The farming system and traditional agroforestry systems in the Maya
Transcripción
The farming system and traditional agroforestry systems in the Maya
Agroforestry Systems 49: 275–288, 2000. 2000 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands. The farming system and traditional agroforestry systems in the Maya community of San Jose, Belize V. LEVASSEUR and A. OLIVIER* Département de phytologie, Faculté des sciences de l’agriculture et de l’alimentation, Université Laval, Sainte-Foy (Québec), G1K 7P4, Canada (*Author for correspondence: E-mail: [email protected]) Key words: cacoa, homegarden, household perspectives, milpa, participatory observation, qualitative research Abstract. Shifting slash-and-burn agriculture is likely one of the main causes of forest degradation in southern Belize. Although many development projects have attempted to reduce the impacts of agriculture on the tropical rainforest, the situation is still a cause for concern. A study of the farming system of the San Jose Maya community was therefore carried out to examine agricultural production in its social, cultural, economic, and political context. Results demonstrate that agricultural production contributes to forest degradation because of the limited availability of agricultural land, the low level of investment in agricultural production, the land tenure system, limited marketing opportunities, and the exclusion of Mayas from the country’s political and economic domains. Agroforestry could, however, offer a partial solution to the problem of forest degradation. Three types of traditional agroforestry systems are practised in San Jose: the milpa (a slash-and-burn agriculture system), cacao (Theobroma cacao) cultivation under shade trees, and the homegarden. These traditional agroforestry systems almost entirely meet a family’s needs for food and wood, and generate at least 62% of family income. Improving the productivity of these systems could help to reduce pressure on the forest in southern Belize. Introduction The forests of Belize cover slightly more than 85% of its surface area – an enviable situation when compared to neighbouring countries in Central America (FAO, 1997). The vast majority of these forests, situated in central and southern Belize, are tropical rainforests. On a worldwide scale, tropical rainforests constitute an important reservoir of biodiversity, and play a nonnegligible role in climate regulation and soil protection. Moreover, they are an important source of wood, medicinal plants, and all kinds of natural products (Gomez-Pompa et al., 1972; Bruntland, 1989; Boot, 1997). The rate of deforestation in Belize is relatively low, i.e., approximately 0.25% per year (FAO, 1997). In the Toledo District of southern Belize, the main cause of this forest degradation is slash-and-burn agriculture, as practised by the Maya population (Arya and Pulver, 1993). Traditional slash-andburn agriculture is a sustainable system as long as there is a balance, within a given area, between population growth and availability of land (Nye and Greenland, 1960; Kalpage, 1974; Lambert and Arnason, 1980; Raintree and Warner, 1986; Palm et al., 1996), so that the number of years that the soil is 276 under cultivation is offset by a long enough fallow period for the soil to recuperate its original fertility. In Toledo District, a high rate of population growth (2.7% per year) contributes to the breakdown of this balance, and leads to the problem of forest degradation. Even though four international development projects, within the last 20 years, have proposed several practices to curb the degradation process, large areas of primary forest are still being converted into agricultural land. In order to counteract forest degradation, it is essential, in such a context, to thoroughly understand the Maya agricultural production system. To this end, we chose to adopt the ‘farming system’ approach, which considers agricultural production as one significant component of a more complex system (Dupriez, 1982; Jouve, 1988; Mazoyer and Roudart, 1997). According to Dupriez (1982), the farming system encompasses a wide range of factors, rules, social relationships, and production relationships within a community in which the main activity is agriculture. To discern the connections between agricultural production and the social environment in which it takes place, Dupriez (1982) suggests organizing the information gathered on a community and its agriculture into four subsystems that revolve around a central nucleus of the families that practice agriculture. First, all the factors that arise from within the community, which have an influence on agricultural production, must be identified. These factors are classified into three subsystems: social, cultural, and agricultural. Second, all the factors that arise from outside the community, which have an influence on agricultural production, are classified into a fourth subsystem, the macro social, political, and economic subsystem. In the present study, the agricultural production of a Maya community in the Toledo District was investigated in this manner, paying particular attention to social, cultural, political, and economic factors that have a determining influence on agricultural production. Particular attention was also devoted to the agroforestry systems traditionally used by the Mayas. Many agroforestry systems seem to protect the soil better than monocultures, while also conserving the area’s tree and shrub species (Nair, 1993). Therefore, agroforestry could serve as an interesting starting point for increasing the intensity and diversity of agricultural production in a sustainable development context. This study allowed us to quantify the importance of these systems in the meeting of a family’s needs. Materials and methods Study area The study was carried out in the Maya community of San Jose, in Toledo District. The community is located inland, at the foot of the Maya Mountains chain, 25 km from the coastal city of Punta Gorda. The surface relief surrounding the community is rugged, and agriculture is generally carried out 277 on slopes with 5 to 25° gradients. The soils contain a large quantity of montmorillonite clay, and are prone to compaction and hydric erosion. Average annual precipitation is 3100 mm and the average temperature is 25.7 °C (Meteorological Service of Belize, 1996). The village was established in 1954, when four families started to cultivate a territory then covered by primary rain forests. In 1997, the community of San Jose had 132 families, which included about 900 people. Its territory includes the land between nearby villages and the Columbia Forest Reserve. For this reason, any expansion of the community’s agricultural land is made at the expense of the reserve’s tropical rain forest. Participatory observation This data collection technique falls into the category of qualitative research methods. We chose to use an active type of participatory observation because it allows the researcher, who shares the daily life of the villagers and their various agricultural production activities, to become the main research instrument. During two visits to the village (from February to April, then in June and July, 1997), participatory observation was used to gain an understanding of community functioning and dynamics. Living with families in San Jose also helped in understanding dynamics within the family. Through participatory observation, data was gathered on family diet, decision-making mechanisms, division of labour, community work, and the functioning and dynamics of the community. Semi-structured interviews The objective of these interviews was to identify different factors influencing agricultural production. An initial series of interviews was conducted with 20 women and men from the community. The information gathered had to do with the different social, cultural, economic, and political factors that influence the type of agricultural production practised by the farmers. Information on agricultural production itself was also gathered in order to develop a questionnaire. A second series of interviews was conducted with individuals from outside the community to obtain data on markets for agricultural products, agricultural politics, land allocation mechanisms, technical aid available to farmers, and groups promoting Maya rights. Following this, interviews based on a questionnaire were conducted with 20 heads of households chosen randomly among the 124 families of the community whose main activity is farming. A meeting was first held with each selected family to explain the research objectives, to set up a meeting for the questionnaire interview, and to respond to any questions raised by the survey. This step enhanced the willing participation of family members during subsequent visits, and improved the validity of responses obtained. The questionnaire was about agricultural production as a whole: cultivating operations, 278 crop yields, livestock, local market prices, family income, family diet, and different production strategies. Data gathered were used to evaluate the importance of traditional agroforestry systems in the production system of community farmers. Inventory A complete inventory was carried out on plant species selected by family members and found in the space reserved for the homegarden, a traditional agroforestry system. Species were identified, and their physical placement in the garden, their frequency, and intended uses were recorded. This inventory was carried out with 18 of the families who participated in the interviews, but was done at a later time so as not to interfere with the survey procedure. Analysis of results Documentary analysis and descriptive statistical analysis were the main tools used to compile information gathered during the research. Documentary analysis was used to classify the field data into different categories, which were constructed according to the farming system concept. Research results were presented according to these different categories to facilitate understanding of the cultural, socioeconomic, and political factors that influence families when they make a decision about agricultural production. As for descriptive statistical analysis, it was used to establish a general picture of agricultural production and to evaluate the importance of traditional agroforestry systems in meeting a family’s needs. Results and discussion The macro social, political, and economic subsystem Economic activity and development programs in Belize are concentrated in the north, and focus on agricultural production of the country’s main exports: sugar cane, oranges, and bananas (Government of Belize, 1996). Two indicators of the economic health of Belizeans, unemployment rate and poverty level, accurately reflect the imbalance that exists between northern and southern Belize. As a result, the rate of unemployment, and the percentage of the population that is poor or very poor, is much higher in Toledo District than in the rest of the country (Government of Belize, 1996; Kairi Consultants Limited, 1996). In fact, in the community of San Jose, only 6% of the population has a full-time job. Twenty-five percent of the farmers that we encountered, however, stated that they have part-time employment. In most cases, these jobs are located in San Jose itself (school, small store, tourist related activities, etc.) 279 Toledo District also has the highest concentration of Mayas, who make up 65% of the population. Although the Mayas represent 11% of the national population, they had no government representative in 1997. In fact, the interests and demands of the Mayas tend not to be heard by the decision-makers, which further accentuates the imbalance between northern and southern Belize. Another factor affecting the Maya population and its agricultural production is the way in which land is held. Land in the Toledo District, except for a few private plots and Indian reserves, is owned by the State, which disposes of it as it sees fit. These Indian reserves, which only the Mayas have the right to exploit, were established in 1868 by British authorities, and cover 311.5 km2 (Berkey, 1994). However, the population has grown since that time, and many Maya villages, including San Jose, are not located in the protected area. Thus, 60% of the families that were interviewed said that they have no ownership rights to the land that they exploit agriculturally; the other families have a long-term rental agreement. It should be noted that the rental agreement does not exclude the government from allocating these lands to other interests, particularly to forestry companies or private individuals. As far as providing support for agricultural production, there is one Ministry of Agriculture station in the district where two extension agents and a veterinarian must cover the entire territory of Toledo. Some experiments are in progress at this station to find favourable associations between fruit trees and food crops. The objective of these experiments is to increase the income of rural families, while assuring the continued presence of woody species in the agricultural area. However, since there are few human resources available to promote such practices, traditional crops are still favoured by the producers. The choice of crops produced also depends on the marketing potential of these products. In the Toledo region, there is a Marketing Board for Rice that allows farmers to sell their products at a relatively good price. Organic cocoa beans have also found buyers thanks to a fair trade agreement between the Toledo Cocoa Growers Association (TCGA) and the Green & Black Company. For other agricultural products, the market is more limited, and consists mainly of the local market in San Jose and the market in Punta Gorda. Some farmers, however, said that they go as far as Guatemala to sell their supplies of beans (Phaseolus vulgaris) and corn (Zea mays). Although their products are sold there for a lower price than it would be in Belize, the farmers are assured of selling their entire stock. The end result of this macroeconomic, political, and social context is that the Mayas living in Toledo District are excluded from the domain of political decision-making, and hence, the domain of economic decision-making. They have only a few employment possibilities outside of the agricultural sector, receive only a minimum of technical aid, and have no access to credit since they do not hold ownership title to their land. 280 The cultural sub-system Maya culture is marked by a reciprocal exchange of labour (Lévi-Strauss, 1971). Many activities are carried out in community, such as the bigger farming tasks (land clearing, sowing, and harvest), construction, food preparation by women during community work projects, festivals, etc. In San Jose, 80% of the families that were interviewed said that they participate in community projects, which guarantees a sufficient labour force for agricultural work when the need arises. Tradition dictates that men who help in agricultural work are not remunerated. However, the family being helped must feed the workers at midday. A family that does not participate in community work must hire the necessary labour and pay $5 US per day per person. The Mayas not only live in community, but seem to live for the general well-being of the community. This means that a personal initiative or a project that is geared to the success of only a few individuals will not be immediately accepted by the community. Individuals that try to differentiate themselves, and their families, may find that they become increasingly isolated from the rest of the community (C. Wright, pers. comm., 1996). Division of labour according to gender is also determined by Maya culture. Men claim responsibility for all agricultural production. They make the decisions concerning agricultural planning, and provide most of the labour. We also observed that they are usually responsible for gathering firewood and for building houses. Women are not very involved in field work unless there is a significant labour shortage. They devote themselves above all to the function of social reproduction, which is entirely their responsibility, taking charge of children’s education, all household tasks, thereby ensuring the continuity of family life. They are also involved in the marketing of agricultural products, and have recently taken up various economic activities to generate enough income to meet increasing family needs. For example, several women got together and formed an association that acquired a mill for grinding corn. This mill generates a little income for that group of women and the ones who use the mill no longer need to grind the corn themselves, thereby saving a significant amount of time. The social sub-system Social development of a community depends, among other factors, on access of its members to education and health care. These two factors are also important for the success of agricultural production. Thus, the health of family members can make the difference between a good or a poor harvest (Vosti and Witcover, 1996). The village of San Jose has a primary school for all children, boys and girls. For further schooling, children must go to the city of Punta Gorda or to the capital. The village also has a small medical clinic that is lacking in medication and personnel. Complete medical care, which is only available in the city, is relatively costly for families from San Jose. 281 From a structural viewpoint, several groups can be noted in the village. Surrounding the chief (the Alcade), who oversees proper community functioning, the village council originates projects to improve the quality of life for its inhabitants. Recently, for example, the village council promoted the complete replacement of local, free-ranging pigs by hybrid pigs in pens. Other men formed groups to organize, among other things, the bringing of tourists to the village. Some of the women, for their part, also formed groups for various handicraft production and marketing activities. The agricultural sub-system In San Jose, 124 of the 132 families in the village (94%) depend on agriculture for their subsistence. The types of agricultural activities observed in the village are traditional. The cornerstone of Maya agriculture is without a doubt the milpa, a method that allows them to cultivate corn, rice (Oryza sativa), and beans. Most families also make use of a homegarden and keep some livestock. A significant proportion of these families also cultivate cacao under shade trees, and engage in market gardening. The milpa The milpa (meaning ‘corn field’ in the Aztec language) is a traditional type of slash-and-burn agriculture in which the soil is left in fallow after each crop. In San Jose, 75% of the farmers said that they leave the soil in fallow for an average period of five to seven years. The soil is usually cultivated for a period of one year; only 5.6% of cultivated areas are put back into cultivation for a second year, usually for production of beans. In 1996, the area devoted to milpa was about 2.4 ha per producer. Slightly less than a tenth (8.6%) of the total area cleared by the producers that were interviewed was taken from the primary forest area. Clearing is carried out during the dry season (from February to April) with the use of an axe and a machete. During clearing, any woody species that are of interest to the community are kept in the field. This is the case for Orbignya cohune which is quite resistant to fire once the lower leaves are removed. The burn takes place at the end of April, just before the first rains. Corn is sown a few days afterwards to take advantage of nutritive elements in the ashes. The producers do not feel it is necessary to weed the corn, since the burn controls a good part of the weed seed bank. Harvest takes place between October and December, and the corn is stored in the field or at the house. Producers report significant losses during storage, which vary between 10 and 50% of production. These losses are due mainly to insects and birds. Poorer quality seeds are used to feed the pigs and chickens, or are sold as animal feed. However, the price obtained is much lower than the price of good quality corn seeds. Eighty percent of producers cultivate rice, which is sown just after the corn. Weeding takes place a month later, usually by means of a chemical herbi- 282 cide. Harvest and removal of seed hulls takes place between October and the beginning of December, before the corn harvest. Beans are sown in September and harvested in November. A second crop of beans is grown between January and March. Fifty and 80% of producers grow the first and second crop of beans, respectively. The producers that we met market about a quarter of their corn production and half of their rice (Table 1). It is interesting to note that corn, which requires less work, is mainly consumed by the family, whereas a larger proportion of rice, which is more demanding in terms of labour, is sold to the Marketing Board. In fact, more than half of rice producers marketed over 70% of their production. For many years it was believed that subsistence farmers did not need to sell any of their products (Dove, 1983). However, the entry of communities into the market economy has increased the dependence of subsistence farmers on monetary resources (Raintree and Warner, 1986). For this reason, a portion of agricultural production is now marketed in order to generate income. In San Jose, 95% of the producers that we met confirmed that they sell at least one product that comes from the milpa, and 25% of them sell up to three or four such products. A second corn crop, the matahambre (meaning ‘to kill hunger’), is sown after the first harvest in November. The matahambre is usually grown in the same plot year after year. For this reason, the second corn crop is different from the first crop in the milpa. Producers report that it is possible for them to grow the matahambre in the same plot because this corn is closely associated with leguminous cover plants, such as mucuna (Mucuna spp.) and kudzu (Pueraria phaseoloides). The legumes are cut before sowing the matahambre, and left on the soil as a mulch. These legumes provide the soil with a significant supply of organic material and nutritive elements, protect it against erosion, and may help improve its structure (Barreto, 1994; Bunch, 1994; Buckles, 1995). Yields observed are, however, definitely lower than those obtained with the first corn crop. Producers explained to us that this was likely due to damage Table 1. Median values for surface areas cultivated, yield and work time, and proportion sold for the various crops in the milpa and matahambre in San Jose, Belize, in 1996. Crop Area cultivated (ha) Yield (kg ha–1) Work time (days man ha–1) Proportion sold (%) Corn Rice Beans Ia Beans IIb Matahambre 1.62 0.60 0.08 0.14 1.20 1238 1504 0910 0726 0420 14.5 37.7 66.0 33.6 15.3 25 49 16 27 00 a b First bean crop (September–November). Second bean crop (January–March). 283 caused by the wind. Nevertheless, it seems that lower yields obtained with the cultivation of matahambre limit the possibilities of adopting this more sedentary cultivation system, as long as there is land available for the milpa. On the other hand, matahambre associated with leguminous cover plants has been widely adopted by farmers in a nearby village, who had no more land available for the milpa. Cacao under shade trees The Mayas have cultivated cacao under shade trees since they first domesticated the species (Hammond, 1978). Today, the Mayas of San Jose still cultivate cacao in the same way, which slows down the development of the cacao plant and hence spaces out its production over time. It is, in fact, an ideal mode of production for small producers, who do not always have the means to obtain the very expensive chemical inputs required for higher yields (Mossu, 1990). In Toledo District, cocoa producers are grouped together into the Toledo Cocoa Growers Association (TCGA). The objective of this association was to facilitate the sale of cocoa beans after a drastic drop in market prices in the early 1990s. It now has a fair trade agreement with an English company, Green & Black Co., which is committed to buying the entire production on the condition that it is organic. In 1997, producer members of the association received $2.15 per kg of organic cocoa beans, whereas the market price was $1.90 per kg. It should be noted that Green and Black Co. was in negotiations with TCGA concerning the purchase of other organic products. In spite of good marketing potential, we observed a low average production from the cacao plantations; the average yield was slightly less than 70 kg of beans per ha. Producers stated that they devote little time (less than 10 days per year for 70% of them) to management of cacao plants, shade trees, and soil fertility in their cacao plantations because of the low yields obtained. It is a kind of vicious circle, since the small amount of time devoted to cacao plantation management is in part responsible for the low yields obtained. Homegarden The selection of plant species retained in the homegarden is made in July, when the area around the house is cleared of brush. In San Jose, we noted an average surface area of 0.65 ha per homegarden. Each homegarden has an average of 30 different species and 240 total individuals. In the 18 homegardens that we inventoried, 164 different plant species were identified. The majority of these plants are shrubs or perennials. Table 2 shows the number of different species inventoried in terms of their intended uses. In these gardens, there is a clear predominance of plant species whose intended use is for food, such as guava (Psidium guajava), avocado (Persea americana), Musa spp., Citrus spp., coconut (Cocos nucifera), mango (Mangifera indica) and pimento (Capsicum frutescens). This characteristic indicates the importance of the homegarden for diversifying the family diet. Next we find species, mostly perennials, which serve as construction material 284 Table 2. Uses of different plant species inventoried in 18 homegardens in San Jose, Belize, in 1997. Use Number of species inventoried Food (fruit trees and shrubs) Food (except fruit) Construction material Firewood Medicinal Fertilizer Ornamental Cultural Others 036 029 029 028 008 007 006 004 017 Total 164 (Orbignya cohune, Cordia alliodora) or firewood. The producers said that they were aware of the increasing scarcity of certain species, and thus of the necessity to keep them in their gardens. The other species present, although fewer in number, are also important for various reasons such as treating common ailments, fertilizing the soil (Gliricidia sepium), or because they have some cultural value, etc. In general, products that come from the homegarden are intended for family consumption. Small livestock can also be found around the homegarden, especially poultry (80% of producers interviewed) and pigs (75% of producers interviewed). Seventy percent of producers also own a horse. Certain market-gardening species are also present in the homegarden, but more intensive vegetable production is generally found away from the house, near the milpas. For several years, market gardening has grown in intensity, and villagers who carry out this practice (40% of producers interviewed) mainly grow tomatoes (Lycopersicon esculentum), cabbage (Brassica oleracea), peppers (Capsicum annuum), and cucumbers (Cucumis sativus). It is important to note that the sale of market-gardening products accounts for more than 50% of these producers’ total income. It is also worth mentioning that hunting and gathering products in the forest are important activities for the Mayas of San Jose. Wild animals are one of the main sources of protein in their diet, while forest plants provide wood, medicinal products and additional food. The family and its requirements In San Jose, the basic consumption and production unit consists of an average family of seven to eight persons, including the parents and children. We calculated that such a family consumes, on average, 22 kg of corn per week. It should be noted that corn is the staple food in the Maya diet. According to the yields observed for corn cultivation (milpa), an area of about 0.92 ha is 285 needed to meet this requirement. This is in agreement with findings from previous studies on Maya communities (Cowgill, 1962; Morley, 1975). The family diet is rounded out by rice, beans (produced in the milpa), other homegarden products, livestock, and hunting and gathering in the forest. When a family raises livestock, an additional supply of corn is required to feed the animals. In San Jose, 60% of the families interviewed told us that they were meeting their food needs by means of agricultural production. Other families must be in a position to generate enough income to satisfy their food requirements. It should be noted that all of the families interviewed stated that they needed money on a weekly basis. On average, they said they required $18 US per week, in 1997, to cover ordinary household expenses (sugar, flour, soap, clothing, and school supplies). There are also occasional major expenses for events such as marriages, deaths, sickness, secondary and higher education, etc. These expenses are generally not planned for in the family budget. To meet these expenses, families have to sell part of the agricultural production normally intended for family consumption, or work as agricultural labour when that is possible. However, in most cases, they have to borrow money from other people in the village who have greater financial means. This is in accordance with the fact that only 10% of families said they have a little money put aside. On the other hand, San Jose farmers do not have access to any form of credit from financial institutions, since they do not hold ownership title to their land. For this reason, the level of investment in agricultural production (outside labour, chemical inputs, livestock, agricultural supplies) is low. A financing system did exist at one time in San Jose for the purchase of chemical inputs. However, this financing opportunity ended at the same time as the development project that had promoted it. Finally, San Jose farmers reported to us that they have increasing needs for access to good agricultural land. Sixty percent of them stated that the availability of agricultural land is the most limiting factor in increasing agricultural productivity, whereas 40% claimed a lack of labour was responsible. However, it is the scarcity of fertile agricultural land, due to the increase in the number of families in the village, that has pushed 35% of the farmers that we met to acquire rental agreements for their land. In fact, 70% of the farmers that were interviewed foresee serious problems 20 years from now regarding the availability of fertile agricultural land, if current agricultural practices are not changed. The importance of agroforestry systems Family nutrition is primarily based on corn, a food that is found at each meal in one form or another. As noted before, a family must cultivate an average of 0.92 ha of corn to meet its dietary needs. This need seems to be completely satisfied by milpa production, since the average area planted in 286 corn by a family in San Jose is 1.62 ha. Other important foods in its diet, such as beans and rice, are also grown in the milpa. The homegarden also provides an important source of food diversity. In fact, data show that at least 80% of the family diet comes from the three agroforestry systems identified in San Jose, namely, the milpa, cacao cultivation under shade trees, and the homegarden. San Jose families depend mostly on woody plants for firewood and construction material. They stated that they need, on average, 0.25 m 3 of firewood per week; 70% of families obtain their supply directly from the milpa, from trees that were cut down and left on the ground during clearing. For construction material, 75% of families obtain their supply from the secondary forest (milpa in fallow period), or from both the secondary and primary forest. On the other hand, many families keep trees for wood production in their homegardens. The agroforestry systems of San Jose therefore represent an important source for wood supplies. Finally, the family sells a portion of its agricultural production to generate income. Thus, the sale of agroforestry products contributes to the family income. In fact, 62% of the total income of the 20 producers that were interviewed came from the sale of agroforestry products. Traditional agroforestry systems therefore have considerable importance for families of the San Jose community. Conclusion The study demonstrates that villagers in the community of San Jose possess a very thorough understanding of the environment in which they live. This understanding shows up particularly in the complex composition of the homegardens, and in the numerous products that they derive from the primary and secondary forest to feed themselves, build their houses, treat their ailments, etc. However, a variety of constraints arising from the social, cultural, economic, and political environments in which they live have determined that agriculture, as practised by the Mayas today, contributes to the degradation of the forests and the environment. The main constraints identified are limited availability of agricultural land, a low level of investment in agricultural production, the system of land tenure, limited marketing opportunities, and the exclusion of Mayas from the country’s political and economic domains. These constraints, when associated with the growing needs of rural families for monetary resources, are at the heart of an ever-increasing pressure on the ecosystem. In order to reduce this pressure while at the same time improving the villagers’ quality of life, it is thus important to take into account all of the socioeconomic, cultural, political, and environmental factors that have been highlighted as having an impact on the San Jose Mayas’ agricultural production. 287 One of the main limiting aspects of agricultural production in the region is the availability of good quality agricultural land. However, the results of the present study show that traditional agroforestry systems constitute the main source of food, wood supplies, and income for San Jose community members. It could therefore be worthwhile to intensify the production of these systems to avoid increasing the size of cultivated areas. Particular attention should also be paid to establishing permanent farming systems, such as orchards, and cacao and coffee (Coffea arabica) under shade trees. Training workshops on cacao plantation management, organic production techniques, the introduction of new species into homegardens, and improved fallow techniques in the milpa could be offered to producers. However, it would be essential to increase available human resources in order to offer high quality technical support to farmers. Before being able to make these changes, however, it would be necessary to know more about the process of adoption of new agroforestry technologies in Maya communities. In communities in which the reciprocal exchange of labour is important and where individuals usually try to avoid being isolated from the rest of the group, this process is likely to be different from what is encountered in other types of communities. Enlightening this process would enable development organisations to target people who are more likely to adopt their new technologies and have an influence on the overall adoption of these technologies in their own community. Acknowledgements We would like to thank the families of Raymundo Peck and Justino Peck, who were an indispensable source of support and information during our research. We also wish to thank the Alcade of San Jose and all the community members for their invaluable co-operation, as well as Allen Genus of the Belize Ministry of Agriculture and consultant Jorge Cawish for their support. 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