CRISTINA SANCHEZ LOPEZ Universidad Complutense de Madrid

CRISTINA SANCHEZ LOPEZ Universidad Complutense de Madrid

CRISTINA SANCHEZ LOPEZ
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
Dept. Lengua Española Facultad de Filología B
28040 Madrid
España
Tlno. 34914670266
[email protected]
COMPARATIVE CORRELATIVE IN SPANISH
Two main theoretical views on the analysis of comparative correlative can be
distinguised: on the one hand, the constructionist hypothesis (Fillmore, 1986;
McCawley, 1988; Cullicover & Jackendoff 1999) considers comparative correlative as
idiosincratic constructions whose semantic and syntactic properties are not predictable
from general principles; on the other hand, the syntactistic hypothesis (Den Dikken,
2005; Abeillé & Borsley 2006) suppose that the construction shows a high degree of
interlinguistic consistency and their properties are predictable from general syntactic
principles. This paper analyzes comparative correlatives in Spanish and provides
empirical and theoretical support to the sencond one.
As shown in Sánchez (2005), Spanish correlative comparative differs from English and
French ones in combining two different correlatives: the demonstrative tanto ‘so’ and
the relative cuanto ‘how much’, in two possible orders, as shown in (1).
The proposal I put forward here is that comparative correlatives are the result of
combining two structures of comparison: on the one hand, a comparison of equality,
headed by tanto, which selects the cuanto sentence as the comparative coda; on the
other hand, the respective comparisons of superiority (or inferiority) headed by más
(menos), más (menos). The relation between both comparison structures is the
following: tanto and cuanto are the differentials or measure phrases of the respective
comparisons headed by más (menos), más (menos). This explains the reading of
proportionality in the increase or decrease which defines the semantics of these
constructions.
This analysis is based on two main ideas. First, the cuanto sentence is not a free adjunct
relative clause, as Den Dikken (2005) supposes, but a free relative selected by the
degree head tanto as the comparison coda. The empirical support for this analysis
comes from the following fact: the cuanto sentence behaves as other comparison codas,
and contrary to other ‘cannonical’ relative sentences with respect to a) the
incompatibility with other potential antecedents (as shown in (2)), b) the selection by
tanto, which makes the cuanto sentence obligatory (cf. (3)), and c) the impossibility of
being preceded by a preposition (as shown in (4)). Second, the más (menos), más
(menos) items in both sentences head true comparisons of inequiality, and tanto/cuanto
behave as their respective differentials or measure phrases. Again, empirical support
comes from a) the possibility of adding a comparison coda (as shown in (5)), b) the
impossibility of adding other measure prases (as in (6)).
The proposal can explain some relevant properties of the construction: the
relation between the fronted position of the cuanto-sentence and the movement of tanto
más to a scope position in the main clause (7); the optionality of the demonstrative
tanto in the (twice) comparative correlatives but not in the (once) comparative
construction (8); and the contrast between current and old Spanish with respect to the
position of the inequality comparison heads (9).
DATA
(1) a. Ana conocerá tantas más culturas cuantos más países visite
Ana will know the more cultures the more countries she will visit
b. Cuantos más países visite Ana, tantas más culturas conocerá
The more countries Ana will visit, the more cultures she will know
(2) a. Ana ha visitado {tantos/*muchos/*los} países cuantas visas tiene su pasaporte
Ana visided
{so many / many / the}countries how much visas has her passport
b. Ana ha visitado {*tantos/muchos/los} países que etán muy lejos.
Ana visited
{so many/many/the} countries that are very far
(3) a. Ana visitó tantos países *(cuantas visas tiene su pasaporte)
Ana visited as many countries *(as visas her passport has)
b. Ana visitó muchos países (que están muy lejos)
Ana visited many countries (that are very far)
(4) a. *Ana tiene tantos amigos con cuantos puede divertirse
Ana has so many friends with as many she can enjoy
b.*Ana tiene más amigos de con los que puede divertirse
Ana has more friends than with whom she can enjoy
c. Ana tiene muchos amigos con los que puede divertirse
Ana has many friends with whom she can enjoy
(5) Con los niños debe emplearse tanto más cariño que severidad cuanto más
importante es la educación que la mera disciplina.
‘You must use the more love than severity the more important the education is than
the mere discipline’
(6) *Cuanto mucho más inteligente es una persona, tanto mucho más humilde es
The much more intelligent a person is, the much more humble he is
(7) a. Cuantos más países visite Ana, tantas más culturas conocerá
The more countries Ana will visit, the more cultures she will know
b. *Cuantos más países visite Ana, conocerá tantas más culturas.
The more countries Ana will visit, she will know the more cultures
(8) a. Ana conocerá (tantas) más culturas cuantos más países visite.
Ana will know the more cultures the more countries she will visit
b. Ana visitó *(tantos) países cuantas visas hay en su pasaporte.
Ana visited
so many countries how much visas has her passport
(9) a. Cuanto son los sentimientos mayores, tanto las palabras son más breves
How much are the feelings bigger
so much the words are shorter
(León, s. XVII; Cuervo (2002; s.v. cuanto))
b. Cuanto mayores son los sentimientos, tanto más breves son las palabras.
The bigger the feelings are, the shorter thewords are.
REFERENCES
Abeillé, Anne y Robert Borsley (2006) « La syntaxe des corrélatives comparatives en
anglais et en français », Faits de Langue, 38.
Cuervo, Rufino José (2002) Diccionario de construcción y régimen de la lengua
castellana, Bogotá, Instituto Caro y Cuervo.
Culicover, Peter W. y Ray Jackendoff (1999) “The View from the Periphery: The
English Comparative Correlative”, Linguistic Inquiry, 30:4, págs. 543-571.
Den Dikken, Marcel (2005) “Comparative Correlatives Comparatively”, Linguistic
Inquiry, 36:4, págs. 497-532.
Fillmore, Charles J. (1986) “Varieties of Conditional Sentences”, en Marshall, Fred
(ed.) Proceedings of the Third Eastern States Conference on Linguistics,
University of Pittsburg, Pittsburg (Pennsylvania), 163-182.
McCawley, James (1988) “The comparative conditional construction in English,
German and Chinese”, en Shelley Axmaker, Annie Jaisser y Helen Singmaster
(eds.) Proceedings of the 14th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics
Society, Berkeley, Universidad de California/Beerkeley Linguistic Society,
págs. 176-187.
Sánchez, Cristina (2005): “Correlaciones comparativas en español”, in Acta del
Congreso Internacional de la Asociación Coreana de Hispanistas, Seoul, págs.
138-145.