Nonprofit Brothels of Bogotá: For who`s common - ISTR LAC

Transcripción

Case Study of the Nonprofit Brothels of Bogotá: For who’s common good?
Van C. Evans
Indiana University School of Philanthropy
Indianapolis, Indiana, USA
Bernardo Gonzalez
Subdirector Distrital
Superpersonas Juridicas, Alcaldia Mayor de Bogotá
Bogotá, Colombia
Abstract:
Prostitution is legal in the Republic of Colombia. It is estimated there are 1000 brothels in the capital district
of Bogotá, a city of some 8 million inhabitants. Of this rough estimate, as of September 1, 2013, 565 are
formally registered in the capital district. Of these, 342 are registered as nonprofit entities. Nonprofit entities
registering as social clubs have greater latitude for meeting times. Commercial entities must close their
doors at midnight to comply with noise ordinances. Social clubs, however, have no such restrictions and
may operate around the clock. Further, nonprofit entities pay lower taxes than commercial entities.
Colombia has a poor tradition of self-regulation in the third sector. By registering their brothels as nonprofit
entities and violating the non-distribution constraint, corrupt individuals exploit sex workers in the name of
the public good. This contributes to the low public trust in the third sector. This is a case study of the
effectiveness of current legislation designed to counter the corruption and abuse of civil society in Colombia.
The Division of Legal Entities in the Mayor’s Office of Greater Bogota has a rigorous agenda to inspect these
clubs during their hours of operation. Of the 165 nonprofit brothels visited, 65 have been closed down for
noncompliance as of May 2014. A district wide media campaign of public awareness has been instigated in
an attempt to discourage corruption by garnering public support in the closure of these brothels. The Office
is also developing a protocol of intervention for those establishments to protect the sex workers and provide
babysitting services (“nightcare”) for their children during their work shift.
Prostitution in Colombia is legal in various forms. The first notable outbreak
accompanied the discovery and production of oil wells during the mid twentieth century
in the Barrancabermeja region. Fueled by foreign immigrants to work in the fields, Hoyos
notes, “Hundreds of women lived in Barrancabermeja selling their bodies to the hordes
of men who, charmed by the fever of petroleum and the railroad, arrived there to work…
This legion of foreigners (came) from France, England, Germany, Poland, Romania,
Switzerland, Spain, Brazil, or Martinica… the abundance of money, of population, and of
economic activity in the oil zone was, without doubt, a magnet for European women”
(Hoyos 2002 pp. 167,175).
Many of these women arrived from other Latin American countries, such as Cuba,
Mexico, Argentina or Venezuela, and launched an “itinerant work routine.” It is worthy to
note that many of these women were not young by standards of prostitution today as
some French women, for example, hovered around 40 years of age. During the first half
of the same century, Bogotá realized an accelerated process of urbanization, attracting
large numbers of peasants from the countryside. Among these was a large contingent of
young single women. The labor market was closed to these women in good measure,
and their limited opportunities for work centered in domestic labor.
This period was characterized by high rates of illegitimate children, and those unwed
mothers, who lacked access to public education and birth registration, endured
discrimination and greater vulnerability. An unwanted pregnancy often required the
woman to submit to whatever “protector” would have her. The period known as La
Violencia (1946-54) further increased the vulnerability and urban in flow of young
women, who were displaced from their rural homes into the capital city. Urrego defined
prostitutes of this period as, by and large, “single women, with minimal education or
without a single year of grade school, and had been deceived, seduced, and abandoned
by a man” (2002 p. 203).
Medellin was also a hotbed of prostitution. Industrialization brought women into the work
place were they were subjected to the machismo and sexual abuse of their superiors.
As early as the 1920s, women in Medellin held strikes against their employers that had
as “one of the principal objectives to end the disrespect and sexual abuse of the
foremen” (Reyes 2002 p. 223). It was not uncommon, at the end of the daily work shift,
for men of means as well as students, to wait for young women as they left the factories
to offer “indecent proposals” (propuestas indecentes) to improve the women’s income.
Domestic servants were also sexually abused and impregnated by the patrones or teen
men of the home (Reyes 2002 p. 226). In any event, the resulting pregnancy led a
course toward prostitution, since unwed mothers were fired from work and disowned by
families. The period of La Violencia in Medellin resulted in increased number of widows
and orphaned girls who lacked both support and means to sustain their homes, and
these also increased prostitution in the region. Three decades later, civil conflict and
narcoterrorism would repeat this cycle of migrant women to Medellin.
In 1949, the United Nations established an agreement to alleviate repression of persons
and unchecked exploitation via prostitution. Colombia remained indifferent to the
agreement at least until 1966 when a formal declaration was forthcoming (Torres &
Perez, 2006). In 1970, articles 178 and 183 of Decree 1355 affirmed that prostitution
between adults does not constitute criminal activity and is exempt from punishment.
More than 20 years later, however, a series of laws from the 1995 Colombian
Constitution were passed in an effort to protect children from sexual exploitation. These,
namely Corte Constitucional C-620 of 1995, C-507 of 1999, and SU 476 of 1997, were
designed to guarantee public order and establish moral and social norms by defining the
limits and tolerance of prostitution and the involvement of children. By protecting children
from sexual abuse, it also served to further legitimize legal forms of sexual commerce. A
formalization of prostitution had reached the politic and validated the industry.
Prostitution was in Colombia to stay. Women who engage as sex workers are often
referred to as “pre-paid" (prepagos).
In addition to street walkers, formalization gave rise to the registration of escort services,
massage parlors, and brothels. Brothels are required to register as commercial
establishments, sometimes referred to as nightclubs (clubes nocturos). It is estimated
there are more than 1,000 brothels in the capital district, although only half of them
register in some form. As of May 2014, 565 brothels were registered with the Chamber
of Commerce. The most recent available data on brothels in Bogota come from a 2012
study by the Centro de Estudios y Análisis en Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana
(CEACSC). At the time, the study revealed 404 active brothels within the capital district.
Nearly 44 percent, or 178, are located in just four barrios: Martires, Kennedy, Barrios
Unidos, and Chapinero. Table 1 shows the distribution of registered brothers in Bogota
D.C.
Table 1
Total general
404
100,0
MARTIRES
73
18,1
KENNEDY
BARRIOS UNIDOS
56
49
13,9
12,1
CHAPINERO
48
11,9
SANTA FE
39
9,7
ENGATIVA
19
4,7
USAQUEN
19
4,7
TUNJUELITO
18
4,5
FONTIBON
12
3,0
SUBA
12
3,0
BOSA
11
2,7
CANDELARIA
TEUSAQUILLO
RAFAEL URIBE
PUENTE ARANDA
ANTONIO NARIÃ‘O
CIUDAD BOLIVAR
10
10
9
6
5
4
2,5
2,5
2,2
1,5
1,2
1,0
USME
4
1,0
Fuente: Secretaría de Gobierno, Caracterización del fenómeno de la prostitución en Bogotá, Centro de Estudios y
Análisis en Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana CEACSC .Bogota, 2012
Of these, 37 percent operate at night, 54 percent operate both day and night, 1 percent
operates only in the early morning hours (madrugadada) and 6 percent is diurnal. Also
of these, 261 are sites where sexual relations are engaged on site, such as private
rooms within the establishment. 76 are locations where the sex worker makes contact
with the client, but there are no rooms on location, and 58 of these are Logistic
Establishments, such as hotels or motels that direct the clients where to seek relations.
Women in the brothels come from vulnerable circumstances. Only 41 percent are
adults, where as 33 percent are adolescents and 25 percent come from the streets. The
majority, 87 percent, report that they have had no run in or abuse from their employers.
Two thirds of the brothels employ between 11 and 30 sex workers. Figure 1 shows the
distribution of the number of sex workers by establishment. Based upon these averages
and number of brothels investigated, the study estimates there were at least 6,236
prostitutes in the 404 brothels of Bogota in 2012
Figure 1.
Número'de'personas'en'ejercicio'de'la'
prostitución'por'establecimiento'
Número#de#personas#por#establecimiento#
60#a#90#
31#a#50#
21#a#30#
1%#
12%#
21%#
44%#
11#a20#
5#a#10#
22%#
Proporción##
Fuente: Secretaría de Gobierno, Caracterización del fenómeno de la prostitución en Bogotá, Centro de Estudios y
Análisis en Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana CEACSC .Bogota, 2012
In addition, research conducted by the Secretaria Distrital de Integración Social (Bogotá)
for the years 2009-2013, found that in 2013 a full two-thirds (67.6 percent) of the
prostitutes in the brothels had a high school education. It is worth noting that 4.5 percent
of the women in prostitution in brothels had a college education. Ninety percent of
women sex workers in brothels were either unemployed (32 %) or had encountered
other economic difficulties (58 percent). Figure 2 lists the distribution of causes that the
sex workers reports led them to work in the brothels.
Figure 2.
Porcentaje*de*personas*en*ejercicio*
de*pros/tución,*según*causa*de*
ingreso$
SIN$INFORMACION$
7%$
ALCOHOLISMO$
VICTIMA$DE$ABUSO$SEXUAL$
1%$
1%$
TRATO$TRAFICO$DE$
0%$
50%$
58%$
63%$
SITUACION$ECONOMICA$
OPCION$LIBRE$
EXPLOTACION$SEXUAL$
ENGAÑO$
DESPLAZAMIENTO$
6%$
4%$
1%$
0%$
1%$
1%$
1%$
1%$
1%$
10%$
DESEMPLEO$
2012$
2011$
32%$
31%$
30%$
2010$
Secretaría de Gobierno, Caracterización del fenómeno de la prostitución en Bogotá, Centro de Estudios y Análisis en
Convivencia y Seguridad Ciudadana CEACSC .Bogota, 2012
Colombian society is divided into seven socio-economic classes, called estratos. Estrato
1 is the lowest on the economic scale, while estrato 6 is the most wealthy. Figure 3
shows the distribution of sex workers by estratos. Not surprisingly, a full two-thirds (67.1
percent) of all sex workers live in the lowest three estratos. Correspondingly, sex
workers worked an average of 5.1 days per week in the brothels and had averaged 7.9
years as prostitutes.
Figure 3.
Porcentaje*de*personas*en*ejercicio*de*
pros/tución,*según*estrato%
39.9%%
2013%
28.5%%
19.3%%
7.9%%
SI
N%
IN
FO
RM
AC
I
6%
ON
%
0.5%% 0.6%%
5%
4%
3%
2%
1%
3.4%%
Fuente: Secretaria Distrital De Integración Social, Informe De Caracterización Oficial Del Sistema De Dirección De
Análisis Y Diseño Estratégico Años 2009 – 2010 – 2011 – 2012, Y “Caracterización Personas En Situación De
Prostitución Y Personas Vinculadas Al Fenómeno De La Prostitución” Bogotá D.C., Diciembre Del 2013.
In a program completed earlier this year by the Secretaria Distrital de la Mujer, workers
found the demographic of sex workers in the capital district to be congruent with
historical patterns of migratory displacement. Figure 4 shows that over half (51.3
percent) of all sex workers in the capital district come from another municipality of
Colombia.
Figure 4.
Porcentaje*de*mujeres*en*ejercicio*de*
pros1tución*según*lugar*de*nacimiento*
0.5%
Bogotá%D.C%
6.7%
41.5%
51.3%
Otro%municipio%
de%Colombia%
Otro%país%
(Venezuela)%
NS/NR%
Fuente: Secretaria Distrital De La Mujer, Caracterización De Personas En Ejercicio De Prostitución Entre Septiembre De
2013 Y Enero 2015
Finally, the program revealed that of the 1,622 sex workers attended to between
September 1, 2013 and January 30, 2015, a full 81.8 percent had tried to leave
prostitution, with 66.5 percent stating the reason was their were tired, disliked the work,
didn’t feel good about it, or wanted a change of lifestyle.
The increase of narcoterrorism and armed conflict during the 1980s and 1990s left the
federal government paralyzed and was a vote of no confidence by the populous. As
such, a new constitution was written in 1995, with decentralization as a core theme. The
Asamblea Nacional Constituyente of 1991 celebrated the diverse elements of civil
society in Colombia and affirmed that the right of association was free and fundamental
for the people. Therefore, Decree 2150 of the 1995 constitution established the
contemporary formulation of nonprofit entities (entidades sin animo de lucro) as they are
known today. With this legal and constitutional change, foundations, corporations, and
associations together with other collaborative commons, could formalize by simply
submitting by-laws and statutes at the Chamber of Commerce of Bogota or other parts of
the country. With this formalized registration, civil society entities could obtain legal
status protected by civil law and allow them to enter into contracts and fulfill civil duties.
Among the civil society groups that obtain legal status, social clubs or night clubs are
formed with the facade of cultural, recreational, or sports development, yet openly
operate activities of sexual exploitation without any social service or philanthropic end.
These establishments are protected by civil law which regard domestic properties as
sacred. To avoid detection from civil and police authority, some of these clubs offer
citizens sexual services and limit the consumption of alcohol on the premises as well as
limiting the operating hours to comply with residential noise and zoning ordinances.
Those establishments with the greatest commercial profit through alcohol sales,
however, are the so-called private clubs that exploit residential privacy laws that prohibit
restriction of hours of operation and limit police access. Bogota, which has a population
of roughly eight million inhabitants, has estimated some 1000 establishments (brothels)
offering sexual services. Only 513 of these are lawfully registered in some form today.
Lawfully registered commercial establishments are restricted during their operating hours
by Decree 854 of 2010, which restricts citywide the consumption and sale of liquor from
10:00 a.m. until 3:00 a.m. Given that legitimate social clubs are exempt by Decree 854,
corrupt individuals prefer to operate brothels as nonprofit social clubs, and some formally
register themselves as such. In addition to all night operating hours, nonprofit clubs
receive a lower tax rate of 15 percent rather than 20 percent.
Bogota’s so-called “high impact” sites, are those brothels located in the barrios of
Chapinero, Santa Fe; Venice, Kennedy, Antonio Nariño, Tunjuelito, Rafael Uribe, and
Suba in the north. Sex workers come from all parts of the country and range in age from
18 to 30 years. Most of these work as slaves to support their children or parents in their
municipality of origin. Thus, by registering their brothels as nonprofit entities and violating
the non-distribution constraint, corrupt individuals exploit sex workers in the name of the
public good. This contributes to low public trust in the civil society sector. By mandate
of Article 189 of the Constitution, inspection and oversight on civil society organizations
was instituted to verify nonprofit status, compliance with tax responsibilities, and
maintain the will of the founders. This portion of the constitution reads as follows:
“ARTICULO 189. Corresponde al Presidente de la República como Jefe de Estado, Jefe
del Gobierno y Suprema Autoridad Administrativa:
(…)
26. Ejercer la inspección y vigilancia sobre instituciones de utilidad común para que sus
rentas se conserven y sean debidamente aplicadas y para que en todo lo esencial se
cumpla con la voluntad de los fundadores.¨
Este precepto constitucional es la máxima jurídica para ejercer la inspección y vigilancia;
es la norma de normas que permite interpretar sin excepción que ninguna entidad sin
lucro se escapa al control del Estado.”
While responsibility for these rest with the President of the Republic, in the spirit of
decentralization, oversight and control is delegated to departmental governors and the
mayor of the capital district. The office of SuperPersonas Juridicas under the direction of
the Mayor’s office of Bogota, exercises this authority for the inspection, oversight, and
control of nonprofit entities in the capital district. A series of laws and decrees (Decreto
Distrital 085 de 2011, Ley 1437 de 2011, Decreto 059 de 1991, Protocolo de Visitas
Administrativas) have issued forth to give greater authority to the agencies to counter
corruption within the nonprofit sector through site visits, revocation of nonprofit status,
and criminal charges. The following table lists the development for legal authority for the
mayor’s office:
MARCO JURÍDICO EN EL DISTRITO CAPITAL
Decreto Distrital 059 de 1991, Decreto Distrital 397 de 2012
ENTIDAD
DESIGNADA
SECRETARÍA
GENERAL
Subdirección Distrital
de Inspección,
Vigilancia y Control de
Personas Jurídicas sin
Ánimo de Lucro –
SUPERPERSONAS
JURÍDICAS
TEMA
Inspección, Vigilancia y
Control de Entidades sin
Ánimo de Lucro
domiciliadas en Bogotá
D.C., que no tengan
asignado otro ente de
control
Reconocimiento y
Registro de Comités de
Desarrollo y Control Social
de Servicios Públicos
Domiciliarios
NORMATIVIDAD
GENERAL
DELEGACIÓN Y
ASIGNACIÓN DE
FUNCIONES
Ley 22 de 1987
Decreto Nacional 1318
de 1988
de 1989
Decreto Distrital 059 de
1991
Decreto Distrital
085 de 2011, art.1°
Ley 142 de 1994,
arts. 62, 63, 64, 65 y66.
Ley 689 de 2001,
arts. 10 y 11
de 1995
de 2012, art. 6°
Acreditación de
Asociaciones sin Ánimo
de Lucro y/o Sociedades
Protectoras de Animales
2004, art. 3°
2003, art. 25.
Ley 84 de 1989
Reconocimiento y
Registro de Ligas y
Asociaciones de
Consumidores
SECRETARÍA
DISTRITAL DE
EDUCACIÓN
Dirección de
Inspección y Vigilancia
Reconocimiento de
Personería Jurídica,
Inscripción de
Representantes Legales y
Dignatarios, y Aprobación
de Estatutos y Reformas
de Instituciones de
Decreto 1441 de 1982
Decreto 3467 de 1982
Ley 73 de 1981
de 1990, art. 27
de 1996, art. 3º
Decreto Distrital
854 de 2001,
art.23.
Decreto Distrital
330 de 2008,
art.16.
Educación Formal y No
Formal
Ánimo de Lucro de
Instituciones de Educación
Formal, No Formal
(Trabajo y Desarrollo
Humano) e Informal.
Ánimo de Lucro
constituidas como
Asociaciones de Padres
de Familia de Planteles
Oficiales y Privados.
SECRETARÍA
DISTRITAL DE
AMBIENTE
Dirección Legal
Ambiental
SECRETARÍA
DISTRITAL DE
CULTURA,
RECREACIÓN Y
DEPORTE
Subdirección de
Regulación de
Personas Jurídicas
SECRETARÍA
Ánimo de Lucro para la
defensa y protección del
medio ambiente y los
recursos naturales
renovables
Suspensión o cancelación
de la Personería Jurídica
de Entidades sin Ánimo
de Lucro con fines
culturales, recreativos o
deportivos.
Ley 115 de 1994
Decreto 525 de 1990,
art. 27
de 2009.
1991
2001, art. 23,parágrafo
de 1988
de 1989
1991
Reconocimiento de la
Decreto Distrital
109 de 2009, art.24
de 1990, Art. 27
de 1988
de 1989
1991
Reconocimiento de
Personería Jurídica de
Entidades sin Ánimo de
Lucro que hacen parte del
Sistema Nacional del
Deporte, Inscripción o
Modificación de
dignatarios, el registro y
sello de libros.
Decreto Distrital
358 de 2005, art.1.
Decreto Distrital
558 de 2006,
art.20
Ley 181 de 1995
de 1995
Ley 10 de 1990, art. 20.
Decreto Distrital
DISTRITAL DE
SALUD
Dirección de
Inspección, Control y
Vigilancia de la Oferta
SECRETARÍA
DISTRITAL DEL
HÁBITAT
Subdirección de
Prevención y
Seguimiento
SECRETARÍA
DISTRITAL DE
INTEGRACIÓN
SOCIAL
Equipo de Asesoría y
Control a la Educación
Inicial
Personería Jurídica de las
Entidades sin Ánimo de
Lucro del subsector
privado de la salud
de 1991, art. 19y 20.
Inspección, vigilancia y
control de Entidades sin
Ánimo de Lucro del
subsector privado de la
salud.
Ley 10 de 1990, art. 5°,
numeral 2º, 21,22 y 49
Habilitación de servicios
de salud a Entidades sin
Ánimo de Lucro,
(Habilitación de Centros
de Atención a
Drogadictos)
Resolución 1043 de
2006, Ministerio de la
Protección Social
Control de las personas
jurídicas sin ánimo de
lucro que desarrollan
actividades de anuncio,
captación de recursos,
enajenación y
arrendamiento de
inmuebles destinados a
vivienda como las que
adelanten planes y
programas de vivienda por
los sistemas de
autogestión o
participación comunitaria.
Inspección, vigilancia y
control a la prestación del
servicio de educación
inicial en el Distrito
Capital,
581 de 1995, art.1.
Resolución Ministerio
de Salud 13565 de
1991
de 1991, art. 44.
Resolución 1315 de
2006, art. 8º, Ministerio
de la Protección Social
Ley 66 de 1968
de 1979
de 1987
Resolución 044 de
1990, Superintendencia
de Sociedades
Decreto Distrital
578 de 2011, art.1°.
2004
2008
Ley 1098 de 2006
Acuerdo Distrital 138
de 2004
Decreto Distrital
057 de 2009, art.1°.
The office of SuperPersonas Juridicas in the Mayor’s Office of Greater Bogota has a
rigorous agenda to inspect the social clubs during their hours of operation. As of June
2014:
• 548 clubs / brothels had been visited and inspected
• 199 underwent investigation
• 28 moved to commercial entities
• 65 were closed down for noncompliance as of June 2014
By May 2015, further progress had been made. The Mayor’s office statistics listed 513
establishments were sexual activities are being investigated. Figure 5 shows the
percentage of those establishments under inspection and their registration status. Of
these:
• 425 are formally registered as commercial entities (83 percent)
• 12 are registered as Associations (2 percent)
• 57 are registered as Social Clubs (11 percent)
• 19 are registered as Corporations (4 percent)
Figure 5.
Fuente: Secretaria Distrital De Planeación, 2012
A district wide media campaign of public awareness has been instigated in an attempt to
discourage corruption by garnering public support in the closure of these brothels.
Evidence between the 2014 and 2015 registrations shows an effective agenda in closing
down nonprofit brothels and a direction in restoring public trust in self-regulation in the
sector. The Office is also developing a protocol of intervention for those establishments
to protect the sex workers and provide babysitting services (“nightcare”) for their children
during their work shift.
References:
Database SIPEJ, Alcaldia Mayor De Bogotá, Personas Juridicas Sin Animo De Lucro. Secretaria
General - Alcaldia Mayor De Bogotá
Bogota Humana. Manual De Entidades Sin Ánimo De Lucro – Esal, 2013. Bogotá D.C.:
Subdirección Imprenta Districtal – D.D.D.I
Secretaría De Gobierno, Caracterización Del Fenómeno De La Prostitución En Bogotá, Centro
De Estudios Y Análisis En Convivencia Y Seguridad Ciudadana Ceacsc .Bogota, 2012
Secretaria Distrital De Integración Social, Informe De Caracterización Oficial Del Sistema De
Dirección De Análisis Y Diseño Estratégico Años 2009 – 2010 – 2011 – 2012, Y “Caracterización
Personas En Situación De Prostitución Y Personas Vinculadas Al Fenómeno De La Prostitución”
Bogotá D.C., Diciembre Del 2013.
Secretaría De Gobierno, Caracterización Del Fenómeno De La Prostitución En Bogotá, Centro
De Estudios Y Análisis En Convivencia Y Seguridad Ciudadana Ceacsc .Bogota, 2012
Secretaria Distrital De La Mujer, Caracterización De Personas En Ejercicio De Prostitución Entre
Septiembre De 2013 Y Enero 2015
Secretaria Distrital De Planeación, 2012

Nonprofit Brothels of Bogotá: For who`s common - ISTR LAC

Transcripción

Documentos relacionados

industrial division

Perfil de Nuestra Compañía