Draft Conference Paper - Inter

Greek Vases, Iberian Places: Visual Literacy and Interpretation
Among Ancient Spanish Elites
Dena Gilby
Abstract
Art historians dealing with ancient cultures have a fundamental obstacle: how to
understand the conditions and role of visual literacy in the past. This paper builds
on the theoretical foundation provided by the recent work of Adolfo Dominguez
and others that addresses the notion of visual literacy and agency among ancient
Iberian elites by enunciating the ‘biographies’ of several Greek vases found at
Spanish sites of the fifth and fourth centuries. An examination proves that Iberian
elite patrons were sophisticated viewers who employed Greek vases within
assemblages of objects from a variety of cultures to transmit concepts of class
cohesion, social identity and power.
Key Words: Iberia, Greece, archaic states, assemblage, object biography,
polities, pottery, social identity.
*****
1. Introduction
To understand the meaning of visual literacy in ancient Iberia, it is
necessary in the absence of extensive written evidence to turn to the material
culture. In this regard some of the most abundant items found in Iberian contexts
are ceramics. Before beginning the description and analysis of individual vases it
seems useful to outline the parameters of this study. Debate about Greek
colonization’s influence on Iberian social change has been the primary focus of the
literature on the topic.1 Early manuscripts favoured a diffusionist theory, in which
Iberian social change was asserted to have come from contact with foreign cultures
and a process of Hellenization was asserted to have occurred.2 Current Spanish
scholarship, however, particularly that conducted by Paloma Cabrera, Adolfo
Dominguez and Joan Sanmartí, has primarily concluded that the process of social
change in Iberia was both endogenous and exogenous; that is, social transformation
from small-scale societies to polities to archaic states is viewed as a process that
was neither static nor one-sided, but constantly renogotiated and containing
multiple strands of impetus and influence.3
As important as this line of inquiry is, it tends to ignore the individual and
emphasize the general. To counterbalance this the focus of this essay is to complete
case studies that tease out the localized meanings of these foreign objects in two
2 Greek Vases, Iberian Places: Visual Literacy and Interpretation Among Ancient
Spanish Elites
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moments in history: the 5th (Early Iberian, c. 550-400 BCE) and 4th (Middle
Iberian, c. 400-200 BCE) centuries BCE. Is there an approach that offers a
coherent and flexible way in which to interpret this material evidence? Object
biography is an especially relevant framework because it examines the object and
its context closely making it is less speculative than some other forms of analysis. 4
Because domestic and funerary contexts have yielded the majority of examples,
one instance of each during the two periods has been chosen for examination: in
the fifth century the settlement of Puig de la Nau (Image 1) and Tomb 11 at Galera
(Image 2) yielded a kylix (cup )and krater (wine vessel) respectively; in the fourth
century the Los Nietos habitation site (Images 3 and 4) and Tomb 43 at Baza
(Images 5, 6, and &) offer up kraters. The exploration of the biographies of the
ceramics in these assemblages demonstrates how Iberian patrons transformed
Greek vases into potent symbols of prestige, social power and class cohesion
through Iberization of the ceramics.5
2. The Fifth Century: Developing Social Polities
Upon first inspection, the viewer is struck by the size and shape of this
wine drinking vessel (Image 1). Wine distribution and drinking rituals—as proven
by Michael Dietler in three essays dating to the 1990s as well as by Ricardo Olmos
and Carmen Sánchez in their essay, ‘Usos e ideología del vino en los imagines de
la Hispania preromana’ were restricted to and employed as a means of constructing
and maintaining status and control by the Iberian elites of the fifth-century
polities.6 In the Iberian context the iconography of this vase of youthful athletes
and their elite companions can be interpreted as metaphors for the Iberian upper
class. These scenes convey the idea of vitality and eroticism and thus act as a
visual invocation of fertility and youthful exuberance that were so important to the
social identity that elites constructed during rituals of wine drinking.7 In other
words, the domestic context suggests a public aspect to the use, thus the cup as a
foreign item functioned dynamically to underscore the social power of its owner
that was conveyed to others with every sip of wine consumed in this exotic, foreign
ware.
The sites of Villaricos and Galera have yielded the first concentrations of
Greek vases in burial contexts of this period. The bell krater, now housed in the
Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid (Image 2; inv. no. 33439), comes from
Tomb 11 of the Iberian necropolis of Tútugi, Galera (Granada) where excavators
unearthed not only this vase (Image 2), but also two horse-bits, a glazed Attic cup
and a number of Iberian pots.8 As in the Penthesilea Painter’s cup, the shape,
function and iconography prove enlightening to an understanding of Iberian visual
literacy. 9 Attributed to the Polygnotos Group, the krater dates to c. 440 BCE. The
large size of the mouth of the vase and its general bulk make it an ideal cinerary
Dena Gilby
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urn. The heft of the pot, in combination with its foreign manufacture, can be said
also to generally indicate the high status of its owner.10 Side A depicts a winged
Nike (adorned in a chiton, which is a light dress made of linen or cotton and a
sakkós, similar to a snood) making a libation with oinochoe (wine pouring vessel)
and phiale (disk-like pot with an impression in the center in which one places his
or her thumb, this shape was used during religious rituals to make an offering of
liquid) in front of a young nude horseman who rides toward the viewer’s right.
Side B represents three youths, draped in himatia (cloaks), in a palaestra
(gymnasium) scene. This krater’s iconography, if not unique, is not often
represented; the subject may have been inspired by procession scenes in relief
sculpture like that found on the Athenian Parthenon dating around the same time
(447-432 BCE) or in monumental painting.11 How may this iconography be
interpreted in the Iberian arena? The trope of the horseman is very common in
Iberia and is most often found in funerary rather than domestic contexts. This fact
leads Carmen Sánchez’ to theorize that the patron understood the figure as an
equivalent to himself who is being received by Nike as a ‘funerary daimon’ sent to
receive him on his ‘journey into the Beyond’12 a good fit for the biographical
history of the vase.
3. The Fourth Century: The Archaic States
When attention is placed on the fourth century BCE, two kraters that
made their way to the Iberian settlement at Los Nietos, Cartagena, Murcia and are
now deposited in the Museo Arqueológico Municipal de Cartagena with the
inventory numbers 3.682 and 3.684 provide insight into the distribution of Greek
vases and the key iconographic tropes found in wares bound for Iberia (Images 3
and 4). Archaeologists discovered the pots in section A of the settlement where
excavators discovered eight Attic kraters, Iberian storage vessels and amphorae (a
ceramic used to store foodstuffs), as well as imported amphorae of Punic and
Greek manufacture like those found in the El Sec Shipwreck.13 These items have
led to the conclusion that this area was used for storage, and the facts further
solidify the thesis of the excavators that Los Nietos was a major redistribution
center for wares of a variety of native and non-native goods among the archaic
states that now existed.14
Found in a level of destruction of the mid-4th century BCE, both these
vases date around 375 to 350 BCE. Krater 3.682 is attributed to the Telos Painter
Group (Image 3).15 Although the mass of their vases have been found in the east,
comparison to other fourth century Greek imports into Iberia demonstrates that the
style fits perfectly into Iberian tastes. Krater 3.684 is attributed to the Painter of the
Black Thyrsus whose work is found at a number of Iberian sites (Image 4).16 On
Side A of 3.682 six figures amble leftward toward a gate, over which hangs a
laurel branch, thereby identifying it as a sanctuary to Apollo (Image 3).17 In the
centre of the composition is a young man mounted on a white horse; following him
4 Greek Vases, Iberian Places: Visual Literacy and Interpretation Among Ancient
Spanish Elites
__________________________________________________________________
is a child who carries a laurel branch on his shoulder and wears a chlamys (a short
cloak). The other figures are also adorned in the chlamys, holding laurel branches
and torches. The iconography of 3.682 relates to the Athenian festivals called the
Thargélia and Pyanopsia during which participants processed to the Sanctuary of
Apollo to make offerings.
This vase represents the Pyanopsia when devotees offered the first fruits
of the harvest to be blessed by the god. The tradition at this festival was for a child
to accompany the retinue that included his or her living parents. The child’s
eiresione (laurel branch) would be placed above the temple’s gate.18 What is one to
conclude about such a particular subject’s appearance in an Iberian context? The
answer is debatable, yet it is tempting to see such scenes as broadcasting exalted
roles for the parents and children of the archaic state elites, roles that include
knowledge of specific Attic festivals in which family structure and class cohesion
are developed.
Side A of 3.864 depicts a Dionysian thiasos (a scene of the followers of
Dionysos represented during revelry) in which the god’s retinue includes a maenad
and two satyrs (Image 4). The god is depicted as youthful and beardless with long
hair and a crown of leaves and fruit depicted in white. In his left hand he grasps a
thyrsus (a staff of giant fennel covered with ivy vines and leaves that is a
convention object carried by Dionysos). The maenad, at whom he looks, may
depict Ariadne who is represented in white with gold details, clutching a large
tambourine in her left hand. The nude satyrs are bedecked in diadems; they raise
their hands in a gesture of abandon and the one to the viewer’s right holds a torch.19
In other words, although the imagery on both vases represents Greek deities, there
are very different configurations. The subject matter of 3.682 is highly specific
whereas that of 3.684 is generalized and could be used in a domestic context as
part the wine-drinking rituals that broadcast its owner’s social power and solidify
through shared experience class cohesion, or in a funerary context as a scene of
gods welcoming the honoured deceased to the afterlife. Its smaller size, which was
apparently the painter’s response to Iberian impetus, suggests that the krater was
destined for a funerary context.20
Archaeologists have uncovered twice as many Greek vases on average in
fourth century Iberian cemeteries than in the assemblages discovered in those of
the fifth century. The first half of the fourth century, moreover, sees the greatest
number of Greek vases being imported; after this the number declines sharply
before almost stopping altogether.21 Just as the shapes preferred in the fifth century
in individual contexts construct ideological messages about power, class and the
role of the elites, so too do fourth century vases. In the region where these ceramics
were found red figure cups and kraters dominated the wares of Greek manufacture
and scholars often interpret this as a sign of the desire toward conspicuous
Dena Gilby
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consumption in which one’s prestige is continually demonstrated and one’s class
cohesion reinforced by use of foreign goods.22
It is with this context in mind that one must examine Tomb 43 of the
Iberian Necropolis of Cerro del Santuario (Baza, Granada).23 The burial was
designed as if it were the room in a house where treasured items were stored. The
vases were arranged both on the floor and on two benches attached to the walls.
The three kraters on which this paper focuses contained the ashes of what appears
to be a noble family (Figures 4, 5 and 6). In addition to these Greek imports, the
tomb contained Greek kylikes, Iberian miniatures that imitate Greek and
Phoenician vase shapes (wine and grain amphorae, dishes and column kraters),
gold earrings, weapons and a ritual bronze.24 The kraters possess figural imagery
that emphasize one side and contain a stock grouping of figures standing or
walking on the other side.
National Archaeological Museum in Madrid inventory number
1969/68/27 (Image 5) dates to the second quarter of the fourth century BCE (350325 BCE) and has not been attributed. Side A presents a Dionysian scene in which
Apollo, who is depicted as nude and crowned with laurel, is seated and surrounded
by subsidiary figures. Apollo looks toward his left at a departing couple who,
Olmos suggests, are Dionysos and Ariadne. The female figure wears a chiton (a
long tunic) and possesses white skin; the male is clean-shaven with long hair and
appears nude. In his hand he holds a thyrsos. This scene is echoed at the left in
slightly smaller scale. There a maenad offers grapes to Apollo and an adolescent
Eros floats above, holding ribbons. A satyr approaches brandishing a bunch of
white grapes before him. Side B portrays three youths wearing himatia; those on
either side of the central figure carry aryballoi (small vases that contained
perfumed oil. The singular is aryballos), signifying their elite status or even that
they engage in athletic pursuits.25
The iconography of this vase, in other words, uses mythological,
legendary and elite figures, in indeterminate narratives, as a way of encouraging
association of the deceased with at least one of the figures on the vase, in this case
perhaps the nude male. Thus, the whole pot could be read as a celebration of
welcome in which the deceased is invited by the gods to leave the terrestrial realm
and enter the celestial. This befits the ideology that Iberian elites established for
themselves in which they legitimized and promoted social inequality by
constructing a role for themselves as interlocutors between the supernatural and
natural realms.26
1969/68/28 (Image 6) of the National Archaeological Museum in Madrid
dates to 360-350 BCE and attributed to the Quintain Painter.27 Side A represents a
banquet scene in which three pairs of men recline on Greek couches known as
klinai. A semi-nude woman, recognizable as such by her white skin, faces to her
left and plays the aulos (flute). The auletris (flute player) stands between pairs of
male figures (the erastés or mature male who takes the lead in amorous pursuit and
6 Greek Vases, Iberian Places: Visual Literacy and Interpretation Among Ancient
Spanish Elites
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erómenos or youthful figure who is the object of desire) who are playing the game
of kóttabos (in this drinking game participants flung the dregs of their wine at a
stand some distance away; the object was to come closest to it). Under the dining
couch are trápezai (tables) decorated with twigs and laden down with foodstuffs.
The depiction of Doric columns in the upper part of the composition denotes the
location of the event: an Athenian symposion room (often the dining room, it was
used for drinking parties among the male elites) in the andron (men’s section) of
an Athenian citizen’s domos (house). Like 1969/68/27, Side B of this krater
portrays three youths wearing himatia. A disc hangs between the two right-hand
figures and the young man on the right possesses an aryballos. Because this pot
contained the ashes of an Iberian aristocrat, it is likely that the scene would be
interpreted not as a Greek drinking party for citizen males, but as a mystical
banquet where the noble transitions into an eternal, festive Beyond and like the
Penthesilea Painter’s cup from Puig de la Nau, transmits a laudable identity for its
owner. 28
The krater numbered 1969/68/29 (Image 7) dates to the second quarter of the
fourth century BCE (350-325 BCE) and is attributed as near to the York-Reverse
Group.29 This vase also images a mythological scene on Side A: two Amazons
mounted on horseback and depicted in white fight Greek warriors. The Amazon to
the viewer’s left holds a spear; the one to the right grasps a short sword. The
background contains branches to signify the locale as a battlefield. In this scene,
unlike Greek Amazonomachies of the fifth century, the artist has represented the
Greeks as defeated.30 On Side B three young wear himatia; the one to the right
holds a staff.31 This krater belongs thematically with the other Amazonomachies,
Centauromachies and Griffonomachies that were among the most popular motifs in
Iberian contexts of the fourth century.32 The trope appears to be, like the
welcoming motif, one that heroizes the deceased and removes them from the
ordinary world of mortals to the heroic world of immortals, legendary and hybrid
beings and those who, like Herakles, achieve apotheosis.
4. Conclusion
This paper has explored how a pot’s biography provides a rich field upon
which to understand visual literacy in the past and overcome some of the debates
around intercultural interaction and social change; that is, the Greek vase in Iberia
‘had an important role in the evolution of the indigenous societies . . . ‘ it ‘made
technological change possible, it gave opportunities to competing leaders to build
an unequal social order, and subsequently it provided some of the necessary
elements to maintain that state of affairs.’33 For Iberia, the shapes preferred,
iconography chosen for purchase by patrons and context of the finds have also
Dena Gilby
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been shown to be critical in understanding the reception and role of Greek
ceramics in ancient Spain.
Notes
1
For a concise overview of the trends in the literature see Michael Dietler and Carolina López Ruiz, ‘Coda.’ In Colonial
Encounters in Ancient Iberia: Phoenician, Greek, and Indigenous Relations, edited by Michael Dietler and Carolina LópezRuiz (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 299-312.
2
Paul Baur, ‘Pre-Roman Antiquities of Spain,’ American Journal of Archaeology 11, no. 2 (April-June 1907): 182-193;
Rhys Carpenter, The Greeks in Spain, Reprint edition (London and NY: AMS Press, 1971); and Richard John Harrison,
Spain at the Dawn of History: Iberians, Phoenicians and Greeks. (London: Thames and Hudson, 1988).
3
Paloma Cabrera, ‘Greek Trade in Iberia: The Extent of Interaction,’ Oxford Journal of Archaeology 17 (1998): 191-206;
Adolfo Dominguez, ‘La función económica de la ciudad griega de Emporion,’ VI Colloqui Internacional d’Arqueologia de
Puigcerdá. (Puigcerdá,1986), 193-199; Adolfo Dominguez, ‘Mecanismos, rutas y aentes commercials en las relaciones
económicas entre griegos e indígenas en el interior peninsular,’ Estudis d’història económica (1993): 39-74; Adolfo
Dominguez, ‘Greeks in Iberia: Colonialism without Colonization,’ In The Archaeology of Colonialism, edited by Claire Lyons
and John Papadopoulos (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2002), 65-95; Adolfo Dominguez, ‘Hellenisation in Iberia? The
Reception of Greek Products and Influences by the Iberians,’ In Ancient Greeks East and West, edited by Gocha R. Tsetskhladze
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1999), 301-329; and Joan Sanmartí ‘Colonial Relations and Social Change in Iberia (Seventh to Third
Centuries BC),’ In Colonial Encounters in Ancient Iberia: Phoenician, Greek, and Indigenous Relations, edited by Michael
Dietler and Carolina López-Ruiz (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 49-88. See also, .M. Blázquez,
‘Iberian Art with Greek Influence: The Funerary Monument of Jumilla (Murcia, Spain),’ American Journal of Archaeology 92,
no. 4 (Oct. 1988): 503-506; J.M. Blázquez and J. González Navarette, ‘The Phokian Sculpture of Obulco in Southern Spain,’
American Journal of Archaeology 89, no. 1 (Jan. 1985): 61-69; Teresa Chapa, Influos griegos en la escultura zoomorfa
ibérica (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1986); P.A. Lillo Carpio and M.J. Walker, ‘The Iberian
Monument of El Prado (Jumilla, Murcia, Spain),’ In Greek Colonists and Native Populations, edited by Jean-Paul
Descoeudres (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1990), 613-619; Michael Dietler, ‘Colonial Encounters in Iberia and the Western
Mediterranean: An Exploratory Framework,’ In Colonial Encounters in Ancient Iberia: Phoenician, Greek, and Indigenous
Relations, edited by Michael Dietler and Carolina López-Ruiz (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 348; J; Ricardo Olmos, ‘Original Elements and Mediterranean Stimuli in Iberians Pottery: Part 2,’ Mediterranean Archaeology 3
(1990): 7-25; Virginia Page, ‘Imitaciones ibéricas de cráteras y copas áticas en la provincia de Murcia,’ In Ceràmiques gregues
i helenistiques a la península ibérica, edited by Marina Picazo, and Enric Sanmartí, (Barcelona: Institut de Prehistòria y
Arqueologia, Diputació de Barcelona, 1985), 71-81; Virginia Page, B. de Griño, Ricardo Olmos and Carmen Sánchez,
Imitaciones de influjo griego en la cerámica ibérica de Valencia, Alicante y Murcia (Madrid: Consejo Superior de
Investigaciones Científicas, Instituto Antonio de Nebrija, 1984); John Papadopoulos, ‘Phantom Euboians,’ Journal of
Mediterranean Archaeology 10 (1997): 191-219; Juan Pereira and Carmen Sánchez, ‘Imitaciones ibéricas de vasos áticos en
Andalucia,’ In Ceràmiques gregues i helenistiques a la península ibérica, edited by Marina Picazo, and Enric Sanmartí
(Barcelona: Institut de Prehistòria y Arqueologia, Diputació de Barcelona, 1985), 87-100; Núria Rafel et al., ‘New Approaches
on the Archaic Trade in the North-Eastern Iberian Peninsula: Exploitation and Circulation of Lead and Silver,’ Oxford Journal
of Archaeology 29, no. 2 (2010): 175-202; Pierre Rouvillard, ‘Les céramiques grecques archaïques et classiques en Andalousie:
acquis et approches’ In Céramiques grecques i helenístiques a la península Ibèrica, edited by Marina Picazo and Enric Sanmartí
(Barcelona: Institut de Prehistòria y Arqueologia, Diputació de Barcelona, 1985), 37-42; Brian Shefton, ‘Greeks and Greek
Imports in the South of the Iberian Peninsula: The Archaeological Evidence,’ In Phönizier im Westen: Die Beiträge des
Internationalen Symposiums über Die phönizische Expansion im westlichen Mittelmeerraum’ im Köln vom 24. Bis 27. April
1979, edited by Hans Georg Niemeyer (Mainz am Rhein: Phillip von Zabern, 1982), 337-370; Brian Shefton, ‘Massalia and
Colonization in the North-Western Mediterranean,’ In The Archaeology of Greek Colonisation: Essays Dedicated to Sir John
Boardman, edited by Gocha Tsetskhladze and Franco De Angelis (Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology
Monograph 40, 1994), 61-86; Shefton ‘Greek Imports at the Extremities of the Mediterranean, West and East: Reflections on the
Case of Iberia in the Fifth Century BC,’ In Social Complexity and the Development of Towns in Iberia From the Copper Age to
the Second Century AD, edited by Barry Cunliffe and Simon Keay (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 127-155; Walter
Trillmich, ‘Early Iberian Sculpture and Phocaean Colonization,’ In Greek Colonists and Native Populations, edited by JeanPaul Descoeudres (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1990), 607-611; and Peter van Dommelan, ‘Colonial Constructs: Colonialism
and Archaeology in the Mediterranean,’ World Archaeology 28, no. 3 (Feb. 1997): 305-323.
4
Arjun Appadurai, ‘Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value,’ In The Social Life of Things: Commodities in
Cultural Production, edited by Arjun Appadurai (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 3-63; Amalia
Avramidou, ‘Attic Vases in Etruria: Another View on the Divine Banquet Cup by the Codrus Painter,’ American Journal of
Archaeology 110 (2006): 565-579; Chris Gosden and Yvonne Marshall, ‘The Cultural Biography of Objects,’ World
Archaeology 31, no. 2 (1999): 169-178; Igor Kopytoff, ‘The Cultural Biography of Things,’ In The Social Life of Things:
Commodities in Cultural Production, edited by Arjun Appadurai (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986): 64-91;
and Susan Langdon, ‘Beyond the Grave: Biographies from Early Greece,’ American Journal of Archaeology 105, no. 4
(October 2001): 579-606.
5
For a definition of Iberization see Dietler and López-Ruiz, ‘Coda,’ 306. I employ it in a slightly different manner. Rather
than referring to Iberian-produced objects that demonstrate some stylistic similarities to other cultures, I utilize the term to
mark how the Iberians transformed the meaning of existing works to fit their worldview by the use(s) to which they put the
pottery.
6
Hoi Archaioi Hellenes, 318; Enric Sanmartí, and F. Gusi, ‘Un kylix del Pintor de Penthesilea, procedente del poblado
ilercavón de El Puig (Benicarló, Castellón),’ Cuadernos de Prehistoria y Arqueología Castellonenses 3 (1976): 205-218.
7
Michael Dietler, ‘Driven by drink: The role of drinking in the political economy and the case of early Iron Age France,’
Journal of Anthrpopological Archaeology 9 (1990): 352-406; Michael Dietler, ‘Feasts and commensal politics in the
political economy: Food, power and status in prehistoric Europe,’ in Food and the status quest: An interdisciplinary
perspective (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 87-125; Michael Dietler, ‘Rituals of commensality and the politics of
state formation in the “princely” societies of early Iron Age Europe,’ in Les Princes la Protohistoire et l’émergence de
l’État: Actes de la table Ronde internationale de Naples (1994): 135-152; Ricardo Olmos, and Carmen Sánchez. ‘Usos e
ideología del vino en los imagines de la Hispania preromana,’ Arqueoloía del vino. Los origins del vino en Occidente,
edited by S. Celestino (Jerez de la Frontera, 1995), 105-136.
8
Carmen Sánchez, ‘Greek Vases for Iberian Princes,’ in Hoi Archaioi Hellenes sten Hispania: Sta ichne tou Herakle, Exhibition
catalog (Madrid: Ministerio de Educación y Cultura, Secretaría de Cultura, 1998), 511-520. That this identity may be linked to
the Iberian’s accomplishments is also hinted at by the nicknames given it by its excavators: the ‘Warrior Grave.’ See Shefton,
‘Greek Imports,’ 138 and 149, note 24.
9
It should be noted that there are two other graves at Galera that have yielded rich and varied finds: Tombs 34 and 82. See
Shefton, Ibid., for details.
10
Hoi Archaioi Hellenes, 340; Ricardo Olmos, T. Tortosa, and P. Iguácel.,’Catalogo.’ In La sociedad ibérica a través de la
imagen, coordinated by Ricardo Olmos (Madrid: Ministry of Culture, 1992), 77; Carmen Sánchez, El comercio de productos
griegos en Andalucía oriental en los ss. V y IV a.C.: estudio tipológico e iconográfico de la cerámica, Doctoral Thesis (Madrid:
UCM Madrid, 1992), no 102; Carmen Sánchez, ‘Códigos de lectura en iconografía griega hallada en la Península Ibérica,’ In Al
otro lado del espejo. Aproximación ala imagen ibérica. edited by Ricardo Olmos (Madrid, 1996), fig. 21; and Gloria Trias de
Arribas, Ceramicas griegas de la Peninsula Ibérica (Valencia: The William L. Bryant Foundation, 1967), 457, 1, plates 203
and 205, 1. See also, Sanmartí, ‘Colonial Relations and Social Change,’ 61.
11
Jeffrey Hurwit, The Acropolis in the Age of Pericles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Stelios Lydakis,
Ancient Greek Painting and its Echoes in Later Art (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2004).
12
Teresa Chapa and Lourdes Prados, ‘Using the language of Greek art: men, gods and monsters,’ in Hoi Archaioi Hellenes sten
Hispania: Sta ichne tou Herakle, Exhibition catalog (Madrid: Ministerio de Educación y Cultura, Secretaría de Cultura, 1998),
521-536; Ricardo Olmos, ‘The assimilation of classical iconography in the Iberian world,’ XII Congr. Int. Arch. Classique
(Athens, 1984); Ricardo Olmos, ‘Orgiastic Elements in Iberian iconography?’ Kerma 5 (1992): 153-171; Ricardo Olmos,
‘Original Elements and Mediterranean Stimuli in Iberians Pottery: Part 2,’ Mediterranean Archaeology 3 (1990): 7-25; Carmen
Sánchez, ‘La cerámica ática de Ibiza en el Museo Arqueológico Nacional,’ Trabajos de Prehistoria 38 (1981): 281-311; Carmen
Sánchez, ‘Códigos de lectura,’ 73-84; Sánchez, ‘Greek Vases for Iberian Princes,’ 511-520; Carmen Sánchez, ‘Imágenes de
Atenas en el mundo ibérico. Análisis iconográfico de la cerámica ática del siglo IV a.C. hallada en Andalucía oriental,’ Anuario
del Departamento de Historia y Teoría del Arte (UAM) IV (1992): 23-33.
13
Hoi Archaioi Hellenes, 320 and 321; and C. García Cano and José Miguel García Cano, ‘Cerámicas áticas del poblado
ibérico de La Loma del Escorial (Los Nietos, Cartagena),’ Archivo Español de Arqueología 65 (1992): 3-32. The
Polygnotos Group, like Polygnotos himself, may have received instruction directly from the Niobid Painter. What
distinguishes the painters of this group, Susan Matheson notes in her essay, ‘Polygnotos and his Group,’ is that, ‘all of these
early Polygnotan painters showed an originality that distinguished them from other members of the Niobid Painter's
workshop, inventing compositions or choosing subjects not seen among the works of their teacher or his fellows’
<http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.04.0015>.
14
Miriam S. Balmuth, Antonio Gilman, and Lourdes Prados-Torreira, eds, The Archaeology of Iberia in Transition (Sheffiield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1997); Margarita Diaz-Andreu and Simon Keay, eds, The Archaeology of Iberia: The Dynamics of
Change (London: Routledge, 1997); and Sanmartí, ‘Colonial Relations and Social Change,’ 68-69.
15
Named for a vase found on the island of Telos near Rhodes, the group is known for liveliness of drawing, as well as for its
use of subsidiary colours in large amounts. For information about this group, see Robertson, The Art of Vase-Painting, 273274.
16
Cabrera and Sánchez, ‘Greek trade with the Iberian world,’ 489; Hoi Archaioi Hellenes, 320 and 321; C. García Cano and
José Miguel García Cano, ‘Cerámicas áticas del poblado ibérico de La Loma del Escorial (Los Nietos, Cartagena),’ Archivo
Español de Arqueología 65 (1992): 3-32; Carmen Sánchez, ‘El comercio de vasos áticos en Andalucía oriental en el siglo IV
a.C.: El taller del Pintor del Tirso Negro,’ In Iberos y griegos: lecturas desde la diversidad. Internacional Symposium held in
Ampurias, 3 to 5 April 1991, coordinated by Paloma Cabrera, Ricardo Olmos, and Enric Sanmartí, Huelva Arqueológica
XIII (1994), 201-216.
17
Erika Simon, The Festivals of Attica: An Archaeological Commentary (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 2002), 5, 8,
19ff., 38, 74, 76ff., 83, 89f., 107f.
18
C. García Cano, and José Miguel García Cano, ‘Cerámicas áticas del poblado ibérico,’ 3-32.
19
Ibid.
Cabrera and Sánchez, ‘Greek trade with the Iberian world,’ 489-490.
21
Ibid. See also, Sanmartí, ‘Colonial Relations and Social Change,’ 64-68.
22
During the sixth century, especially in the years between 500 and 440 BCE, lekythoi and oinochoe are the preferred
forms, whereas, in eastern Andalusia of the fifth century there is a preference for cups and kraters that continues throughout
the fourth century (Cabrera and Sánchez, ‘Greek trade with the Iberian world,’ 483-492). See also, Sanmartí ‘Colonial
Relations and Social Change,’ 64-67, 70 and 72-76.
23
Francisco José Presedo, ‘Le necrópolis de Baza,’ Excavaciones arqueológicas en España 119 (Madrid, Ministerio de
Cultural, 1982), 66-86, plates 331 and 339-344.
24
Hoi Archaioi Hellenes, 387.
25
Presedo, ‘Le necrópolis de Baza,’ 66-86, plates 331 and 339-344. See also, Hoi Archaioi Hellenes, 72 and 77, fig. 48,
plate 17, 3 and 4 and Ricardo Olmos and B. de Griño, ‘El entorno póntico y la peninsula Ibérica. Aportaciones icnográficas
al problema de la helenización en Iberia y en el mundo escita,’ Archeologia XXXVI (1985): 43.
26
J.P. Demoule delineates this role in ‘La société contre les princes,’ in Les Princes la Protohistoire et l’émergence de
l’État: Actes de la table Ronde internationale de Naples, edited by P. Ruby, 125-134. Naples, 1994. Sanmartí, ‘Colonial
Relations and Social Change,’ notes further that there was a kind of conflation in which the ideology asserted that the
Iberian elites were intermediaries not only between the supernatural and natural realms, but also between foreigners and
indigenes and this allowed them to control trade and build wealth because of it (54).
27
Information on this painter is almost non-existent. The most recent catalog to mention this painter and his work is that of
Adolfo Dominguez and Carmen Sánchez. Greek Pottery from the Iberian Peninsula: Archaic and Classical Periods.
Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2001, 432. No further discussion of this vase painter is provided.
28
Sánchez, Ibid, 390.
29
By John Beazley, Attic Red Figure Vase Painters, Second edition (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1963).
30
Sánchez, ‘Greek Vases for Iberian Princes,’ suggests that the portrayal of the Greek warriors with their backs to the
viewers and their heads hidden behind their shields reflects the “mood” of the Athenians during the fourth century (389).
31
According to Sánchez, Ibid, an Iberian patron would associate this iconography with an aristocratic heroic combat.
Moreover, this krater was probably originally placed at the same height as the weaponry in the tomb on the floor at the
bench’s foot. See also, Presedo, ‘La necrópolis,’ 78-79, fig. 49, plate 17, 1 and 3.
32
Teresa Chapa, ‘Los iberos y sus prácticas funerarias,’ in Los iberos, catálogo del la exposición, (Madrid, 1997), 109-120;
Teresa Chapa and Juan Pereira, ‘La organización de una tumba ibérica: un ejemplo del la necropolis de Los Castellones de
Ceal (Jaén)’ in Arqueología especial. Coloquio sobre microsespacio, vol. 9 (Teruel, 1986), 369-385; Lynn Meskell, ‘The
Intersections of Identity and Politics in Archaeology,’Annual Review of Anthropology 31 (2002): 379-301; J. Pachón,, J.A.
Carrasco, and C. Aníbal, ‘Decoración figurada y cerámicas orientalizantes. Estado de la cuestión a la luz de los nuevos
hallazgos,’ Cuadernos de Prehistoria de Granada (1989-1990): 233-237, figs. 14 and 15; and Annette Weiner, Inalienable
Possessions: The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), passim.
33
‘Colonial Relations and Social Change,’ 52.
20
Images
Image 1. Penthesilea Painter, Kylix, c. 450 BCE. Ceramic, 11.2 cm. (4.4 in.) high x 37 cm. (14.6 in.) diameter at
border. Museo de Bellas Artes de Castellón (inv. no. 1762).
Image 2. Polygnotos Group, Krater, c. 440 BCE. Ceramic, 27 cm. high (10.6 in.) x 28.8 cm. (11.3 in.) in diameter
at the mouth x 14.3 cm. (5.6 in.) in diameter at the base. Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid (inv. no. 33439).
Image 3. Telos Group, Krater, c. 375-350 BCE. Ceramic, 41 cm. (16.1 in.) high x 42 cm. (16.5 in.) in diameter at
the mouth. Museo Arqueológico Municipal de Cartagena (inv. no. 3.682).
Image 4. Black Thyrsus Painter, Krater, c. 375-350 BCE. Ceramic, 37 cm. (14.6 in.) high x 35 cm. (13.8 in.) in
diameter at the mouth. Museo Arqueológico Municipal de Cartagena (inv. no. 3.684).
Image 5. Greek, Krater, c. 375-350 BCE. Ceramic, 40.7 cm. (16 in.) high x 41.6 cm. (16.4 in.) in diameter at the mouth
x 20.4 cm. (8 in.) in diameter at the base. Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid (inv. no. 1969/68/27).
Image 6. Quintain Painter, Krater, c. 375-350. Ceramic, 41.8 cm. (16.5 in.) high x 42.7 cm. (16.8 in.) in diameter at the
mouth x 20.5 cm. (8 in.) in diameter at the base. Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid (inv. no. 1969/68/28).
Image 7. Near to the York-Reverse Group, Krater, c. 375-350 BCE. Ceramic, 41.4 cm. (16.3 in.) high x 41.6 cm. (16.4
in.) in diameter at the mouth x 17.5 cm. in diameter (6.9 in.) at the base. Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid (inv. no.
1969/68/29).
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Dena Gilby is a full professor of Art History at Endicott College. Her research is broad-based covering a variety of
choronological periods, but is united by its focus on the ways that artists and cultures construct and contest identity.