Historical Archaeology in South America

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Historical Archaeology in South America
38
Andrés Zarankin
Melisa A. Salerno
“Looking South”:
Historical Archaeology
in South America
Abstract
An overview of the history and development of historical
archaeology in South America from its beginnings to the
present is presented here, covering the origins, theoretical
frameworks, and subjects of investigation. Historical archaeology
in South America has experienced an accelerated growth since
the mid-1980s. Taking these circumstances into account, some
of the most outstanding projects headed by South American
archaeologists during the last decades are analyzed.
Introduction
The development of historical archaeology in
South America is closely connected to the history of the discipline in the United States. Since
the second half of the 20th century, American
historical archaeology defined itself as a distinct
field of study, oriented towards the discussion of
Europeans’ past in the New World. Consequently,
it distanced itself from prehistoric archaeology,
which was more closely related to anthropology
and the analysis of cultural others (aboriginals).
The practice of historical archaeology in South
America rapidly adopted this perspective. It
mainly focused on Spanish and Portuguese conqueror groups and, only in less proportion, on the
impact they had on aboriginal communities. The
first projects in the region were intended to reinforce a European identity at a regional level.
Historical archaeology has been conceived
in a variety of ways over time, generating
controversy within the discipline (Orser 1996).
Some authors considered historical archaeology
as the study of material culture associated with
historical or literate periods (Nöel Hume 1969;
Schuyler 1970; Deetz 1977; South 1977). Other
researchers defined it as a methodology that
combined the interdisciplinary use of archaeological and documentary evidence (Nöel Hume
Historical Archaeology, 2008, 42(4):38–58.
Permission to reprint required.
Accepted for publication 10 September 2007.
1969). This perception limited the specificity and
autonomy of the field, transforming it into the
“handmaiden” of history (Nöel Hume 1964).
In recent studies, historical archaeology has
been understood as a discipline concerned with
the analysis of modernity (Orser and Fagan
1995; Orser 1996), associated with European
expansion and the consolidation of capitalism
(Leone 1988, 1995, 1999; Johnson 1996, 1999).
Specifically, the creation of modern society has
been explained as being the result of changes
involving everyday life. Ideas used to describe
this social order initially stemmed from the
analysis of 18th- and 19th-century English
colonies in North America (Glassie 1975; Deetz
1977). These investigations recognized the influence of the Georgian Order and “mindset” on
material culture, as archaeologists sought to
extend modernity’s time and space boundaries
to understand its origins (Johnson 1996, 1999).
Nowadays, modern society is associated with
the appearance, spread, and maintenance of
capitalist practices that imply a change in relationships among individuals as well as between
individuals and things. It has been proposed that
individualism, segmentation, standardization, and
consumerism are key concepts used to analyze
transformations in practices within modernity
(Johnson 1996, 1999). Following this idea, some
archaeologists have attempted to identify sets of
rules that might be applied to the interpretation
of architecture, material culture, and lifestyles in
the recent past. This theoretical perspective, along
with its variants, is commonly used to explain
the formation of modern society in different geographical contexts (Orser 1996; Delle 1999).
More recently, several South American archaeologists have started to discuss the singularities
of social structure at a local level, highlighting the role of agents in the definition of the
practices they use to construct their identities
(Andrade Lima 1999, 2002; Funari et al. 1999;
Senatore and Zarankin 2002).
Historical Archaeology in South America
There have been investigations in historical
archaeology since the very beginnings of
andréS zarankin AND melisa a. salerno—"Looking South": Historical Archaeology in South America
professional archaeology in South America,
but these only became systematic in the
1960s. As some authors have stated (Andrade
Lima 1993; Funari 2003), studies in historical
archaeology during the 1960s and 1970s were
usually restricted to excavations conducted by
nonarchaeologists—amateurs, historians, and
architects. In general, their investigations focused
on finding correlations between material and
documentary data, rescuing valuable historical
objects and structures, supplying information to
restoration projects, or simply satisfying personal
curiosity. At present, many archaeologists
still stick to this orientation, constraining
archaeological investigation to the study of
outstanding historical events and characters
described by official discourses.
It was only in the 1980s that historical
archaeology acquired its own program of investigation. In this context, it was understood to be
a distinct discipline that specialized in the study
of material culture and was interested in offering an alternative way of constructing discourses
about the past—with or without the existence
of written documents. As a result, historical
archaeology enjoyed an independent status for
the first time. Archaeologists began to create
multiple visions of recent history, which could
be opposed to or different from official history
or “master narratives” (Johnson 1996).
The multiplication of scientific discourses
was closely associated with the end of military
dictatorships and the consolidation of democratic
governments in South America (Funari 1994,
1996; Politis 1995). The new sociopolitical setting allowed archaeology to experience an accelerated growth, a process that was particularly
intensified during the 1990s. This growth was
reflected in the creation of several investigative
projects interested in studying varied problems
and regions, the appearance of specific courses
in college curricula, the spread of national
and international meetings, and the increasing
number of papers published by different South
American archaeologists.
A number of researchers discuss historical
archaeology’s state of affairs in different South
American countries, including Marcos Albuquerque (1993), Tania Andrade Lima (1993), and
Pedro Funari (2002b) in Brazil; Daniel Schávelzon (1992b), Andrés Zarankin and María X.
Senatore (1996), and Facundo Gómez Romero
39
(2005b) in Argentina; Julio Sanhueza and colleagues (2000) and Víctor Lucero (2003) in
Chile; Nelsys Fusco (1997) and José M. López
Mazz (1992) in Uruguay; and Monika Therrien
(2002) in Colombia. In spite of all this regional
work, there are few publications, like the ones
written by Funari (1994, 1996, 1997, 1998,
2002a) or Gustavo Politis (2003), concerned
with explaining the supra-regional or continental
trajectories of the discipline.
Historical archaeology has presented a heterogeneous development in South America.
According to Funari (1994, 1996, 2002a), Brazil,
Argentina, and Uruguay have traditionally stood
out in this field of study. Professionals from
these three countries have written most of South
America’s modern literature on historical archaeology. Among their most important contributions,
it is worth mentioning the following: Cultura
Material e Arqueología Histórica (Funari 1998),
Arraial Novo do Bom Jesus (Albuquerque and
Lucena 1997), Espaço Privado e Vida Material em Porto Alegre no Século XIX (Symanski
1998), Sed Non Satiata: Teoría Social en la
Arqueología Latinoamericana Contemporánea
(Zarankin and Acuto 1999), Archaeology of
Buenos Aires (Schávelzon 2000), Arqueología
de Rescate en el Banco Central de la República
Argentina (Weissel et al. 2001), A Faiança Fina
em Porto Alegre (Tocchetto et al. 2001), Arqueología da Sociedade Moderna na America do
Sul (Zarankin and Senatore 2002), Arqueologia
e Reconstituição Monumental do Parque Estadual de Canudos (Zanettini 2002), Paredes que
Domesticam: Arqueologia da Arquitetura Escolar
Capitalista: O Caso de Buenos Aires (Zarankin
2002), Arqueología Histórica en América del
Sur: Los Desafíos del Siglo XXI (Funari and
Zarankin 2004), Global Archaeological Theory:
Contextual Voices and Contemporary Thoughts
(Funari, Zarankin, and Stovel 2005), Identidades,
Discurso e Poder: Estudos da Arqueología
Contemporânea (Funari, Orser, and de Oliveira
Schiavetto 2005), and Estudos de Arqueología
Histórica (Funari and Fogolari 2005).
The heterogeneous development of South
American historical archaeology might also be
recognized in the nationality of the authors
who published their papers in the 16 volumes
of Historical Archaeology in South America,
the only specialized journal that ever existed in
the region until 2007 (when Vestígios; Revista
40
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(4)
Latino-Americana de Arqueologia Histórica and
Revista de Arqueología Histórica Argentina y
Latinoamericana were issued by the Universidade
Federal de Minas Gerais and the Sociedad
Argentina de Antropología, respectively). This
journal (published by the South Carolina Institute
of Archaeology and Anthropology) was edited
by Stanley South between 1993 and 1996, and
presented articles written by South American
archaeologists in Spanish, Portuguese, and
English. Argentinean, Uruguayan, and Brazilian
archaeologists produced 90% of the articles. Funari
(2002a) points out that in some South American
countries (such as Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia and, to
some extent, Venezuela), the lack of interest in
historical archaeology might be closely associated
to the use of archaeology as a privileged tool to
build national identities based on the search for
precolonial splendor. Recently, studies in historical
archaeology have become much more frequent in
all South American countries.
Theoretical Frameworks and Subjects
of Investigation
Problems of investigation, as well as the way
scientists approach them, are intimately bound to
the selection of theoretical frameworks. In South
America, several conceptual currents have been
popular through time: diffusionism, processualism, and postprocessualism, among others.
The main objective of diffusionist investigations was to provide spatial, chronological, and
technological orderings of past cultural groups.
Consequently, archaeologists coined several concepts such as phase, horizon, cultural area, or
industry to describe them. Within a normative
idea of culture, people were defined as bearers
of fixed cultural characteristics. In general, identification of cultural traits through material culture
led to recognition and differentiation of identity
groups. Moreover, transformations in objects were
explained as the results of specific mechanisms
that spread cultural features from nuclear centers,
where they were invented, to marginal areas.
Diffusionism in historical archaeology was
associated with investigations that classified findings according to biological criteria (European,
aboriginal, African, or mestizo artifacts) or ended
up justifying, even in an explicit manner, European conquest through the use of concepts such
as “acculturation.” As Charles Orser, Jr., (1996)
stated, those with diffusionist perspectives thought
of archaeology as an appropriate tool to help history. In this way, numerous researchers accounted
for things recovered in archaeological sites and
did not propose larger discussions. It was characteristic of diffusionism to present exhaustive
descriptions of artifacts and structures found in
excavations. This was considered the only way
to insert archaeological sites within previously
defined culture-history sequences.
In the 1980s, investigations in historical
archaeology began to use different processualist models, such as South’s (1977) “pattern
recognition,” Suzanne Spencer-Wood’s (1987)
“consumer choice,” or Pamela Cressey and John
Stephens’s (1982) “city-site” models. Some of
these theoretical proposals looked for universal
laws of behavior that controlled cultural systems,
usually defined as adaptative media tending to
homeostasis (Trigger 1990). Many researchers
believed universal laws were useful to describe
and explain an objective, real, and unique past.
Postprocessualist concepts became popular
in the late 1990s. These ideas were created
to explore individual action and sociocultural
diversity in specific historical and geographical
contexts (Trigger 1990). They focused on the
analysis of difference, inequality, and conflict
as contributing to the construction of multiple
subjective versions of the past. Postprocessualist analyses were often associated with Marxism (Leone 1984; McGuire and Paynter 1991;
McGuire 1992; Orser 1996), gender (Scott 1991;
Seifert 1991; Spencer-Wood 1991; Yentsch 1991),
poststructuralist, and phenomenological studies,
among others.
There are some South American historical
archaeologists who, despite taking into account
world theoretical contributions, preferred to generate their own conceptual frameworks to deal with
the formation of local societies. In this respect,
it is relevant to distinguish the efforts made by
Funari (1991, 1995, 1997), Andrade Lima (1996,
1997, 1999), Abuquerque (1995), Abuquerque and
Lucena (1997), Luis Symanski (1998), Senatore
(2002), María del C. Curbelo (1999), Marcos
Torres de Souza (2002), Therrien (2004), and
Beatriz Thiessen (2005). These archaeologists
reject the application of generalizing models,
sharing the assumption that it is necessary to
explore contextual differences to understand past
singularities at a regional and local level.
andréS zarankin AND melisa a. salerno—"Looking South": Historical Archaeology in South America
South American historical archaeology has
traditionally focused on several subjects of
investigation, which emerged in association with
different theoretical frameworks. More recently,
historical archaeology in South America has
shown a heterogeneous production, ranging from
investigations studying European settlement strategies to projects involved in analyzing modern
garbage. The following is an overview of South
American works in historical archaeology in the
broad areas of colonial archaeology, archaeology
of modern society, underwater archaeology, and
public archaeology.
Colonial Archaeology
Historical archaeology has already proved its
potential for the study of European settlement
in the continent. From different perspectives
and in several geographical locations, historical archaeology has been able to shed light on
social, economic, ideological, and ecological
aspects of the process of colonization. In South
America, archaeological analyses on the subject have usually focused on Hispanic and
Portuguese urbanization, daily life in religious
missions, colonial enclaves, and the relationships established between Europeans and native
populations. Other topics of colonial archaeology
include mining, wine production, fortifications,
and material culture studies.
Urban Centers
The origins of historical archaeology in the
American continent were closely connected
with the study of valuable historic sites, often
founded by European colonization. Consequently,
the first investigations on the subject, usually
directed by historians, architects, and amateurs,
were oriented towards studying the founding of
cities. In Argentina, there have been relevant
records of these investigations since the 1970s.
Among them, it is important to note the archaeological project developed by Agustín Zapata
Gollán in the Spanish city of Santa Fe la Vieja
(1573–1660). Although not an archaeologist, his
work was pioneering and could be taken as the
starting point of colonial historical archaeology
in Argentina. Particularly, Zapata Gollán (1956,
1970, 1981) used archaeology as a methodology
to validate historical data regarding the location
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and identification of Santa Fe. Zapata Gollán’s
(1991) investigations on different aspects of the
city’s daily life were published one year after
his death.
Many archaeological remains were recovered
in excavations conducted by Zapata Gollán.
These objects represent the material base of the
site and have been the object of several partial
studies over time. Carlos Cerruti (1983), for
example, studied the origin and characteristics of
Santa Fe’s wine containers in order to become
acquainted with regional production and internal
channels of communication during the colonial
period. He also studied the characteristics of
Hispanic-aboriginal contact, taking into account
the analysis of archaeological polychrome pottery. After Cerruti, different researchers conducted additional archaeological projects (Carrara
and De Grandis 1992, 1997; Senatore 1995;
Zarankin 1995; Carrara 1996, 1997; García Cano
and Valentini 1997; García Cano 2000).
Las Ruinas del Km75 is another urban site
that was intensively excavated. This site is usually associated with the old city of Concepción
del Bermejo. As with Santa Fe la Vieja, the
first excavations at this site were conducted by
nonarchaeologists—mainly Eldo Morresi (1971,
1978, 1983) who started systematic investigations in the late 1960s. After Morresi’s death,
other researchers led short-term projects in the
ruins (Zarankin and Acosta 1997, 2001).
Buenos Aires has also been subject of intense
investigations (Figure 1). Since the 1980s, architect Schávelzon (1992a, 1992b, 1994a, 1994b,
1995) has excavated different areas of the city.
He has also published several works describing
and classifying archaeological remains as well
as discussing Buenos Aires’ past cultural life
(1991, 2000, 2003). In addition to Schávelzon,
other archaeologists investigated various aspects
in the city such as fauna (Silveira 1996), industry (Weissel 1998), architecture (Zarankin 1999,
2002), and pottery (Senatore 1995).
Currently, Senatore is analyzing different colonial projects that intended to incorporate Patagonia into Spanish domains of study. Her study
focuses on a comparison between European and
aboriginal strategies for the use of space and
contact. Her case studies are the 18th-century
village of Floridablanca in San Julián, Santa
Cruz (Senatore 2000, 2002, 2004) and the
16th-century settlement of Nombre de Jesús in
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HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(4)
FIGURE 1. Rescue archaeological project at Banco de la República Argentina, Buenos Aires, Argentina. (Photo by
Zarankin, 2000.)
Cabo Vírgenes, Santa Cruz. Floridablanca supported several farmer families during a period of
four years (1780–1784), until it was abandoned
and destroyed under the pretext of not being
self-sufficient. This town represented Spanish
intentions to test a model of social order ruled
by Spanish Enlightenment ideas. Senatore’s
and others’ investigations seek to interpret the
role of material culture and daily practices in
the social structuration of the site (Senatore
2000, 2002, 2003, 2004; Bianchi Villelli 2002;
Marschoff 2004).
The Spanish settlement of Nombre de Jesús,
along with Rey Don Felipe, was established to
exercise strategic control over Magallanes Strait,
a region frequently visited by English privateers
at the end of the 16th century. In 1584, Spanish settlers built a church, some houses, and a
bullet store near Cabo Vírgenes. This community faced great difficulties, due to food scarcity
and enmity with aboriginal groups. These circumstances brought the settlers to their deaths;
only one man saved his life after escaping in a
privateer. Senatore (2006) and the members of
her project discovered the cemetery where the
inhabitants of the village were buried. Through
the analysis of osteological remains, material
culture, and diverse documentary sources, they
were able to study the way these people organized their daily lives in a hostile place.
In Brazil, several Portuguese colonial cities,
which remain inhabited until today, have developed their own archaeological projects. Notable
among them are Rio de Janeiro, Salvador, San
Pablo, Recife, and Porto Alegre. Salvador, capital
of the state of Bahia and first capital of Brazil,
has been the object of many excavations. In
this context, Carlos Etchevarne (2001) has been
especially dedicated to studying Bahia’s history
from a material perspective. San Pablo and Porto
Alegre developed their urban archaeological programs in response to accelerated growth. In San
Pablo, the work of Margarida Andreatta (1981–
1982) has stood out since the 1980s, when she
andréS zarankin AND melisa a. salerno—"Looking South": Historical Archaeology in South America
began conducting several “rescue operations” in
different areas of the city. In the case of Porto
Alegre, Fernanda Tocchetto has led interesting
studies on the transformations of local society,
focusing on consumer choice, discard patterns,
urban growth, and pottery typologies, among
other subjects (Tocchetto et al. 2001; Toccheto
2004; Santos 2005; Thiessen 2005).
Uruguay has been the site of pioneering
colonial urban studies. Since the 1980s, two
different cities have been investigated in detail:
Colonia del Sacramento and Montevideo. On the
one hand, Fusco (1990, 1997) has analyzed the
remains of Portuguese and Spanish occupations
in Colonia, supplying historical information and
widening cultural tourism in the area. On the
other hand, Curbelo (1996, 1999) has developed
her investigations and “rescue works” in other
regions of Uruguay (but mainly in Montevideo
and Punta del Este, Gorriti Island).
In Chile, despite Omar Ortiz Troncoso’s
(1970, 1971) and Mauricio Massone’s (1978,
1983) early investigations at Rey Don Felipe,
studies in historical archaeology have been sporadic. It was only in the 1990s that systematic
projects took place; these were generally associated with development projects such as the
widening of Santiago’s subway service or the
excavations at the cemetery of Pampilla.
There are other case studies of colonial cities
in South America. For instance, it is important
to consider the investigations of Therrien (1998)
in Bogotá; Carlos López and Martha Cano
Echeverri (2004) in Pereira, Colombia; Ross
Jamieson (2000) in Cuenca, Ecuador; Rodrigo
Navarrete (1997) in La Guaira and José M.
Cruxent (1955) in Cubagua, both in Venezuela.
Jesuit Missions
Investigations at Jesuit missions (particularly
in the area surrounding the limits of Argentina,
Paraguay and Brazil) date back to exploratory
trips headed by Argentinean researcher Juan B.
Ambrosetti at the beginning of the 20th century.
In spite of their magnificence and importance,
missions were not considered for archaeological
projects until the 1980s. Beatriz Rovira (1989)
applied analytical models proposed by Stanley
South and Bernard Fontana to the study of
Jesuit villages for her Ph.D. project, which
focused on the Nuestra Señora de la Candelaria
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Mission in Misiones. Her goal was to study the
expansion of European societies over indigenous
guarani populations. She proposed the existence
of a “village despotic or communitarian despotic
mode of production” in the missions during the
17th and 18th centuries.
In the 1980s, Brazil developed new
archaeological projects in Jesuit villages. Arno
Kern (1985, 1989a, 1989b, 1998) offered an
overview of the historical, ethnographical, and
cultural nature of guarani groups who lived in
reducciones. Currently, other archaeologists are
working in the missions (Poujade 1995, 1996),
taking part in restoration activities or ethnoarchaeological investigations.
Ethnicity
Since the expansion of postprocessual theoretical frameworks, the discipline examined the
role of social minorities in history, including
ethnic, age, and gender groups that were not
considered by official narratives. In this context,
the analysis of African American populations
became relevant in South American historical
archaeology. Without a doubt, the most important project developed on the subject was the
study of Quilombo dos Palmares (Alagoas,
Brazil), a huge settlement of runaway and
freeborn slaves. Palmares constituted a longlasting example of resistance in the American
continent. Funari, Orser, and Michael Rowlands
directed the archaeological investigation of this
site during the 1990s. Their results raised new
problems of investigation in South American
historical archaeology, such as identity, material
culture (understood as an active element in the
construction and negotiation of identities), public
archaeology, and the social use of past (Orser
1994; Funari 1995, 1999; Rowlands 1999; Funari
and Vieira de Carvalho 2005). Carlos Guimarães
(1988) directed another important investigation
regarding quilombos in Minas Gerais.
Camila Agostini (2002) was one of the first
archaeologists to study African pipe collections
excavated in the region of Vassouras (Rio de
Janeiro, Brazil) as well as the permanence of
African cultural traditions in present Brazilian
society. Schávelzon was another researcher interested in studying African American groups, in
this case, in the city of Buenos Aires, Argentina.
In his book Buenos Aires Negra, Schávelzon
44
(2003) analyzed Buenos Aires’ archaeological
collections in order to distinguish a characteristic African “type” of artifacts. He also took note
of the importance of African American groups
(which are today almost invisible) in 18th- and
19th-century Buenos Aires. Terrance Weik (2004)
worked with the idea of an “African diaspora”
in Latin America. In his opinion, archaeological
research focused on slave societies has contributed to broadening the understanding of complex
processes of cultural production.
Interest in ethnicity does not exclusively refer
to African American groups but also to diverse
postcontact identities, including relationships
between conquerors and conquered societies, usually analyzed by the “archaeology of contact.” In
general, most studies conducted in colonial urban
centers and religious missions consider these
areas of investigation. Other archaeologists deal
with contact at a regional level, such as Rafael
Goñi (2000) in Neuquén, Argentina; Alicia Tapia
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(4)
(2005) in la Pampa, Argentina; Franz Scaramelli
and Kay Tarble (2005) in Orinoco, Venezuela, as
well as others.
In the last decade, some archaeologists have
adopted an ethnohistorical perspective to analyze
the integration and transformation of identities.
These investigations often use written documents
as their most important source of evidence, considering material culture as a mere correlate to
hypotheses generated by other media.
Mining Sites
Investigations of historic mining sites have
traditionally discussed strategies of economic
exploitation, including extractive techniques
or site organization, and, on rare occasions,
ideological and social aspects of workers’ daily
lives. Today, the archaeology of mining sites is
calling archaeologists’ attention more than ever
(Figure 2).
FIGURE 2. Archaeological excavations at a gold exploitation structure, 18th Century, Riberao Grande, San Paulo, Brazil.
(Photo by Zarankin, 2005.)
andréS zarankin AND melisa a. salerno—"Looking South": Historical Archaeology in South America
In Brazil, investigations on the subject have
mainly been focused on encanados, a series
of stone structures used to divert watercourses
in search of gold during the 17th, 18th, and
19th centuries (Documento 2002, 2004). Some
years ago, Torres de Souza (2002) developed
an archaeological project to analyze the social
construction of space in an urban mining center
in Goiás. Currently, Carlos Guimarães (1996)
and the members of his team (Guimarães, Reis,
and Pereira 2004) are studying several systems
of mining exploitation in the area of Minas
Gerais. Their objective is to discuss production
and daily life in colonial mining communities.
One of the first records of mining archaeology
in Argentina was Humberto Lagiglia’s (1983)
work on colonial mineral exploitation in Mendoza. Currently, Víctor Durand is studying 19thcentury mineral production in the same area. In
the case of Chile, Bente Bittmann headed the
only archaeological study concerned with analyzing nitrate plants that flourished throughout
the Atacama Desert from the late 1800s to the
1940s (Alcaide and Bittmann 1984).
45
northeastern area of Brazil (Albuquerque and
Lucena 1988, 1997; Albuquerque 1993, 1995;
Albuquerque et al. 1999).
At present, Funari and Aline Vieira de Carvalho (2005) have detected several 18th- and
19th-century defensive structures in Angra dos
Reis. This region represented a strategic area for
Portugal and the Brazilian state, as it connected
maritime and terrestrial commercial networks.
Funari and Vieira de Carvalho consider the
history of these forts intertwined with official
discourses. That is why they plan to approach it
through the study of material remains and daily
practices. They also propose to analyze, preserve,
and disseminate information on the findings
through public archaeology.
Material Culture
In order to study a specific period or social
group from an archaeological perspective, it
is important to know and identify its cultural
remains. Archaeologists have created several
Wine Production
Prudence Rice has studied several Peruvian
sites associated with wine production. For this
reason, he excavated wine cellars, kilns, and
other structures dating to the Spanish colonial
period (Rice and Smith 1989; Rice and Van Beck
1993). Prior to Rice’s investigations, another
group of American archaeologists also studied
traffic routes in the region (Beck et al. 1983).
Fortifications
The colonial period can be characterized by
the need to protect conquered territories from
aboriginal or other European groups. Thousands
of fortifications were built along coastlines with
the aim of protecting newly founded cities.
Some forts were also established in the interior
of the continent. Many fortifications have been
excavated, and some of them have even been
restored as tourist attractions. Albuquerque is
probably the most prominent South American
archaeologist in this field of study. Since the
1970s, this researcher and a group of collaborators have excavated several fortifications in the
FIGURE 3. Eighteenth- and 19th-century English wine bottles
recovered through archaeological excavations in Buenos
Aires, Argentina. (Photo by Zarankin, 2001.)
46
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(4)
typologies and classifications that, in the case
of colonial materials, take into account the
information given by different types of written
documents (ranging from inventories to paintings
or photographs). Until the end of the 1980s,
Kathleen Deagan’s (1983, 1987), John Goggin’s
(1968), and Florence Lister and Robert Lister’s
works (1976) were used as basic bibliographies
to classify archaeological materials in South
America.
After the development of several historical
projects in the region, South American researchers began to produce local classifications of
archaeological materials (Figure 3). These
studies include work by Schávelzon (1991) on
ceramics, glass, and metal; Albuquerque (2000)
on Portuguese majolica; Tocchetto (2004) on
imported wares; and Therrien and colleagues
(2002) on Spanish majolica and wares.
Archaeology of Modern Society
Since the 1990s, and generally under the postprocessualist umbrella, archaeology of modern
society has been one of the topics that has been
popular among South American researchers. In
this section, different problems of investigation
regarding the construction of modern societies
and national states are considered. Among the
topics of recent archaeological investigation are
the expansion of country boundaries towards
the end of the 19th century, the appearance
and consolidation of the proletariat and the
bourgeoisie, industrial archaeology, 20th-century
archaeology, and the archaeology of repression
and disappeared people.
Discourses, Practices, and Identities
Without social identities, there is no society.
To understand modern society, it becomes
necessary to study the changes experienced in
the use of objects and in the construction of
new identities, including ethnicity, status, gender,
and age, in different times and spaces (Zarankin
and Senatore 2002). These transformations
express new hierarchies and power relationships.
Interest in material culture and identity forces
archaeologists to develop investigations concerned
with the singularities of local contexts within
capitalist expansion. It also makes possible the
deconstruction of macro-identities generated by
hegemonic discourses (meaning white occidental
discourses), rescuing the multiple identities on
which modern South American society was built
and still operates.
One of the most outstanding studies within
this theoretical framework is the work conducted by Andrade Lima (1996, 1997, 1999).
This archaeologist analyzed the conformation of
bourgeoisie and gender relationships as well as
food consumption, hygiene, and death practices
in 19th-century Rio de Janeiro. Some other
investigations are also deserving of mention:
Tocchetto and her colleagues (Symansky 1998;
Thiessen 1999, 2005; Tocchetto 2004) studied
Porto Alegre’s society; Claudia Plens (2004)
took into account the organization of space
in San Pablo’s 19th-century workers’ villages;
Therrien (2004) considered the structuring of
consumption in Bogotá; Zarankin (1999, 2002)
analyzed transformations in domestic and scholar
architecture in Buenos Aires; and Melisa Salerno
(2006) discussed the diversity of dress practices
in modern society.
Expansion of National Boundaries
The study of the expansion of internal national
boundaries is also gaining importance among
researchers. In Argentina, several forts have
been excavated with the aim of understanding
conquest strategies over aboriginal populations
and their territories as well as ethnic relationships between aboriginals and white groups.
These research projects include Goñi’s investigations (Goñi and Madrid 1999) in Fuerte
Blancagrande; Facundo Gómez Romero’s work
(Gómez Romero and Ramos 1994, Gómez
Romero 2005a) in Fortín Miñana; Nora Guerci,
Miguel Mugueta, and Mario Rodríguez’s analyses in Cantón Tapalqué (Guerci et al. 2004);
and María del C. Langiano, Julio Merlo, and
Pablo Ormazabal’s project in Fuerte San Martín
or Sauce Corto (Langiano et al. 2002), Buenos
Aires. Currently, several Argentinean archaeologists are excavating aboriginal settlements
to shed light on the changes experienced by
local groups during the period of contact and
conflict with the national society (Goñi 2000;
Pedrotta 2002; Pedrotta and Bagaloni 2005;
Tapia 2005).
During the mid-1990s, several Brazilian
archaeologists developed a social project
andréS zarankin AND melisa a. salerno—"Looking South": Historical Archaeology in South America
oriented to rescue regional memory. With
this objective in mind, they studied Parque
Estadual de Canudos, a 19th-century settlement
established to challenge the Portuguese empire.
One hundred years later, researchers decided to
analyze material, oral, written, and iconographic
evidences in order to broaden knowledge about
Canudo’s daily life (Zanettini 1996a, 1996b).
Repression and “Disappeared” People
South America has suffered the sociopolitical
consequences of dictatorial governments that
ruled from the 1960s to the 1980s. Official discourses tend to erase and distort the memories
of repressive mechanisms, especially the murder
and disappearance of people. The return of
democracy to the region during the mid-1980s
allowed new generations of archaeologists to
47
make substantial contributions to the study
of dictatorships. It is important to stress that
archaeology has the potential to democratize
the past by giving voice to silent groups and
producing narratives that are different from
those created by the groups in power (Bellelli
and Tobin 1985).
Investigations within the archaeology of
repression articulate multiple and intimately
bounded objectives. On the one hand, some
professionals focus their interests on the
discussion of the epistemological, conceptual,
and methodological bases of this kind of
archaeology (Funari and Vieira de Oliveira
2006; Haber 2006; López Mazz 2006). Other
researchers develop projects for searching,
localizing, and identifying murdered and
“disappeared” people. The Equipo Argentino de
Antropología Forense (EAAF) or Argentinean
FIGURE 4. Analysis of materials recovered at Club Atlético Clandestine Center of Detention, Buenos Aires, Argentina.
(Photo by Zarankin, 2003.)
48
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(4)
Forensic Anthropology Team represents a good
example of this approach. Excavating common
graves in cemeteries and military bases in
Argentina and other South American countries,
this organization was able to shed light on the
killing of thousands of people during military
political regimes as well as return the human
remains to their families (EAAF 1991, 1992,
1993; Doretti and Fondebrider 2001).
Currently, different archaeological projects excavate clandestine centers of detention
(Figure 4). With that aim, researchers seek to
construct a “material memory” of genocide,
analyze repressive strategies expressed in spatial
organization (Bozzuto et al. 2004; Zarankin and
Niro 2006), and study previously undetected
practices of resistance (López Mazz 2006;
Navarrete and López 2006).
Underwater Archaeology
Treasure hunters have been present in the
region for decades—many times calling themselves “archaeologists.” Leaving aside their
negative impact, it is worth noting the development of underwater archaeology (with an historical orientation) in South America. It was not
until the 1990s that this field became a serious
branch of archaeology in some South American
countries. Today, two particular projects stand
out for their work, directed by Dolores Elkin
(Argentina) and Gilson Rambelli (Brazil). These
researchers have excavated dozens of shipwrecks
from different times, offering valuable information on consumption, the transport of goods,
ship traffic, and different aspects of sailors’
daily lives. Their investigations have also evaluated different methodologies and techniques for
fieldwork as well as submerged heritage management and protection (Elkin 2002; Rambelli
2002).
Public Archaeology
Historical archaeology in South America has
proven its social commitment, developing new
projects to interact with local communities,
democratizing academic production through
education, and protecting historical heritage.
Public archaeology’s main objective is to intertwine bonds between communities’ pasts and
the present. For this reason, researchers help
communities preserve and revalue their traditions and cultural resources, and they include
community knowledge, interests, and needs in
scientific investigations. Different papers explore
these subjects (Funari 2002c; Funari, Vieira
de Oliveira et al. 2005; Eremites de Oliveira
2005).
Final Words
In a general way, South American historical
archaeology constitutes a fully integrated field
of study for the investigation agenda of the
region. At the moment, almost every meeting
in archaeology offers the opportunity to attend a
symposium on historical archaeology. Scientific
production has been intensified, and archaeologists have been able to spread their investigations out from the continent. In spite of these
achievements, South American historical archaeology is still searching for its own identity.
Particularly, it is trying to transform itself into
a tool of social change—one that might be able
to construct a critical history of the exploitation
and poverty of the region.
Acknowledgments
We thank Pedro Paulo Funari, Tania Andrade
Lima, María Ximena Senatore, Amalia Sanguinetti de Bórmida, Charles Orser, Jr., Kay Tarble,
Rodrigo Navarrete, Carlos Magno Guimaraes,
and Mariana Segura for their help and collaboration in the preparation of this paper. We also
would like to mention Joe Joseph and Rebecca
Allen’s help and support for the publication of
this article.
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Del Tridente, Buenos Aires, Argentina.
Zarankin, Andrés
Departamento de Sociologia e Antropología
Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais
6627 Antonio Carlos Avenue
Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, Brazil (31270-901)
Salerno, Melisa A.
Departamento de Investigaciones Prehistóricas
y Arqueológicas
Instituto Multidisciplinar de Historia y Ciencias
Humanas
Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas
y Técnicas
15 Saavedra Street, 5th floor
Buenos Aires, Argentina (1380)

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