The War on Alcohol in South America: Anti

Transcripción

The War on Alcohol in South America: Anti
WORLD HISTORY DISSERTATION WORKSHOP, JUNE 13TH – 25TH, UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH
PROPOSAL, SÖNKE P. BAUCK, ETH ZÜRICH
The War on Alcohol in South America:
Anti-Alcohol Activists in Uruguay, Argentina and Chile
c. 1890-1940
Index
Abstract..................................................................................................................................................................... 1
1.
Introduction ................................................................................................................................................... 2
2.
Background..................................................................................................................................................... 3
Modernizing nascent nations with positivist science .......................................................................... 3
3. Actor centered approach: The expert activists ........................................................................................ 6
3.1 The Expert activists getting organized: the Anti-Alcohol Network................................................ 8
The rise of associations in the cono sur.................................................................................................... 8
Social reform networks .................................................................................................................................. 8
4.
Historiography............................................................................................................................................ 10
5.
Research plan............................................................................................................................................... 12
5.1 Sources .............................................................................................................................................................. 12
5.2 Timetable ......................................................................................................................................................... 14
5.3 Chapter outline .............................................................................................................................................. 16
Sources .................................................................................................................................................................... 17
Bibliography and Sources.................................................................................................................................. 18
Abstract
From late 19th century on, anti-alcohol activities in Latin America were especially strong in
Mexico and in the countries of the cono sur. By looking at this early civil society movement
from a global perspective, we can draw Latin America on the map of the world history of global
movements and ideas. As part of an activism evolving globally in different settings, it can
provide an example of how globally diffused ideas interrelate with local concepts of vice and
political or religious causes.
1
This project looks at the transnational connections of individuals that I term expert activists. By
looking at this group, I combine the study of local reform activism and international missionary
movements, with analysis of scientific exchange, both within the cono sur region and beyond.
As interfaces between the local and the global, they can provide answers about how global
norms were being framed. These individuals where active in a transnational discourse and
locally engaged in anti-alcohol activities. They constituted a network of scientists, socialists,
temperance activists, united in the fight against alcoholism. Science and political as well as
evangelical movements are to be looked at in its interrelated character.
The anti-alcohol movement in its heterogenic, cross-sectional character - from anarchists and
Good-Templars to evangelical missionaries - can provide us with insides of transnational
activism that went beyond political fractions, possibly bringing together seemingly
contradicting streams on different social strata. By looking at the late 19th and early 20th century
anti-alcohol movement from a world or global history perspective that combines the study of
transnational connections with comparative research, the research project on the “Global AntiAlcohol movement”1 wants to complement and also contrast traditional approaches of national
historiography on one of the earliest global civil society movements.
1. Introduction
In modern history, Latin America is generally to be considered as a simple receiver or reflection
of European or North American currents of ideas. Its role in world history is mostly reduced to
the Columbian exchange, economic history and the history of migration. But the various
different regions within Latin America in its polarized post-colonial societies (old “Creole” elites
vs. indigenous populations; contested by massive immigration and a rising middle class in
some regions) provide unique examples on how the transcontinental exchanges of ideas about
social reform are being shaped in a setting of independent “Creole” government, distinct to the
history of the British Empire, still dominating world history. Though characterized by
This project is part of “The Global-Anti Alcohol Movement, 1870-1940”. Regional case studies will be
conducted on India, Eastern (Bulgaria, Russia) and Central Europe (Switzerland).
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2
asymmetrical power relations, the exchanges with other world regions should be explored
more broadly.
Defining certain substances like alcohol as deviant from the norm depends on the sociocultural setting. Coca gives an example on how international conventions and local customs
can differ fundamentally in the case of Bolivia. The Chinese case of the successful repression of
opium consumption might lead us to the question what the broad alliances of anti-alcohol
activists have accomplished. But maybe the perspective of Prohibition as the “American success
story” is misleading. Comparing different national or regional settings can show that the main
discursive frames for constructing a universalist cause as well as the social and political
objectives of anti-alcoholism highly differed. Anti-alcoholism became in very different ways
connected to struggles for rights and negotiations of identities, which took place in particular
constellations and thus cannot be analyzed from an international perspective only. The antialcohol movement in the cono sur can show how Latin American social reformists were
connected as a Pan-American movement and to other world regions.
2. Background
The cono sur can be considered to be a region of closer ties within, than towards their northern
bordering neighbors, what makes it interesting to look at the exchanges within that region,
where we can still differentiate between the River Plate vs. the Pacific as two areas. My focus
will be on capitals as centers of sociability that permitted new forms of associationalism and as
nuclei of the production and exchange of knowledge. Many of the individual actors I am
looking at were part of the first graduates in medicine from the universities created in the last
quarter of the 19th century. Faster communications enabled these expert activists to exchange
within the region and participate in transcontinental debates.
Modernizing nascent nations with positivist science
The battle against alcohol was a global issue which was informed by the discourses of social
purity, public health, and eugenics. Often designed as a cosmopolitan project of improving and
3
uplifting mankind, the anti-alcohol campaigns display an increasing “medicalization” of the
individual drinker as well as of the population at large and thus reflect the impact of social
Darwinism and of the growing popularity of positivist science, as well as racial thinking. To
reformists, like the expert activists, positivism seemed to provide the ideological justification for
an “internal civilising mission” to overcome the countries’ “backwardness” (Zimmermann 1992;
1995) They targeted alcoholism, prostitution and crime as the social evils that were purportedly
enslaving the inhabitants and endangered the nations’ prospects.
Campaigners against alcoholism based their arguments on statistics as neutral and irrefutable
arguments, weighing heavy in a time of increasing belief in the power of positive science.
European as well as North-American scientific discourse on alcoholism and regulation policies
were received in the region and constituted models of modernization to emulate, as imagined
by the reformers.
Contemporary statistics on the enormous amount of alcohol consumption show why alcohol
was perceived as a menace to society and humanity at large. It threatened to ruin all efforts of
modernizing projects and therefore became itself target of reforms. By looking at the spaces of
sociability with alcohol consumption in the port cities of Buenos Aires (Walter 1993; Gayol
2000; Ben 2007), Santiago de Chile (Collier and Sater 1996; Walter 2005) and Montevideo we
can see the fear of degeneration and decline embodied in the immigrant male alcoholic
(Solberg 1969; Baily 1999). The colonial marker of racial superiority vs. inferiority (Quijano
Obregón 2000) seemed to be transferred through the nation-building process from the almost
entirely extinguished Indians (Bunge 1911) 2 and uncivilized gauchos to the unwanted
immigrants. Popular discourse in theatre and the press was clearly shaped by positivist science
and moral beliefs, as seen e.g. in the mala vida-discourse (Cleminson 2009; Cleminson and
Peris 2009). Expert activists played an important role in disseminating scientific findings to the
public sphere.
The Argentinean sociologist Carlos Bunge was convinced that the question of the remaining indigenous
people, who were considered to be inferior races, would be solved by their sheer extinction through
degeneration caused by alcoholism and other miseries.
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4
On a discursive level, social reformers made reference to the human race and the respective
“national races”. The idea of a common “Latin race” (Doyle and Pamplona 2006) in a romantic
Argentinean nationalism was accompanied with the fear of racial degeneration fostered by
socio-medical discourse. At the beginning of the 20th century, Argentinean as well as Chilean
nationalist writers saw in alcohol a danger to the nation’s prospects. In Raza Chilena, Nicolás
Palacios links the future of the Chilean race to successful campaigns against alcoholism
(Palacios 1918). Alcohol was considered as “racial poison”, a common notion also in North
America (Valverde 2000), or “poison of intelligence”, used in 1888 by the French physician
Maurice Legrain who allegedly discovered the hereditary effects of alcoholism (Beltrán 1929).
As deviant behaviour, alcoholism had a variety of dimensions, depending on the actors’
background. Self-restraint was therefore a common motif in anti-alcohol campaigns. The
motivation behind it went from reasons to be able to fight the political struggle, to live a
religiously fulfilled life, to have sober men as productive work force, or as fathers who take a
responsible role as breadwinners for the family. The connection between individual and social
illness made the “chronic alcoholic” a tangible example for propagators of national decline and
racial degeneration.
On international conferences and exhibitions the urban elite tried to showcase the countries’
progress (Vallejo 2007). In this logic, to overcome the alcoholic disease, that hold grip on all
civilized nations, would mean a giant step forward in the steady progress of mankind and only
a small step away from surpassing the European example of modernity. The modernizing
project with its new institutions and programs was supported by the state thanks to the
political will of the conservative elites and an increasing state budget through economic
growth. Positivist science provided the rationale to state policies that could also include
eugenics 3 (Stepan 1991; Eraso 2007). At the beginning of the 20th century, the application on
society as objective of science was undoubted and even connected to ideologies like socialism
Nancy Stepan’s conclusion that applied Eugenics has not been implemented in Argentina above all
because of catholic beliefs has recently been contested by Yolanda Eraso. How far Eugenics were not only
discussed, but put into practice in the case of alcoholics will be also interesting to find out.
3
5
(Ferri 1894)4. But a distinction of secular scientific and religiously motivated activism cannot so
easily be made, as the example of the progressive Women’s Christian temperance Union tells
us (Tschurenev 2011).
3. Actor centered approach: The expert activists
As a case study within a broader project framework, I opted for an actor centered approach on
the expert activists who connected the different levels of analysis. This might be a promising
methodology to look at border-crossing civil society movements in Latin America from a world
history perspective. In a nutshell, the idea is to analyze forms of anti-alcohol activism across
borders, located within each socio-cultural setting of the three capitals, carried out by expert
activists in various organizations.
By introducing a new category that I term expert activists I would like to refer to Michel
Foucault’s specific intellectual, whom he defines as pertaining to the petite bourgeoisie, or as an
organic intellectual of the proletariat, and who sets the rules of the production and circulation
of knowledge through his position as scientist in a public employment (Foucault and Defert
2001). Adding to that, I assume that the new generation of physicians received a high esteem at
the end of the 19th century and therefore could shape public discourse and give strong
arguments to campaigners against alcoholism.
The specific intellectual stands in contrast to the universal intellectual of the early 19th century.
He is linked to the state or capital through his competences as physician, judge or teacher
which is why universities become increasingly politicized. Adding to that, I assume that the
new generation of physicians received a high esteem at the end of the 19th century and
therefore could shape public discourse and give strong arguments to campaigners against
alcoholism.
Through an intertwined moralist-science discourse, activists of the social reformer’s movement
used channels of interaction provided by transnational networks of socialists, anarchists or
Strong influence on Argentinean scientific discourse had the Italian Criminologist and Socialist Enrico
Ferri.
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scientists. It is this group of specific intellectuals or expert activists that interests most in my
study. The majority of these transnational activists, like Paulina Luisi, Augusto Bunge or Angel
M. Giménez (Bunge 1912; Luisi 1918; Giménez 1933), had a degree in medicine, were publishing
in medical journals and presenting on international congresses like the two International
Congresses against Alcoholism celebrated in Montevideo in 1918 and 1948. Important public
employees like Domingo Cabred5 travelled in official missions to Europe or North America to
study the public health or educational system (Malamud 1972). The institutional involvement
goes from advisory to central roles played, for example, by Emilio R. Coni, who was Buenos
Aires’ leading hygienist with an extensive publishing output (Coni 1887; 1897; 1918; 1918; 1920).
Socialists like Bunge and Giménez were active in the worker’s university Sociedad Luz,
organizing anti-alcohol education among workers. The question remains for my study how far
transnational expert activists themselves were campaigners on a “grass roots” level and if they
took up local knowledge and experiences into the transnational discourse.
As an outstanding example of “grass roots” activism could be Gabriela de Coni, Emilio Coni’s
wife, who was a feminist activist in Buenos Aires. She was campaigning for better working
conditions of female workers. Her role in a transnational discourse on social-hygiene/-reform
has been not explored so far. As an activist, she targeted alcoholism and bad housing
conditions in the first years of the century. She was linked to the socialist party and became the
first female sanitary inspector (Beezley and Ewell 1997). How gender relations are closely linked
to class struggles has been examined by Karin A. Rosemblatt for the Chilean case (Rosemblatt
2000).
In the project, the expert activists will be key to explain the relationship between the local and
the global. As an interface between these levels, their discourse and actions can exemplify the
shaping of global norms and the possible conflicts with local identities and the feedback on
transnational actors. By asking what kind of policies the expert activists promoted and how they
engaged with governmental regulation, I want to characterize the different streams in the
Director of the Buenos Aires’ mental hospital “Hospicio de las Mercedes”, who travelled for the first time
to Germany in 1889 to study the “open-door”-psychiatry.
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movement. The question of different streams of activists fighting for the same cause, but
having conflicting backgrounds, will be discussed in the project.
3.1 The Expert activists getting organized: the Anti-Alcohol Network
The rise of associations in the cono sur
Scientific associations, political parties, mutual aid societies and Temperance lodges were rising
in the cono sur during the second half of the 19th century. They provided platforms and channels
of communication to social reformers. Whereas the earliest organizational form in civil society
consisted of mutual aid societies in Argentina, at the same time we find in Chile lodges as
widespread form of civil society organization (Carmagnani 2011), that dates back to the preindependence period. From the 1850s on, we can trace activities for a trans-Pacific connection
through Masonic Lodges from the US (Couyoumdjian Bergamali 1995). The National Leagues
against Alcoholism possibly had as point of reference in the institutional creation the French
Ligue Nationale Contre l’Alcoolisme or the Suisse Ligue Patriotique contre l‘Alcoolisme. Expert
activists were informed on social reform issues in other places. Being respected for their
“cosmopolitanism of science” they could influence the organization’s course.
Social reform networks
Compared to the Abolitionist movement, generally considered to be the first in transnational
activism (Keck and Sikkink 1998), anti-alcohol activities reached a wider scale on a global level
and on different levels and across all political factions within societies. It can be therefore
considered to be as one of the first civil society organizations active on a grass roots level as
well as across national borders and continents. My hypothesis is that there was a particular
approach original to the cono sur- anti-alcohol movement, still different within the national
contexts of Uruguay, Argentina and Chile (Bayly 2004). 6 It was characterized by the
modernizing project and an increased nationalism and xenophobia against immigrants, as well
as the social struggles of the working class. Positivist science as a common belief system
As Christopher Bayly identified different regional interpretations of Socialism, Marxism and Positivism
within Europe and in China, this was certainly the case in the nascent nations of the cono sur.
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connected the activists through a social-hygiene discourse on alcoholism exchanged on
congresses and in journals, like the Archivos de Psiquiatría, Criminología y Ciencias Afínes 7. On
the local level we find activists from explicit National Anti-Alcoholism Leagues over anarchists
to evangelical groups who also used scientifically based arguments. There might have been a
network of anti-alcohol activists that brought together the interests to uplift morality, to
improve race, society, family, nation or the working class.
The expert activists were present within a framework of a wider set of social reform movements
and scientific and political networks (Coni 1918) 8. They can be considered to be the knots in the
networks. Expert activists contributed to the creation and dissemination of local and foreign
knowledge. According to diffusion theory, we can differentiate between stronger and looser
positions in the networks – depending on the degree of connectedness. An example of the
connection between Eugenics and anti-alcoholism provides Victor Delfino, who was a GoodTemplar, representative of the World League against Alcoholism and according to his
contemporary Emilio Coni, the most ardent campaigner against alcoholism. He contributed to
the Scientific Congress in Montevideo (Delfino 1907) and published on the dangers of
alcoholism in the Archivos and La Semana Medica. He was also the founder of the Eugenics
Society and visited the first International Eugenics Congress in London (1910).
As part of the anti-alcohol activism I will look at the lobbying for anti-alcohol legislation, the
creation of institutions and the introduction of anti-alcohol education. A comparative analysis
of anti-alcohol propaganda material in form of leaflets, posters, etc. can provide us with good
insights of the transfer of ideas. This analysis will be applied on the cono sur and later within
the broader spectrum of the project. If there were sources that provide a view on the reactions
of alcoholics to the “civilizing” attempts, I would like to take this aspect into account. The
Kapuziner, Bavarian missionaries working with the Mapuche, imposed dry zones within their
missionary zones before 1910 (Noggler 1973; Raschert 1985; Arellano Hoffmann 2006). As for the
A scientific journal based at the criminological institute in Buenos Aires that published articles from the
Americas and Europe. There was no clear distinction between the disciplines of criminology, sociology,
medicine and psychiatry.
8
Here the organizational entanglements have to be looked at, as Emilio Coni indicated, that the Liga
Nacional contra el Alcoholismo has been a founded out of the Liga contra la Tuberculosis.
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9
Prohibition issue, the relation between missionaries and the indigenous population will be part
of the analysis on Chile.
4. Historiography
The temperance movement9 has been widely studied for the US-American case (Levine 1978;
Gusfield 1984; Tyrrell 1991; Fahey 1996; Szymanski 2003; Klein 2008; Fahey 2010). Other
historians dealt with national anti-alcohol histories in Europe (Prestwich 1988; Campos Marín
1997). Ian Tyrrell is one of the few historians studying the transnational or global character of
the movement by analyzing the international role of the Women’s Christian temperance Union
(Tyrrell 1991). Tyrrell has shown the missionary role of American Christian organizations within
what he calls the American Moral Empire as part of the protestant evangelical reform
movement (Tyrrell 2010). But even his analysis does not take into account the reform
movement’s role in Latin America. Nor does the latest Encyclopedia on Alcohol and temperance
in Modern History (Blocker, Fahey et al. 2003). Another attempt of transnational study on the
Global Prohibition Wave comes from Mark Schrad, a political scientist who examines the role of
transnational anti-alcohol organizations in the cases of Russia, Sweden and the US (Schrad
2010).
For my study, I would like to take up the thesis put forth recently by Thomas Welskopp on the
American Prohibition. He explains the success of the movement in part with the coordinating
role of the Anti-Saloon-League which was able to mobilize and separate “culturally almost
incompatible grass-root-milieus” (Welskopp 2010). Was there a central coordinating effort
within the networks?
I would like to disentangle the different kinds of appropriations and transcontinental
exchanges and ask for the outcome of the specific anti-alcohol activism in form of own
initiatives (e.g. educational campaigns), and as far as it is possible within the research
In my study, the temperance movement does not only encompass temperance organizations in a strict
sense, like the Good-Templars. Due to various affiliations and double memberships, I will focus on the
individuals’ activities also as socialists, anarchists or feminists.
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framework, on state policies. Transnational anti-alcohol activism through feminists, socialists
or scientific networks can shed a new light on this version of national historiography.
There has been no research on the Latin American anti- alcohol movement from a
transnational world history perspective. In describing studies that are restricted to the national
level, I intend to show approaches that give me a starting point to bring together the diverse
strings.
Anti-alcohol activities and the social-hygiene discourse are discussed by Diego Armus for the
health reform in Buenos Aires, where alcoholism was linked to tuberculosis (Armus 2007). In
analyzing discourse on alcoholism, he distinguishes social reformers and Catholics from
anarchists and socialists who fought for sobriety as a sort of proletarian ethic (Armus 1996).
With my findings so far, I would contest this view and point out the discourse of socialists as
reformers. Dora Barrancos describes the socialists’ fight for better working conditions and the
role of the worker’s university Sociedad Luz, where classes on the prevention of alcoholism were
taught (Barrancos 1996). In one chapter on the anti-alcohol movement, Hector Recalde is the
only historian who works out the scientific discourse of socialists like Augusto Bunge (Recalde
1994). He comes to the conclusion that the movement could not succeed in implementing
prohibition or other restrictive measures because of the opposition by bar associations and
wine producers. Juan Suriano refers to anarchists efforts of creating free time activities without
alcohol (Suriano 2009). From the Criminology perspective, Rafael Huertas Garcia-Alejo (GarciaAlejo 1991), as well as Julia Rodriguez (Rodríguez 2006), follow the positivist discourse and
mention measures of repressive police action.
On Chile, it is basically the work of Marcos Fernandez Labbé that lay ground for my research on
temperance activism in the Pacific area (Fernández Labbé 2005; Fernández Labbé 2007). He has
worked out the social and economical dimensions and the relation to state within the context
of alcohol consumption and regulatory practices. He stresses the role of temperance lodges and
associations and their presence in political debates, as well as their influence on legislative
measures and the surveillance of them. In one chapter, Thomas M. Klubbock deals with dry
11
zones imposed in the microcosm of the mining industry, where American companies
prohibited the consumption of alcoholism and fostered “responsible” family structures. This
policy resulted in workers leaving the mining area to “amuse” themselves with drinking and
prostitution (Klubock 1998). Temperance is also mentioned with Stefan Rinke, who deals with
the subject within the context of hygiene and health reform. Though prohibitive measures had
been installed before the Volstead-Act, its implementation in the US was followed in detail and
had an impact on national policy. Rinke argues that opinions were exchanged between the USAmerican example of modernization and the US as antipode to the new national identity.
Opponents of anti-alcohol measures argued against the domination by foreign influences and
wine producers advertised their product as part of the national culture(Rinke 2004).
5. Research plan
5.1 Sources
Temperance periodicals
Central in the analysis of the TTN will be the publications, above all the journals of the
temperance organizations:
In Chile: El defensor social, Memorias de la Liga Nacional contra el Alcoholismo;
in Uruguay: Guerra al alcohol: órgano oficial de la Federación Antialcohólica del Uruguay;
in Argentina: Lazo Blanco de América (Liga Nacional de Templanza, Buenos Aires).
All of these and other journals are located in the Rutgers Anti-Saloon League Collection of
temperance and Addiction Studies Periodicals at Brown University, being the most promising
archive I will look into in the US.
Scientific discourse on alcoholism
The Argentinean science is considered to be the most advanced in Latin America at the
beginning of the 20th century (Novoa and Levine 2010). After the first researches conducted on
the alcoholism discourse researches in the Ibero-American Institute (IAI) in Berlin, I can only
support this thesis. Therefore, Buenos Aires will be at the centre in my analysis of a
transnational scientific discourse on alcoholism. At the IAI, the whole run of the Archivos de
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Psiquiatria y Criminologia and broad material on the criminalizing discourse about alcoholism
(Beltrán 1929) is available.
To complete the scientific discourse about alcoholism, I will look at articles from La Semana
Médica, the second most important journal in the region, according to Julia Rodríguez
(Rodríguez 2006), which I located at Harvard University. In Chile the discourse on the
implementation of disciplining measures on alcoholics is reflected in various dissertations as
Fernández Labbé has already examined (Fernández Labbé 2005). Relying on his findings, I
would only look at aspects which can bring a new perspective on the connection between
medical discourse and civil society activism.
In Buenos Aires, the most important archives will be the Archivo General de la Nación and the
University of Buenos Aires medical school library and archive. In the medical archive I want to
take a look at La Semana Medica and examples of alcoholic diseases, put forward in the medical
discourse, only complementing the discourse of the Archivos. For an overview of thesis I will use
the Cátalogo de la colección de tésis, 1827-1917 (at the Colección Candioti in the Biblioteca
Nacional) and the Bibliografía doctoral de la Universidad de Buenos Aires y catálogo cronológico
de las tésis en su primer centenario 1821-1920. Apart from traces I will follow after reviewing the
temperance periodicals, I want to look at source material about the workers university Sociedad
Luz and the possible role of the Museo Social on implications through anti-alcohol education. In
the Archivo de la Municipalidad de Buenos Aires I will consult the series Salud Pública, Gobierno y
Cultura for municipal government policies on hospitals and the pathology museum, to find out
about expert activists like Augusto Bunge, who was working at the Hygiene Department.
Transnational Temperance Activism
At the IAI, I could find a translation of Alcohol and the Human Race published by the Unión
Mundial de Mujeres Pro- Temperancia, which was probably the name of the World WCTU in
Spanish (Hobson 1919; Hobson, Salteraín et al. 1924). Activities of WCTU activists 10 could be
found in Uruguay as well: From the National Library of Madrid, I could obtain the proceedings
Jana Tschurenev, working on the WCTU within the ETH-project, will look into WCTU archives in
Evanston, IL and contribute to my collection of sources about their activities in the region.
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of the 1st regional congress on Alcoholism (1918). The late International Congress against
alcoholism was held in 1948, its proceedings are available at the IAI (Liga Nacional Contra el
Alcoholismo 1948).
At the NY Public Library, Augusto Bunge’s discourse on alcoholism at the socialist centre might
be a promising source (Bunge 1912). For the socialists temperance efforts, I can also rely on the
publications of Angel M. Giménez (located at the IAI), who was a central figure at the workers
university Sociedad Luz, publishing various books on social reform (also on the “white slavery”
issue) and an important collection of propaganda material (Giménez 1917; 1919; 1927; 1933;
1938). At the Library of Congress I might be able to find pamphlets on temperance in a
collection on non-US-American temperance propaganda.
For the issue of alcohol regulation, I have already located several legislative initiatives (Palacios
1909; Valle Iberlucea 1916) and laws, especially the Chilean alcohol law (Ministerio de Hacienda
1902), that need to be analyzed against the background of temperance and Prohibition
campaigns. The popular discourse through print media might provide us with a different
perspective on the alcohol issue. I would like to look selectively into the daily press and weekly
magazines (like Caras y Caretas in Argentina or Zig-Zag in Chile) around certain events, e.g. the
“Pan-American week against alcoholism” or public speeches of activists. Also in this part, I will
consider the campaigning against temperance or alcohol restrictive measures, e.g. by bar
owners or wine producers.
In Chile, it is especially the Biblioteca Nacional and the Biblioteca del Congreso that will provide
me with the most sources. Other archives still need to be found with support of Marcos
Fernández Labbé. In Uruguay it will be the Archivo general de la Nación, I will look into for the
temperance organizations and especially Paulina Luisi’s correspondence.
5.2 Timetable
Month
January 2011
February
March
Activity
Reading of secondary literature
Archival research at the Ibero-American Institute
Examination of sources and presentation at the research
colloquium on Extra-European History
14
Place
Zürich
Berlin
Zürich
April
May
June
July/ August
September
October
November
December
Participation at the Spring School (11th-14th) at the German
Historical Institute and the following Global History-Congress
(14th-17th) at the London School of Economics
Presentation of the paper “Alcoholismo, la causa principal del
delito: Buenos Aires, c. 1910-1920” at the symposium
“Violencia Urbana, los jóvenes y la droga“, Monte Verità
World History Workshop 12.-25.6.
London/
Zürich
Archival research at the NY Public Library, Columbia Law
Library and Brown University (Rutgers Anti-Saloon League
Collection of temperance and Addiction Studies Periodicals)
Archival researches in Argentina, Uruguay and Chile:
In Buenos Aires: Archivo General de la Nación
Archivo Médico de la Universidad de Buenos Aires,
Archivo de la Municipalidad de Buenos Aires;
Sociedad Luz, Hospital de las Mercedes
New York/
Providence
Zürich/
Ticino
Pittsburgh
Buenos
Aires/
Montevideo
/ Santiago
de Chile
In Uruguay: Archivo General de la Nación (v.a. zu Paulina Luisi)
January 2012
February
March
April
In Santiago: Biblioteca Nacional, Biblioteca del Congreso
Examination of archival researches
Working on the manuscript
July
August
Additional research at IAI
Work on manuskript
September
October
November
Additional archival research in situ
December
Preparation of papers
Zürich
Berlin
Zürich/
Buenos
Aires,
Montevideo
or Santiago
de Chile
Planned presentation “First-wave Feminism and Troubled
Masculinities? Postcolonial and non-Western Perspectives on
temperance and Gender” (title tentative) at the American
Historical Association’s Congress
Zürich/
New
Orleans/
Bern
Presentation at the Schweizerische Geschichtstage
February
March
April
/
Preparation of the international Conference, 1st- 4th of April:
Fighting Drugs, Drink, and Venereal Diseases: Transnational
Social Movements and the Defense of Society (c. 1870 to 1950)
Hannover/
Berlin
Presentations at the Free University Berlin and
Leibniz University Hannover
Mai/ June
January 2013
Zürich
Ticino /
Zürich
Work on the manuscript
15
Mai
June
July
August
First version
Revision of first version
Proof reading
Completion of the PhD-thesis
5.3 Chapter outline
1. Introduction (20pp)
2.

Statement of the problem/ argument

State of the art: „National“ temperance historiography, early civil society
movements

Anti-alcohol campaigning on a global level

Methodology: Actor centered approach

Start narrative with activist’s / “drunkards’”- history

Background of immigration and nation-building; Alcohol and alcoholism in spaces
of sociability; Mala vida -discourses on the “male alcoholic immigrant”; Lodges and
mutual aid societies; Liberal reform projects and the interpretations of socialDarwinism and neo-Lamarckism
Transnational scientific discourse
3. Campaigning on the global and the local level: the expert activist (100pp)

Linkage between socialism, anarchism and science

Anti-alcohol/temperance activists in the context of other social reform projects

The expert activist as agent of local and global social change: activities through
education and campaigning

The national arena: lobbying for alcohol regulation
4. Anti-Alcohol Organizations and Networks(80pp)

Social-hygiene discourse on alcoholism: Criminology, Sociology and Psychiatry

Connections within the region and on a transcontinental scale

Comparison to European and US- American Temperance activities

Appropriations of local knowledge and practices in transnational discourse?
5. Conclusion (20pp)
16
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