces had a significant
effect on the implementation of prevention and protection actions for at-risk populations in these
regions, due to the impossibility of entering these areas for humanitarian organizations. This
situation was particularly severe in Caquetá, in the town of Peñas Coloradas in Cartagena del
Chairá municipality, where there were a series of incidents involving humanitarian organizations
that restricted their free entrance into the zone. CODHES stated that the progressive closure of
humanitarian spaces merits attention in 2005 in order to establish effective prevention and
protection mechanisms for at-risk populations.” (UNCT, 31 December 2004)
“The situation is exacerbated by the irregular armed actors’ new strategy of requisitioning relief
aid. On 16 April 2003, the FARC stole and burned two Red Cross trucks carrying food, medicines
and blankets to internally displaced in Tibú, closed to rural Convención. The abuse of relief is
worrying, may jeopardize relief aid in the near future and highlights the complexity and potential
danger of implementing relief programs during complex political emergencies.” (PCS, 30 May
2003)
266
“Insecurity [in Sucre Department] is increasingly hampering WFP operations and is likely to result
in new displacements of WFP beneficiaries who had returned to their home villages.” (WFP,
March, 2002)
“Si el bloqueo económico de los paramilitares continua, en Dabeiba tendrá que anunciarse una
EMERGENCIA ALIMENTARIA, ya van varios niños muertos de física hambre, realmente las
guerras de hoy no son solo guerras militares sino también guerras de mercado […]. En nuestro
pueblo hemos padecido ambos tipos de muertes, los más de 600 campesinos y campesinas
asesinados por los paramilitares entre el 97 y el 99 en Dabeiba, y ahora con el bloqueo
económico ya han empezado las muertes por hambre.” (Comunidad de Vida y Trabajo, La
Balsita, Septiembre de 2001)
“The actors involved in the conflict do not respect the goods which are indispensable to the
survival of the civil population and use hunger as a war tactic. This is what happened in the
municipalities of El Bagre and Mutatá where the dispersed exodus of 400 peasant farmers and
198 indigenous people was incurred to within the town limits of El Bagre and the natives of these
areas fled to the municipality of Murindó. The FARC intimidated the populaces of El Diamante,
Santa Cruz, San Julián and El Chicó “giving them 24 hours to get out of their houses” thus
causing a mass displacement of 430 peasant farmers towards the town San Rafael. Similarly, the
increase of hostilities on the part of this group caused the displacement of 800 more peasant
farmers.” (CODHES 7 September 2000)
“On occasion, the different armed groups resorted to blocking deliveries of foodstuff to different
zones. The case that caused the most serious repercussions was the ‘armed strike’ decreed by
FARC in the Department of Putumayo. For a period of two months the guerrillas prohibited the
transport of all goods within the department, including food and medicines. This resulted in
serious shortages and a food emergency. The civilian population was the principal victim of this
act by the FARC” (UN HCHR 8 February 2001, chapter V, para. 119)
The Commission does not have sufficient information to conclude that the armed dissident groups
[i.e. guerrilla groups] have acted in a manner which contravenes the prohibition against starvation
of civilians set forth in Article 14 of Protocol II. The actions of the armed dissident groups in
blocking civilian access to food and medicine are nonetheless of an extremely serious nature.
They violate the spirit of Protocol II which seeks to prevent the parties from using access to food
as a means of controlling civilians and involving them in the conflict." (IACHR 1999, chapter VI,
paras. 147-148)
"The illegal patrols carried out by the paramilitary groups in order to 'suffocate' the population (by
accusing them of guerrillas' collaborators), is a practice against international humanitarian law. It
blocks the supply of food, medicines and other goods. It generates serious food security
problems, put the lives of truckers in danger and increases goods' prices. Inhabitants from
hamlets such as La Casona, La Sierra and Ojito Seco [Montes de María Region] protested before
the authorities demanding protection." (CODHES 17 September 1999)
267
NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL RESPONSES
Overview
National response (Special report, June 2006)
Colombia is host to the second-largest IDP population in the world and has at the same time
adopted one of the most advanced legislations to address their protection and assistance needs.
However, practically all reports on the Internally Displaced People, including a paradigmatic
sentence by the Colombian Constitutional Court, emphasise the staggering discrepancy between
the expressed intentions of the government and the implementation of its policies.
One of the key instruments governing national policies on internal displacement is Law 387 of
1997 which emphasises the authorities’ responsibility to prevent forced displacement, protect and
assist IDPs during displacement and search for durable solutions. As noted above, more than
one million people have been forced from their homes only in the last three years of the conflict,
more than 940,000 according to the government’s own figures, making it hard to claim any
success in preventing internal displacement.
Government humanitarian assistance to IDPs is restricted to the first three months after
registration, prolonged in exceptional cases to six months. It includes food rations and cooking
utensils. However, even this limited aid covered only one-third of emergency needs, and the
majority of new IDPs (57 per cent) received no assistance in 2004, according to a UNHCR report.
UNHCR, March 2004 p.1 The recommendation of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for
Human Rights to extend the time limit on assistance and the one-year deadline set for IDP
registration has been ignored. While the emergency response has improved, according to
UNHCR, very little attention is still paid to post-emergency situations and the search for durable
solutions (UNHCR, 1 December 2004).
The body charged with responding to the problem of internal displacement at national level, as
established by Law 387 (1997), is the National System of Attention to People Displaced by
Violence (SNAIPD). It is composed of 14 government ministries and other public, private, and
community organisations covering various areas such as agriculture, social security, health, and
education. The Social Solidarity Network (RSS), created in 1999 (renamed Social Action in 2005),
manages the SNAIPD, coordinates and oversees assistance to IDPs and those at risk of
displacement, and plans and delivers services to IDPs officially registered (UNCHR, 24 February
2003, pp. 90-92; 1 December 2004).
Still, the country faces a critical human rights situation that forces people to flee on a daily basis.
The Colombian government has been unable to comply with its human rights commitments and
fully implement the UN Human Rights Commission’s recommendations made in 2004. While the
government reported a major improvement in its 2004 and 2005 human rights record, the UN
High Commissioner for Human Rights warned that official human rights monitoring institutions
use definitions of indicators incompatible with international standards and that “no official
statistical system exists in Colombia that adequately covers violations and breaches in
accordance with international instruments” (UNCHR, 28 February 2005, p.67).
Without proposing alternative solutions, the current administration has also attempted to reduce
the capacity of the Representative of the Ombudsman’s Office (Personerìa) at the municipal level
which is mandated to assist IDPs and protect their legal rights. The Colombian Institute of
268
Agrarian Reform and National Institute of Urban Reform, in charge of programmes to facilitate
IDPs’ access to land and housing respectively, were merged without clear redistribution of their
tasks (CCJ, 4 February 2004).
While the administration reported considerable progress in the fight against illegal armed groups,
and in regaining control over large parts of national territory, anti-terrorist legislation and other
measures adopted to attain these goals have been declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional
Court, including the amendment made by the government to the Constitution with the view to
granting judicial powers to the armed forces. A number of other measures were declared
unconstitutional by the Court in November 2002, such as suppressing judicial supervision of
detentions, restricting freedom of movement, allowing systematic searches, simplified arrest
procedures, and interference with privacy (UNCHR, 24 February 2003, pp.7-11; 45).
In January 2004, the Constitutional Court concluded in a sentence called T-25 that the lack of
protection and attention given to displaced people and communities at risk of displacement
constituted an unconstitutional state of affairs. This ruling has made the court the most important
and authoritative supervisor of the government’s compliance with its own policies and laws and
may be used as an example for other countries. The ruling reflected serious structural
deficiencies attributable to state bodies basing its findings on lack of compliance with the 1997
Law 387, the high number of complaints brought before the Courts by IDPs, and the deterioration
of their situation due to omissions in public policy, all of which resulted in the violation of the rights
of IDPs (OIDHACO, 28 January 2005). The Court ordered the government to reformulate its
public policy, to assign adequate resources to the maximum of its capacities, to take concrete
action to prevent forced displacement, and to guarantee protection of the rights of IDPs. In
response to the Court verdict, the National Plan of Integral Attention to People Displaced by
Violence was launched in February 2005, through Decree 250 (2005). The plan outlined
government strategies to prevent displacement and to assist about 1.5 million officially registered
IDPs in accordance with Law 387.
In direct response to the Court decision, the government committed in November 2005 the
equivalent of more than $2 billion for the protection and assistance of IDPs for the period 20052010. A number of agencies and ministries have submitted their reports to the Court which is, as
of June 2006, in the process of evaluating the government’s compliance with Sentence T-25.
While the commitment of November 2005 has been warmly welcomed by IDP organisations, the
funds may prove insufficient unless the government shows the political will to address the
structural injustices that triggered the conflict.
Colombian NGOs (Special report, June 2006)
Social movements or civil society organisations defending the rights of internally displaced people
or other victims are in many cases as old as the displacements and the conflict itself. Hundreds of
national and grass-roots NGOs have been created to defend the civil, political, economic, social
and cultural rights of the victims of the conflict, advocate for better government assistance, and
promote long-term solutions, capacity-building and integration of IDPs in host communities. Local
human rights and humanitarian agencies have been increasingly active in providing IDPs with
legal advice, psychosocial support, food and medical assistance with limited resources. Many of
the organisations have made consistent use of national and international legal instruments to
restore the rights of the victims and holding the state to account for its legal commitments towards
the affected population. Local non-governmental human rights and IDP organisations have
prepared petitions to the Colombian Constitutional Court and the Inter-American Human Rights
269
Court, accusing the state of not honouring its responsibility to assist and protect IDPs in
compliance with national and international standards. The Constitutional Court verdict of May
2006 which declared the Justice and Peace Law unconstitutional is a direct result of concerted
efforts by Colombian non-governmental organisations. More than 30 social and human rights
organisations together with 73 individuals were behind the petition (ASFADDES, 9 September
2005, pp. 1, 25).
Working conditions for many, if not most of the social and human rights organisations are
extremely difficult not only because of a lack of resources, but primarily because their work runs
counter to the interests of the armed organisations, mirroring in many respects the complexity
and nature of the conflict itself. Defending the interests of IDPs or other victims of conflict beyond
a purely humanitarian response is often perceived as an attack on the perpetrators of
displacements or other rights violations and their hold on land and resources acquired illegally in
the course of the conflict. Consequently, organisations defending the victims, and more
specifically IDPs’ right to return and have their land restored to them, have been among the
primary targets of armed groups. Hundreds of leaders of human rights organisations and
displaced communities have been assassinated throughout the conflict and attacks and threats
remain major obstacles to their work and to their very existence. The current phase of the conflict
has lasted for more than 40 years and many civil society organisations have distanced
themselves from the armed actors, guerrillas and paramilitary groups alike by advocating for nonviolence. This strategy undermines the legitimacy of the armed groups which often react with
threats, assassinations and forced displacement.
Moreover, IDP leaders and representatives of other organisations defending the rights of the
victims of the conflict are often perceived and stigmatised as guerrilla sympathisers by the
government. In June 2004, the president accused Colombian and foreign human rights defenders
of being guilty of complicity with terrorism (GoC, 16 June 2004). The work of IDP and victims
organisations has been further undermined by a constitutional amendment of December 2003
which confers on the army the right to search houses, seize assets, make arrests and intercept
communications without judicial warrants. These measures have fuelled the reign of fear,
suspicion and mistrust among IDP leaders and their supporters, and thereby weakened
substantially their strength to stand up for those they represent.
As a result of these repressive policies and hostile attitudes, human rights defenders and IDP
organisations are by and large bereft of any genuine dialogue with the state as the institution
bearing the primary responsibility for protecting and assisting the IDPs. The options are few;
some struggle to maintain neutrality, attempting to distance themselves from the conflict and the
warring parties, including the security forces and representatives of the state. Others are using
the state’s own institutions to defend their interests, exemplified by the Constitutional Court
rulings of January 2004 and May 2006.
The IDP organisations' strategies are largely based on advocating for the recognition of the
existence of an armed conflict and the recognition of the existence of its victims. The controversy
over IDP numbers between the government and CODHES, as outlined above, is an example of
the importance and difficulties of such a task. Without a common understanding of the nature of
the conflict and a common recognition of who is an IDP and who is not, it is hard to conceive of a
comprehensive response shared and accepted by both the government and the IDP
organisations.
Indigenous and Afro-Colombian organisations achieved a significant victory with the 1991
Constitution which granted them extensive political and administrative rights in so-called
“resguardos” or indigenous territories, covering large tracts of the country. The Constitution grants
these communities legal responsibility for land-use, social programmes, health care and
education with the financial support of the state. However, control of land and natural resources is
270
an inherent part of the conflict and their rights are violated massively. Although they only make up
around two per cent, or 800,000, of the total population, an estimated eight per cent of the IDPs
are indigenous people (UNHCR, 22 April 2005). Indigenous and Afro-Colombian leaders and
communities have been victims of massacres, threats and torture primarily as part of a combined
strategy to gain control over their land and resources and undermine their capacity to resist and
organise themselves. One of the resistance strategies has been to set up humanitarian zones to
assert their rights not be involved in the armed conflict or associated with some of the warring
parties, but with mixed results (AI, 6 February 2006).
Colombian human rights defenders and IDP organisations are articulate defenders of their own
rights, but severely limited by lack of funds, lack of state support and attacks on their leaders.
International humanitarian response (Special report, June 2006)
While the government response to the problem of IDPs remains inadequate and underresourced, the international humanitarian response has not been commensurate with the scale of
the crisis. The UN has sought to promote an inter-agency coordinated response to IDPs with a
first Humanitarian Plan of Action (HPA) launched in November 2002. This plan, with a budget of
$80 million, however, fell short of raising the expected support. A second plan was developed
jointly by the United Nations, members of civil society and the government of Colombia,
amounting to around $185 million for 2005. While projects have already started, disagreements
about the content of the HPA have risen, as the government has refused to be explicit about the
ongoing armed conflict and humanitarian emergency, referring instead to “terrorist violence”; it
has also rejected the previously agreed human rights focus of the Plan. The Plan was ultimately
launched in early 2005 as a government document, not officially endorsed by the UN.
Given the discrepancy between government and NGO figures, the OCHA’s Internal Displacement
Division recommended in January 2005 that the registration standards be re-defined to include
the displaced people currently not granted official IDP status, as well as those who flee within the
same city or as a result of spraying of coca plantations (IDD, 9 February 2005).
UNHCR in Colombia is mandated primarily to increase the capacity of national institutions and
civil society to strengthen IDP protection and to raise standards through technical assistance. In
coordination with the National Registrar, it has delivered documents to tens of thousands of IDPs,
thus facilitating their access to public services and government assistance. UNHCR also monitors
and supports programmes of return and resettlement, when implemented according to the basic
principles of voluntariness, dignity and security. The agency has also established free legal aid
centres in coordination with the Ombudsman’s Office. It has expanded its presence in the slums
of the capital, the main destination for internally displaced people UNHCR, 3 December 2004. For
example, a casa de los derechos (“house of rights”) was recently opened in Altos de Cazuca, a
shanty town on the outskirts of Bogotà where IDPs represent 40 per cent of the population
(UNHCR, 30 September 2005).
UN activities focusing on prevention and post-emergency assistance complement the work of the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which covers most of the emergency
response, in coordination with the Colombian Red Cross and the RSS. The ICRC has the largest
presence in the country of any international organisation with 17 field offices. This makes possible
a rapid emergency response and regular contact with all armed groups. In addition to emergency
assistance programmes, the ICRC implements training and advocacy projects to promote respect
for international humanitarian law.
271
The government has sought to silence international organisations voicing concern over the
consequences of its policies on the civilian population. While national human rights organisations
have increasingly undergone mass arrests and arbitrary detention since 2002, international
organisations, and in particular UN organisations and representatives, have been threatened with
expulsion or revocation of their mandates (OHCHR, 17 August 2005).
The mandate of the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy, James Lemoyne, was not renewed
in 2005 after he criticised the government's security policy. Lemoyne was the focal point for the
United Nations system in Colombia tasked with mobilising international assistance for social,
humanitarian, human rights, drug control and peace-building activities in Colombia. El
Espectador, 25 April 2005 The representative of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in
Colombia, another critical voice, left in January 2006 (OHCHR, 24 January 2006).
The government has also sought to control the language used by international agencies and
foreign diplomats. It sent guidelines to foreign ambassadors and representatives of foreign
agencies in June 2005 discouraging the use of terms such as “armed conflict”, “non-state actors”,
“civil protection”, “peace communities”, “peace territories” or “humanitarian space”. The
government also discouraged international agencies from undertaking “so-called ‘humanitarian
activities’” (El Alto Comisionado para la Paz, 14 June 2005).
UN agencies’ space for undertaking advocacy and protection activities in favour of IDPs has
consequently been greatly reduced. Even UNHCR’s lead role in providing protection and
assistance to IDPs appears to be under threat as the International Organisation for Migration
(IOM) – an organisation lacking a protection mandate and protection expertise – received a $100
million grant from the US Agency for International Development (USAID) in late 2005 for the
provision of assistance to IDPs and other vulnerable groups for the next five years in partnership
with the Pan-American Development Foundation (IOM, 7 October 2005).
Reference to the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement
Known references to the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (2005)
•
References to the Guiding Principles in the national legislation
•
Other References to the Guiding Principles
•
Availability of the Guiding Principles in local languages
•
Training on the Guiding Principles
Colombia is the country with the most comprehensive and judicially advancecd IDP legislation. A
legal framework made up of laws, presidential decrees, government policy documents and court
decisions, regulate the prevention, protection, assistance and return/resettlement of people
internally displaced. This framework also sets up coordinating structures and defines concrete
responsibilities of each government institution. The centerpiece of this legal framework is Law
387 from 1997. In addition, the government has developed an extensive array of IDP policy
documents. The Colombian Constitutional Court has issued several decisions and opinions
interpreting the legal rights of the displaced, basing their opinion on the UN Guiding Principles.
UNHCR has compiled online all legal documents related to internal displacement in
Colombia:
272
Colombian legislation relative to internal displacement
http://www.acnur.org/secciones/index.php?viewCat=77#833
Colombian Jurisprudence
http://www.acnur.org/secciones/index.php?viewCat=97
Cases and reports of the Inter-American Bodies of Human Rights on Colombian IDPs
http://www.acnur.org/secciones/index.php?viewCat=27
Only very few examples have been here selected out of the extensive Colombian legal
framework. See also the above sections on Legal Framework and Government Policy and Gaps
in the enforcement of existing laws.
References to the Guiding Principles in the national legislation
Constitutional Court Decision SU-1150
"This decision, from August 2000, is elaborated and handed down in response to three different
IDP situations reportedly not attended to by the authorities. In one of the three cases, the Court
order the President of Colombia to assure the provision of shelter to a displaced community in
Medellín and to include them in existing IDP support programmes. More importantly, as a result
of its exhaustive analysis of the IDP situation the Court calls on the President to further develop
and regulate (“reglamentar”) existing legislation in order to better define the government
agencies’ responsibilities in relation to IDPs.
The court sentence reviews the Special Representative, Mr. Francis Deng’s two reports on
Colombia as well as the UN Guiding Principles. It suggests that the Principles be the
“parameter for any new legislation on displacement as well as for the interpretation of the
existing IDP legislation, and the assistance to displaced persons."
Source: Global IDP Project, May 2001, p. 16
Date: August 2000
Constitutional Court Decision T-327
"Decision T-327 from 26 March 2001 is a 40-page analytical document deciding in favor of a
displaced person refused entry into the government’s Central IDP Registry. Through out its
analytical deliberations leading up to the decision, the Court ermits important and critical opinions
on the government’s distinction between the “condition of being displaced” vs. “a de facto
situation of being displaced”. The former is a requirement for access to government support, but
requires the displaced’s formal “certification” as an IDP. The Court, holding up the concept of
“presumption of good faith”, argues that displacement is a de facto situation, which does not have
to be “certified” by the authorities. It further emits a critical view of the government’s concept of
“cessation of displacement” and the exclusion from the IDP registry.
In this decision, the Constitutional Court frequently uses the UN Guiding Principles as a
yardstick, when commenting on national norms. It even places the Principles above national
legislation, referring to them as “supranational legislation”. It also stresses the need for training in
the Guiding Principles, particularly for recipients of IDP declarations, e.g. Municipal Human
Rights Ombudspersons."
Source: Global IDP Project, May 2001, pp. 16-17
Date: 26 March 2001
273
Presidential Directive No.6
This Directive, promulgated by the then Presiden Pastrana, in October 2001, is meant to further
strenghthen already existing legislation and confirms the Constitutional Court's opinion that the
Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement are on the same level as the Colombian
Constitution. In order to improve its response mechanisms to displacement, Directive No.6
mandated the Social Solidarity Network (Government Agency dealing with displacement) to
issue ´humanitarian orders´ to all appropriate ministries, government officials, authorities, the
police and state agencies, as well as the media, to take action pertaining to the situation of
displacement, within ten days. This, in the fields of prevention, protection humanitarian
assistance, as well as resettlement and long-term sustainability.
Source: Government of Colombia
Date: 28 November 2001
Other References to the Guiding Principles (in chronological order)
"[…] even if the instruments above could be seen as the most importat, a large number of other
laws, presidential and ministerial decrees, court decisions ect., refer to and affect the response to
the situation of the displaced” (Global IDP Project, May 2001, p. 17)
CONPES 3057
"The current IDP policy document, CONPES 3057 from 10 November 1999, up dates the two
previous CONPES from 1995 and 1997. It provides an analysis of the current (1999) IDP
situation and the existing mechanisms to attend to IDPs, including a graphic presentation of
the institutional arrangements in place. Next, it goes on to present the activities foreseen in
the field of prevention, protection, humanitarian assistance and return/resettlement. In the
introduction to the document, the government explicitly states its commitment to “promote
and respect the implementation of the Guiding Principles"
Source: Global IDP Project, May 2001, pp. 16-17
Date: 10 November 1999
Availability of the Guiding Principles in local languages
The Guiding Principles are widely available in Spanish. Published by OCHA, translated by :
Principios Rectores De Los Desplazamientos Internos
Source: OCHA; Mr Francis Deng, the Representative of the Secretary-General on Internally
Displaced Persons; Mr Sergio Vieira De Mello Assistant to the Secretary General for
Humanitarian Affairs,
To download the full document click here: [External Link]
Date: 1998
Training on the Guiding Principles (in chronological order)
"From 27 to 29 May 1999, a Workshop on Implementing the Guiding Principles on Internal
Displacement was held in Bogotá, Colombia.
[…]
The workshop was jointly convened by the Brookings Institution Project on Internal Displacement
274
(Washington D.C.), the Grupo de Apoyo a Organizaciones de Desplazados (GAD), (Bogotá), The
GAD (the Support Group for Organizations of Internally Displaced Persons), is a coalition of 13
Colombian human rights NGOs working with displaced populations and the U.S. Committee for
Refugees (Washington D.C.).
The main objective of the workshop was to disseminate and promote implementation of the
Guiding Principles in Colombia through a detailed analysis of the degree to which the Guiding
Principles are currently being applied. For this purpose, the convening organizations invited to
the workshop representatives of the Government of Colombia, United Nations agencies present
in Colombia, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), national and international
non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the Catholic Church, as well as representatives of
communities of IDPs."
Source: UN HCHR, 16 November 1999, paras.1-3
Date: 27- 29 May 1999
Documents: E/CN.4/2000/83/Add.2, 16 November 1999
Report of the Representative of the Secretary-General on Internally Displaced Persons, Mr.
Francis M. Deng, submitted pursuant to ommission resolution 1999/47 Addendum
To download the full document click here:
http://www.unhchr.ch/huridocda/huridoca.nsf/(Symbol)/E.CN.4.2000.83.Add.2.En?Opendocumen
t
"From the 15-17 May 2001, the Global IDP Project of the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) and
the Colombian Human Rights Ombudsman’s Office organized a [Workshop on the UN Guiding
Principles on Internal Displacement and the Colombian IDP legislation in Santa Fe de Antioquia
(Colombia)]. […]
In the Colombia workshop as much time and attention was dedicated to the Colombian IDP
legislation as to the UN Guiding Principles. In addition to Colombian Law 387 on internal
displacement (1997), the workshop analyzed and discussed the government’s latest IDP policy
document (CONPES 3057 from 1999), two presidential decrees on displacement (Decree 173
from 1998 and 2569 from 2000) and several decisions by the Colombian Constitutional Court
(SU-1150 from 2000, T-327 from 2001, etc.).
[…]
Unlike previous workshops, which targeted a wider audience the Colombian workshop focused
specifically on MOs. Forty-three recently elected Municipal Ombudspersons were selected from
the provine of Antioquia, the region most affected by internal displacement. […] The
Ombudspersons, and the institution they represent, play a key role in Colombian legislation as it
relates to IDPs. The Public Ministry, and particularly the Human Rights Ombudsman’s Office
within that ministry, has been assigned a lead role on prevention as well as the protection of IDPs
during displacement, and once they are returned or resettled. In addition, the Ombudsman’s
Office has been called upon by the Colombian Constitutional Court to target civil servants for
disemmination of relevant laws and norms, which regulate the authorities’ treatment of IDPs
(Decision SU-1150/2000, par. 40). Responding to that court decision, the Ombudsman’s
Regional Office in Antioquia and the Global IDP Project exclusively targeted Municipal
Ombudspersons for this workshop.
The three-day programme also received support from the National Ombudsman’s IDP Unit in
Bogota, the Social Solidarity Network, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the UN
High Commissioner for Refugees. Each of these institutions presented and facilitated the
development of a respective agenda item."
Source: Global IDP Project, 15-17 May 2001, p.2
275
Date: 15-17 May 2001
Documents:
To
access
the
full
workshop
report
http://www.idpproject.org/training/reports/colombia_2001.pdf
in
English
click
here:
To access the full workshop report in Spanish click here:
http://www.idpproject.org/training/reports/colombia_2001_spanish.pdf
From May 16-18 2001, the TGD (Theme Group on Displacement) and OCHA (UN Organisation
for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs) organized a workshop in Bogotá, coordinated by
UNHCR (UN High Comissioner for Refugees), on the Guiding Principles in with internally
displaced women. The workshop, Consulta con mujeres desplazadas sobre principiao rectores
del desplazamiento, was an inter-institutional effort to address the special needs of displaced
women, adolescent and girls, to integrate them the national agenda on internal displacement.
The workshop's goals were not only technical and juridical but also sociological, by addressing
displacement during conflict as experienced by Colombian girls, adolescent and women. It
aimed at strenghthening the legal instruments and policies to integrate the gender-specific
protection as well as assistance needs.
Source: UNHCR, TGD, OCHA
Date: 16-18 May 2001
Document: Consulta con mujeres desplazadas sobre principios rectores del desplazamiento
276
LIST OF SOURCES USED
(alphabetical order)
Accion Social, 20 April 2006, APOYO INTEGRAL A LA POBLACIÓN DESPLAZADA
Internet
:
http://www.plancolombia.gov.co/Programas/Apoyo_Integral_Desplazados/SUR/Estadisticas.htm ,
accessed 13 June 2006
Action by Churches Together (ACT), 23 October 2003, ACT Appeal Colombia: Relief for the
Internally Displaced - LACO-31
Internet : http://www.reliefweb.int/library/ACT_appeals/2003/act-col-23oct.pdf , accessed 3
December 2003
Actualidad Colombiana, 2003, Desplazamiento Intraurbano
Internet : http://www.actualidadcolombiana.org/archivo/mensual/008.htm , accessed 27 March
2003
Actualidad Colombiana, 22 March 2006, La CNRR: por qué no participar
Internet : http://www.lainsignia.org/2006/marzo/ibe_064.htm , accessed 7 June 2006
Actualidad Colombiana, 12 March 2003, El rostro del desplazamiento en Putumayo
Actualidad Colombiana, 26 May 2003, Desplazamiento: Cifras y Reparación
Actualidad Etnicá, 8 September 2006, La palma aceitera: intereses y consecuencias en
territorios afrocolombianos
Internet : http://www.etniasdecolombia.org/actualidadetnica/detalle.asp?cid=4090 , accessed 26
April 2007
Actualidad Etnicá, 16 April 2007, Colombia/ Gobierno debe devolver tierras a indígenas y afro
colombianos desplazados
Internet : http://www.etniasdecolombia.org/actualidadetnica/detalle.asp?cid=5257 , accessed 14
August 2007
Agence France-Presse (AFP), 10 January 2002, Chronology of the strained Colombia-FARC
peace process
Internet
:
http://wwww.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/6686f45896f15dbc852567ae00530132/b0d98634f9377b60c1
256b3d004aa410?OpenDocument , accessed 31 May 2002
Agence France-Presse (AFP), 12 March 2002, Colombian government, second-strongest
insurgency discuss truce
Internet
:
http://www.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/6686f45896f15dbc852567ae00530132/53df4fdee3d7eda7c125
6b7b004eb9af?OpenDocumentaccessed 31 May 2002
Alto Comisionado por la Paz, 30 May 2006, Documentos del Dialogo Exploratorio entre el
Gobierno y el ELN
Internet : http://www.altocomisionadoparalapaz.gov.co/eln/Casa%20de%20Paz.pdf , accessed 30
May 2006
Alto Comisionado por la Paz, 14 June 2005, Lineamientos para el enfoque de los proyectos de
cooperación internacional
277
Internet
http://www.altocomisionadoparalapaz.gov.co/noticias/2005/junio/documentos/lineamientos.pdf
accessed 7 April 2006
:
,
Alto Comisionado por la Paz, 27 February 2006, RUEDA DE PRENSA CONJUNTA DEL ALTO
COMISIONADO PARA LA PAZ, LUIS CARLOS RESTREPO Y ANTONIO GARCÍA MIEMBRO
REPRESENTANTE DEL EJÉRCITO DE LIBERACIÓN NACIONAL -ELN
Internet : http://www.altocomisionadoparalapaz.gov.co/noticias/2006/marzo/marzo_06_06b.htm ,
accessed 7 April 2006
Alto Comisionado por la Paz, 17 April 2006, ACTO PROTOCOLARIO EN CASA DE PAZ
Internet : http://www.altocomisionadoparalapaz.gov.co/ , accessed 13 June 2006
American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), 2005, What Is a Peace Community?
Internet : http://www.afsc.org/colombia/peace-testimonies/voices-for-peace3.htm#2 , accessed 26
April 2007
Amnesty International (AI), 11 January 2002, Colombia: Civilians once more at imminent risk
Internet
:
http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/Index/AMR230042002?OpenDocument&of=COUNTRIES\COLOMB
IA , accessed 31 May 2002
Amnesty International (AI), 10 July 2000, Colombia: Another Massacre as Colombian Army
Prepares to Receive US Military Aid
Internet
:
http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/Index/AMR230522000?OpenDocument&of=COUNTRIES\COLOMB
IA , accessed 31 May 2002
Amnesty International (AI), 16 October 2002, San Vicente del Caguán after the Breakdown of
the Peace Talks: A Community Abandoned
Internet
:
http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/Index/AMR230982002?OpenDocument&of=COUNTRIES\COLOMB
IA , accessed 22 October 2002
Amnesty International (AI), 20 April 2004, Colombia A Laboratory of War: Repression and
Violence in Arauca
Internet : http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGAMR230042004 , accessed 3 May 2006
Amnesty International (AI), September 2005, The Paramilitaries in Medellín: Demobilization or
Legalization?
Internet : http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engamr230192005 , accessed 22 February 2006
Amnesty International (AI), 13 October 2004, "Scarred bodies, hidden crimes" - Sexual violence
against women in the armed conflict
Internet : http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGAMR230402004 , accessed 29 April 2005
Amnesty International (AI), 18 April 2007, Second International Conference on Human Rights in
Colombia
Internet : http://web.amnesty.org/library/print/ENGAMR230072007 , accessed 25 May 2007
Amnesty International (AI), 2001, Annual Report 2001: Colombia
Internet : http://web.amnesty.org/web/ar2001.nsf/home/home?OpenDocument , accessed 15 July
2002
Amnesty International (AI), 31 January 2006, Amnesty International’s human rights concerns in
Colombia
278
Internet : http://www.amnestyusa.org/countries/colombia/summary.do , accessed 24 February
2006
Amnesty International (AI), February 2005, Colombia: International community must demand
action on human rights
Internet
:
http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/MHII6975GR?OpenDocument&rc=2&emid=ACOS-635NUU , accessed 2 May 2005
Amnesty International (AI), 14 March 2003, Colombia Forcibly displaced civilian communities of
the Cacarica River Basin area and other displaced communities in the department of Chocó
Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA),
5 February 2002, Colombia Certification Consultation, Briefing Paper
Internet : http://www.hrw.org/press/2002/02/certification3.pdf , accessed 31 May 2002
Ana Maria Ibanez y Andres Moya, 10 November 2006, Hacia una politica proactiva para la
poblacion desplazada
Internet
:
http://www.internaldisplacement.org/8025708F004CE90B/(httpDocuments)/664A37C39F38E4C8C1257225003A72
8C/$file/Informe+final+28+de+febrero+2006.pdf ,
Asamblea Permanente de la Sociedad Civil por la Paz etc…, 31 December 2002, 59th
session of the Commission on Human Rights, Written statement, Colombia, Item 3
Internet
:
http://www.internaldisplacement.org/8025708F004CE90B/(httpDocuments)/65780590EE330DEA802570B70059037
F/$file/NGOs+Item+3+59thCHR+31Dec02.pdf ,
Baarøy, Jan Olav, (UNICEF), 24 February 2003, From Crude Estimates to Complex Registration
- UNICEF’s Study on Data and Information on Internally Displaced Persons in Angola, Colombia
and Sri Lanka
Internet
:
http://www.internaldisplacement.org/8025708F004CE90B/(httpDocuments)/271C8F2C6FC210FC802570B7005903
85/$file/UNICEF+Baaroy+registr+24Feb03.pdf ,
BBC Monitoring Americas, 15 February 2002, Colombia: New humanitarian orders demand
action to help displaced persons
BBC Monitoring International Reports, 24 March 2002, Colombia: Outgoing UN official
highlights "scourge" of displacement
BBC News, May 2004, Missing Colombian warlord 'dead'
Internet : http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/3675587.stm , accessed 20 May 2005
BBC News, 18 November 2004, Uribe defends security policies
Internet : http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/4021213.stm , accessed 13 June 2006
Canadian Consortium on Human Security (CCHS), 22 December 2005, Colombia’s Chimaera:
Reflections on Human Security and Armed Violence
Internet : http://www.humansecuritybulletin.info/page230.htm , accessed 22 February 2006
Catholic Agency for Overseas Development (CAFOD), 13 March 2002, Colombians cut off
from the world face new fears
Internet
:
http://www.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/6686f45896f15dbc852567ae00530132/cd2129fc2a9e795b852
56b7b00737b54?OpenDocument , accessed 31 May 2002
279
Central Unitaria de Trabajadores de Columbia (CUT), 31 March 2006, “UNA MIRADA A LOS
DERECHOS HUMANOS EN EL MOVIMIENTO SINDICAL”
Internet : http://www.ddhh-colombia.org/Informe%20Junta%20Nacional%203031%20Marzo2.pdf
accessed 13 June 2006
CINEP (Centro de Investigación y Educación Popular) & Justicia y Paz, 2004, Controversia
Número 183
Internet
:
http://www.cinep.org.co/controversia.htm?AA_SL_Session=889913cb133b45b1705a3a64217d2a
8c&x=819 , , accessed 13 June 2006
Cohen, Roberta and Sanchez-Garzoli, Gimena, May 2001, Internal Displacement in the
Americas: Some Distinctive Features
Internet : http://www.brookings.org/fp/projects/idp/articles/idamericas.htm , accessed 21 June
2001
Colombia Interoceanica, 31 December 2003, Proyecto Canal Seco Interoceánico SautatáCoredó
Internet : http://www.colombiainteroceanica.com/ , accessed 25 April 2007
Colombia Journal, 4 August 2003, Araucan nightmare - Life and death in Tame
Internet
:
http://wwww.reliefweb.int/w/rwb.nsf/6686f45896f15dbc852567ae00530132/357d70185f36779449
256d79000237ed?OpenDocument , accessed 3 December 2003
Colombia Journal, 23 June 2003, Forced displacement and women as heads of displaced
households in Colombia
Internet
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